VZCZCXRO0505
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2553/01 3092305
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 052305Z NOV 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7265
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 9611
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 7256
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 1075
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 4484
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 7767
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1706
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 8364
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 7873

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 002553 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/05/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) U.S. cannot afford to let Futenma relocation plan go off the 
rails; regrets its initial flexible stance that "gave too much hope" 
to Japan (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(2) Okinawa poll: 57 PERCENT  want local referendum on Futenma 
relocation (Mainichi) 
 
(3) Agitated public opinion on Futenma relocation (Part 2): Nago 
mayoral election to reveal citizens' "true sentiments"? (Mainichi) 
 
(4) Interview with Daniel Okimoto, emeritus professor at Stanfold 
University: Japan, U.S. should promote public-private cooperation in 
environmental technology area (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) U.S. cannot afford to let Futenma relocation plan go off the 
rails; regrets its initial flexible stance that "gave too much hope" 
to Japan 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Abridged slightly) 
November 5, 2009 
 
Nakahiro Iwata, Washington 
 
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada was hoping to hold a Japan-U.S. 
foreign ministerial to search for a breakthrough in the deadlocked 
issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station (in 
Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture) ahead of President Barack Obama's visit 
to Japan on Nov. 12. If the current situation persisted, there would 
be almost no chance for the Futenma issue to move forward. This 
article examines the circumstances of the United States, which is 
determined to implement the existing plan to build a replacement 
facility on the coastal area of Camp Schwab (in Nago), adhering to 
the intergovernmental agreement. 
 
U.S. "welcomes" Japan's aid 
 
The White House National Security Council (NSC) held a high-level 
inter-agency meeting on Oct. 29-30 to conduct in-depth discussions 
on policy toward Japan. According to a diplomatic source, it was 
agreed upon at the meeting to give the go ahead to Okada's plan to 
visit to the U.S., and the decision was conveyed directly to the 
Japanese government. However, this expression of "welcome" was based 
on expectations for Japan's aid programs for Afghanistan, according 
to the diplomatic source. 
 
The White House, the State Department, and the Defense Department 
were in agreement on the relocation of Futenma, a priority issue. On 
Oct. 20 Secretary of Defense Robert Gates pressed Okada for the 
swift implementation of the existing plan, offering no room for 
compromise. 
 
Okada proposed the idea of integrating Futenma Air Station with 
Kadena Air Base. Gates seems to have indicated that there is no 
leeway for studying the idea, pointing out difficulty operating 
Kadena's aircraft and the Martine Corps' helicopters from Futenma 
side by side. 
 
TOKYO 00002553  002 OF 009 
 
 
 
A strategic mistake by U.S. 
 
The U.S. government thinks that it might have given the Hatoyama 
administration too much hope. Washington's strong backlash comes 
from such a "strategic mistake," according to a source familiar with 
Japan-U.S. relations. 
 
Immediately after the Hatoyama administration was launched, 
Assistant Secretary of State (for East Asian and Pacific Affairs) 
Kurt Campbell showed his understanding, saying, "It will take 
several months for the new Japanese administration to become fully 
functional. We have to be patient." Clinton, too, indicated that any 
administration has the right to change policies. During a Japan-U.S. 
foreign ministerial held in New York in late-September, Clinton 
demonstrated a flexible stance and a willingness to respond to a 
call for talks, while indicating that the existing agreement is the 
basic premise. 
 
During his stay in Japan, Gates took a stern attitude, saying, 
"Without the Futenma relocation, there will be no relocation to Guam 
or return of land in Okinawa." The statement was partly intended to 
correct the initial misleading stance. 
 
Shadow of Afghanistan 
 
The Japan-U.S. agreement reached in May 2006 stipulates, "The 
individual realignment initiatives form a coherent package." The 
realignment of U.S. forces in Japan is part of the ongoing post-cold 
war global transformation of U.S. forces. The United States fears 
that if the Futenma relocation is stalled, the entire plan will be 
wrecked, like a line of dominoes falling down. 
 
The war in Afghanistan, which claimed the lives of 56 U.S. service 
members in October, the highest number on record, is casting a 
shadow over the Futenma issue. "Finding himself under pressure to 
make a critical decision on sending additional troops to 
Afghanistan, President Obama cannot afford to think about issuing an 
order on the Futenma relocation that would hamper the capability of 
the U.S. military," former NSC Senior Asian Director Michael Green 
said. 
 
U.S. force realignment and the plan to send additional troops are 
directly linked to military spending. For this reason, the President 
cannot afford to antagonize Congress. 
 
The Department of Defense appropriations bill for fiscal year 2010 
(October 2009 - September 2010) includes some 378 million dollars 
(approximately 34 billion yen) for relocating 8,000 Marines from 
Okinawa to Guam, among other plans. If the Futenma relocation does 
not move forward and Congress does not approve the budget bill, the 
relocation plan will be called off. 
 
The U.S. government's policy course is not to be overly concerned 
about settling the matter before the President visits Japan and to 
avoid delving deeper into the topic during the upcoming summit 
talks. Nevertheless, the clock is ticking for the Democratic Party 
of Japan administration. 
 
(2) Okinawa poll: 57 PERCENT  want local referendum on Futenma 
relocation 
 
 
TOKYO 00002553  003 OF 009 
 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged) 
November 3, 2009 
 
In a recent public opinion survey jointly conducted in Okinawa 
Prefecture by the Mainichi Shimbun and the Ryukyu Shimpo, 70 PERCENT 
 of respondents called for the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, to be moved out of Okinawa 
Prefecture or out of Japan. Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama takes this 
survey result seriously. "This is what shows the voice of Okinawa 
Prefecture's people," Hatoyama said. On the other hand, he also 
touched on the fact that Japan and the United States reached an 
intergovernmental agreement on the Futenma relocation when the 
now-opposition Liberal Democratic Party was in office as the 
governing party. "The agreement between Japan and the United States 
is also of crucial importance," Hatoyama said. As seen from this 
remark, Hatoyama is apparently wavering in his thinking on the 
matter. He has shown a stance of attaching importance to public 
opinion in Okinawa Prefecture. The question is how he will pave the 
way to resolve the Futenma issue. His government, however, has yet 
to determine its course of action for the issue. 
 
"As a matter of fact, many of the people in Okinawa Prefecture want 
the government to negotiate (with the U.S.) to move Futenma airfield 
out of Okinawa Prefecture or out of Japan," Hatoyama told reporters 
yesterday evening at his office. Meanwhile, he also referred to the 
current plan to relocate Futenma airfield to a coastal area of Camp 
Schwab in the Henoko area of the island prefecture's northern 
coastal city of Nago. "I can see local people feeling that the 
Futenma relocation to Henoko might be acceptable if the construction 
site is moved several tens of meters," Hatoyama added, with regard 
to Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima's call for the relocation site's 
offshore move. "I will give an answer from among the various 
options," he reiterated. 
 
On Oct. 16, Hatoyama told reporters that he will attach importance 
to popular opinion in Okinawa Prefecture. "We will need to reach a 
conclusion sometime between Nago City's mayoral election (in January 
next year) and Okinawa Prefecture's gubernatorial election (in 
November next year)," he said. In the survey, respondents were also 
asked what they thought would be the best way to explore popular 
opinion in Okinawa Prefecture. To this question, however, 57 PERCENT 
 of the respondents pointed out the need for Okinawa Prefecture to 
hold a "local referendum" on the Futenma issue. Among other answers, 
Okinawa Prefecture's gubernatorial election ranked second at 13 
PERCENT , with the election for the House of Councillors (in July 
next year) at 7 PERCENT  and Nago City's mayoral election at 6 
PERCENT . Hatoyama has shown his stance of factoring in the outcome 
of Nago's mayoral election. However, most respondents nixed his 
wait-and-see attitude. 
 
Commentary: Poll results show high expectations for premier 
 
The survey results show the high expectations of Okinawa 
Prefecture's people for Prime Minister Hatoyama, who advocated 
relocating Futenma airfield outside Okinawa Prefecture or Japan in 
his campaign for this summer's election for the House of 
Representatives. The survey results cannot be simply compared with 
those in the past, but in light of past data the local population 
strongly tends to call for Futenma airfield to be moved out of 
Okinawa Prefecture. Prime Minister Hatoyama should take the local 
people's expectations seriously. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002553  004 OF 009 
 
 
In 1996, the Japanese and U.S. governments agreed to relocate 
Futenma airfield away from its current location. In 1998, former 
Okinawa Gov. Keiichi Inamine, who accepted Futenma relocation within 
Okinawa Prefecture, won the gubernatorial election. As a result, the 
move for Futenma relocation accelerated. At the time, the government 
decided to install a sea-based alternative facility within the 
offing of Nago City's Henoko area to take over the heliport 
functions of Futenma airfield. In a Mainichi Shimbun poll conducted 
in November 1999, respondents were asked if they would accept 
Futenma relocation within Okinawa Prefecture. In response to this 
question, local public opinion was split, with 45.7 PERCENT 
answering "yes" and 44.1 PERCENT  saying "no." 
 
However, Futenma relocation made no headway. In 2005, the Japanese 
and U.S. governments put out an interim report on the realignment of 
U.S. forces in Japan. In the report, the relocation site for Futenma 
airfield's alternative facility was changed to a coastal area of 
Camp Schwab, which is closer to local communities than the initially 
planned Henoko offshore site. This modified relocation plan was the 
biggest point at issue in the November 2006 gubernatorial election. 
In a public opinion survey conducted in Okinawa Prefecture at that 
time, the proportion of those who want the Futenma base to be moved 
out of Okinawa Prefecture or abroad reached 60 PERCENT . 
 
Eventually, Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima, who accepted Futenma relocation 
to another place within Okinawa Prefecture, won the gubernatorial 
race. This outcome, however, reflected the actual circumstances of 
Okinawa, where the wishes of local people for base realignments or 
reductions and for state-budgeted economic development measures were 
complicatedly entangled, but the then government would not change 
its firm stance of relocating the Futenma base to Henoko. 
 
This time around, a political party that is calling for Futenma 
airfield to be moved out of Okinawa Prefecture has become the 
governing party for the first time. Okinawa is now free from the 
fetters of Futenma relocation within the prefecture. The latest 
survey was conducted under these circumstances. It may safely be 
said that the results show the local population's feelings. 
 
(3) Agitated public opinion on Futenma relocation (Part 2): Nago 
mayoral election to reveal citizens' "true sentiments"? 
 
MAINICHI (Page 24) (Full) 
November 5, 2009 
 
Teruhisa Mimori, Yoshichika Imoto 
 
Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro, 63, replied angrily to reporters 
trying to ask him questions in front of the Umusa community hall in 
Nago City, Okinawa on the evening of Oct. 31: "The question is what 
the national government wants to do. The government is taking the 
wrong approach by seeking our opinion." Shimabukuro was invited as a 
guest to a gathering to honor senior citizens. 
 
Just 30 minutes before, in front of the community hall's entrance, 
former Nago education board chairman Susumu Inamine, 64, was shaking 
hands with people arriving for the gathering. Both Shimabukuro and 
Inamine have announced their candidacy in the Nago mayoral election 
that will take place on January 24, 2010. Shimabukuro, who accepts 
the relocation of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan 
City) to Henoko in Nago City and is supported by the Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP) and New Komeito, almost bumped into Inamine, 
 
TOKYO 00002553  005 OF 009 
 
 
who advocates the relocation of the Futenma base out of Okinawa and 
whom the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has decided to support. The 
election campaign has effectively been launched. 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama keeps saying he will "make a final 
decision based on the Okinawan people's sentiments" and has cited 
the Nago election as a barometer of popular will. Shimabukuro's 
remark that the government is "taking the wrong approach" reflected 
his frustration with the Hatoyama administration's indecision on the 
relocation issue. If a decision is deferred to after the mayoral 
election, this will be the fourth mayoral race to gauge the popular 
will on the relocation issue. 
 
The Tokyo government pressured Nago with a package of economic 
development measures tied to Futenma relocation. Economic measures 
for northern Okinawa were linked to the plan for Futenma's 
relocation to waters off Henoko while special U.S. Forces Japan 
(USFJ) realignment subsidies were linked to the plan to relocate to 
the coastal area (of Henoko), which is closer to residential 
districts. Nago has a population of 60,000. It is a key city in the 
northern part of the main island of Okinawa, but its development has 
lagged behind southern and central Okinawa. Ten percent or 
approximately 2.7 billion yen (in FY07) of the city's revenues is 
related to U.S. bases, so coexistence with the bases is the city's 
basic stance. That is also the reason why the city has accepted the 
coastal area relocation plan, whose conditions are less favorable 
than the offshore plan. On the other hand, the repeated 
carrot-and-stick tactics have sharply divided public opinion, and 
the local people have mixed feelings. 
 
The political map of the mayoral race, in which Yasushi Higa, 65, a 
part-time university instructor endorsed by the Japanese Communist 
Party will run in addition to Shimabukuro and Inamine, is also 
complicated. 
 
Inamine is a conservative who served as treasurer and education 
board chairman under the late Mayor Tateo Kishimoto, who accepted 
Futenma relocation. He is backed by conservative municipal assembly 
members who are dissatisfied with Shimabukuro's administration of 
the city. When he announced his candidacy in late September, his 
position on Futenma relocation was ambiguous: "Relocation out of 
Okinawa is the best option, but I will seek a review of the current 
plan." 
 
In mid-October, Inamine began to talk about "demanding relocation 
out of the prefecture." This was at a time the DPJ and the Social 
Democratic Party (SDP) decided not to field a common candidate of 
the ruling parties and began to approach Inamine to offer their 
support. On Oct. 31, the DPJ Okinawa chapter decided to endorse 
Inamine, while the SDP is also contemplating doing the same. The 
three-way split of the candidates - one supported by the LDP and New 
Komeito, one supported by both conservatives and reformists, and one 
supported by reformists - is similar to the last election in 2006. 
 
However, the decisive difference is that this election is taking 
place after the change of administration in Tokyo. Reformist Okinawa 
Prefectural Assembly member Yoshikazu Tamaki (elected from Nago), 
who supports Inamine, says: "Past mayoral elections were held under 
an administration that was forcing the Henoko relocation plan on 
Nago. This time, such pressure is gone." He reckons that Hatoyama's 
own words have opened Pandora's Box, so the citizens will now 
express their true sentiments. A housewife, 60, who came to the 
 
TOKYO 00002553  006 OF 009 
 
 
Umusa community hall for the gathering to honor the elderly, said 
she cannot make up her mind. "My relatives are in the construction 
business, so I have voted for the candidate favoring the relocation 
plan in consideration of the city's economic development. But deep 
in my heart, I don't like the military bases. However, is relocation 
out of Okinawa or out of Japan really possible? For now I am still 
thinking it over." 
 
What is the best way to gauge popular opinion in Okinawa on Futenma 
relocation? In a recent joint public opinion poll conducted by 
Mainichi Shimbun and Ryukyu Shimpo in Okinawa, 57 percent of 
respondents answered "a referendum," 13 percent cited the 
gubernatorial election, while only 6 percent said the Nago mayoral 
election. Popular opinion on the relocation issue should not be 
gauged through elections of local leaders. That seems to be the 
popular opinion in Okinawa. 
 
(End of two-part series) 
 
(4) Interview with Daniel Okimoto, emeritus professor at Stanfold 
University: Japan, U.S. should promote public-private cooperation in 
environmental technology area 
 
NIKKEI (Page 8) (Full) 
November 5, 2009 
 
Ahead of the planned visit to Japan by U.S. President Obama, what 
kind of vision is the U.S. going to formulate for its relations with 
Japan? The Nikkei interviewed U.S. Stanford University Emeritus 
Professor Daniel Okimoto. He has given policy advice on Japan to 
Ambassador John Roos, who assumed the post as a close friend of the 
President. 
 
-- What do you expect of the Japan-U.S. relationship? 
 
Okimoto: The U.S. and Japan are the world's largest and second 
largest economic powers, so their economic cooperation is expected 
to generate great opportunities. But their cooperation is now 
limited to such areas as trade, intellectual property rights, 
capital transfer, and foreign exchange transactions. The two 
countries should also cooperate in eco-technology, for example, in 
generating renewable energy, building next-generation 
power-transmission cables, computerizing the means of transport, and 
saving energy in office buildings. The administration of President 
Barack Obama sees these areas as new opportunities for economic 
growth. 
 
-- Do you think it is possible for Japan and the U.S. to share roles 
in the environment field? 
 
Okimoto: Japan and the U.S. can take the initiative in various 
technical areas. Japan is strong in battery-related fields, so its 
technologies can be used in manufacturing electric cars, trains, and 
other means of transport. The U.S. is good at next-generation 
power-transmission cables and renewable energy. If the two 
countries' private firms work together, a wide range of 
possibilities will be created. 
 
-- Does Ambassador Roos take a similar view about Japan-U.S. 
cooperation in the environmental technology area? 
 
Okimoto: The Ambassador takes a very positive view. He has extensive 
 
TOKYO 00002553  007 OF 009 
 
 
ties to people in this area. Ultimately, the private sector should 
take the initiative, but the two governments can make arrangements 
or establish a wise men's forum for companies to meet and discuss, 
or can set up a task force to draft policies, discuss problems 
related to regulations, and work out technological standards. 
 
-- Will atomic power generation and the transfer of Bullet 
Train-related technologies also be areas of cooperation between 
Japan and the U.S.? 
 
Okimoto: Of course, atomic power generation is categorized as clean 
technology. There is no reason for the Obama administration to 
refrain from promoting cooperation in this area. Bullet 
train-related technologies naturally will be included in the list of 
areas for bilateral cooperation. In areas besides the environment, 
the list will include biotechnology and programs to conquer cancers 
and to contain new strains of infectious diseases. 
 
-- Looking at the present Japan-U.S. relationship, a rosy future 
seems unlikely for the bilateral relationship. 
 
Okimoto: In the 1960s, the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty was revised. 
In the 1980s, the Japan-U.S. relationship was in a period of 
"Japan-bashing." In the 1990s, the bubble economy collapsed, and the 
Japanese economy was beset by deflation. In the context of 
Japan-U.S. relations, these events were important turning points, 
and the relationship is also at a critical crossroads at present. 
The global economy is teetering on the brink of collapse. The 
instability of the political situation tends to bring about 
political change. The change of government in Japan can be cited as 
one example of this trend. Even so, I do not think that the measures 
taken by the government led by the Democratic Party of Japan with 
the aim of soliciting public support, such as child allowance and 
free high school education, will contribute to resolving problems. 
 
-- How do you view the Hatoyama administration's stance toward the 
U.S.? 
 
Okimoto: The key is whether it will become possible for Japan and 
the U.S. to maintain a "new balance" in the next two years, but 
seeing the present situation, I have to take a pessimistic view. I 
am worried about the present situation in which the focus of 
attention is only on such issues as Japan's refueling mission in the 
Indian Ocean, the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station, and secret nuclear accords. Japan and the U.S. should try 
to build a relationship of trust as soon as possible. 
 
The Obama administration has been saddled with other problems, for 
instance, those related to Iraq and Afghanistan. If the Japan-U.S. 
alliance turns into a "troublesome issue," the President will come 
under fire at home, and eventually his discretionary power over 
issues related to Japan will, in my opinion, become circumscribed. 
 
(5) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Abridged) 
November 2, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures are percentages. Parentheses denote the results of the last 
survey conducted Sept. 16-17.) 
 
 
TOKYO 00002553  008 OF 009 
 
 
Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
Yes 61.8 (72.0) 
No 22.9 (13.1) 
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 15.3 (14.9) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the previous question) 
What's the primary reason for your approval of the Hatoyama cabinet? 
Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is trustworthy 11.5 (12.1) 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, 
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 6.7 (7.4) 
The prime minister has leadership ability 4.3 (3.1) 
Something can be expected of its economic policies 15.1 (16.4) 
Something can be expected of its foreign policy 1.5 (3.1) 
Something can be expected of its political reforms 29.6 (29.2) 
Something can be expected of its tax reforms 3.6 (3.4) 
Something can be expected of its administrative reforms 11.6 (10.2) 
There's no other appropriate person (for prime minister) 14.4 
(11.7) 
Other answers (O/A) 0.7 (0.8) 
D/K+N/A 1.0 (2.6) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the first question) What's 
the primary reason for your disapproval of the Hatoyama cabinet? 
Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is untrustworthy 12.8 (16.5) 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, 
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 16.7 (19.7) 
The prime minister lacks leadership ability 5.0 (5.7) 
Nothing can be expected of its economic policies 25.3 (35.0) 
Nothing can be expected of its foreign policy 4.5 (4.9) 
Nothing can be expected of its political reforms 16.4 (3.8) 
Nothing can be expected of its tax reforms 7.0 (2.7) 
Nothing can be expected of its administrative reforms 2.0 (3.1) 
Don't like the prime minister's personal character 7.6 (5.8) 
O/A 0.5 (0.9) 
D/K+N/A 2.2 (1.9) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 43.4 (47.6) 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 21.1 (18.8) 
New Komeito (NK) 3.4 (3.7) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.7 (3.1) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.9 (1.8) 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1.3 (1.4) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.5 (0.4) 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.4 (---) 
Other political parties, groups 0.1 (---) 
None 24.5 (21.6) 
D/K+N/A 0.7 (1.6) 
 
Q: Mr. Sadakazu Tanigaki has become LDP president. Do you have high 
expectations for LDP President Tanigaki? 
 
Yes 37.0 
No 53.4 
D/K+N/A 9.6 
 
TOKYO 00002553  009 OF 009 
 
 
 
Q: The Hatoyama cabinet is a tripartite coalition government of the 
DPJ, SDP, and PNP. Do you think the coalition government has been 
working well? 
 
Yes 19.6 
No 69.8 
D/K+N/A 10.6 
 
Q: What form of government would you like to see after next summer's 
election for the House of Councillors? 
 
The DPJ's single-party government 38.8 
The current tripartite coalition government 24.5 
The DPJ's coalition government with other political parties 22.0 
O/A 1.7 
D/K+N/A 13.0 
 
(Note) Total percentage is over 100 PERCENT  for multiple-choice 
answers. 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted across the nation on 
Oct. 31 and Nov. 1 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random 
digit dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone 
numbers, those actually for household use with one or more eligible 
voters totaled 1,476. Answers were obtained from 1,025 persons. 
 
ROOS