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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 002469 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 10/26/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Hatoyama emphasizes importance of U.S. to Japan (Asahi) 
 
(2) PM Hatoyama torn between Japan-U.S. alliance and Asia-focused 
diplomacy at ASEAN+3 Summit (Nikkei) 
 
(3) Main points of statements by U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman 
Mullen (Yomiuri) 
 
(4) U.S. military's top officer brushes off call for "no first use 
of nukes" (Asahi) 
 
(5) Foreign minister's statement on relocation of Futenma within 
prefecture sends shockwaves across Okinawa and local communities 
(Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(6) Editorial: Government's intentions for relocating Futenma 
facility still unclear (Mainichi) 
 
(7) Host-nation-support outlays to U.S. military have become sacred 
realm: Estimated budget request same amount as one submitted by 
previous government (Akahata) 
 
(8) Japan pays 900 million yen annually for highway tolls for U.S. 
military, including leisure trips (Akahata) 
 
(9) Keeping U.S. bases in Okinawa a crime (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(10) "Kazamidori (Weathercock)" column: Ozawa-style Diet 
restructuring (Nikkei) 
 
(11) Poll: 53 PERCENT  "didn't read a book for 1 month" (Yomiuri) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Hatoyama emphasizes importance of U.S. to Japan 
 
ASAHI (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
October 25, 2009 
 
Haruko Kagenishi in Hua Hin (Thailand) 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama attended on Oct. 24 a summit meeting 
of Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) 
where he said, "I have proposed the long-term concept of creating an 
East Asia Community." This is the first time Hatoyama briefed ASEAN 
leaders on the framework. He also clarified his position of seeking 
the involvement of the U.S. in the community framework. 
 
Regarding the question of how Hatoyama's proposed community would 
handle the U.S., Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said: "The 
government is not considering the idea of including the U.S. in the 
community." Hatoyama, who has said, "Japan has no intention of 
excluding the U.S.," also said in a meeting with the Chinese and 
South Korean leaders on Oct. 10: "Japan has depended too much on the 
U.S." 
 
Such remarks, in addition to the government's response to the issue 
of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa, 
have made the U.S. distrustful of the Hatoyama administration. By 
emphasizing the importance of the U.S. for Japan, Hatoyama 
 
TOKYO 00002469  002 OF 010 
 
 
apparently tried to remove Washington's anxieties ahead of the 
planned first visit to Japan by U.S. President Barack Obama next 
month. 
 
(2) PM Hatoyama torn between Japan-U.S. alliance and Asia-focused 
diplomacy at ASEAN+3 Summit 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
October 25, 2009 
 
Osamu Sato in Hua Hin, central Thailand 
 
Along with the leaders of China and the Republic of Korea (ROK), 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama participated in the ASEAN Summit, 
where he gave an explanation of his East Asian Community initiative 
and stated that the Japan-U.S. alliance is the linchpin of Japan's 
diplomacy. He endeavored to indicate his intention to balance 
Asia-focused diplomacy and Japan-U.S. cooperation. However, it is 
unclear how far he will be able to narrow the widening gap between 
Japan and the U.S. over such issues as the relocation of the U.S. 
forces' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, Okinawa). 
 
At the beginning of the meeting with the ASEAN leaders, Hatoyama 
emphasized Japan's position of giving importance to the Japan-U.S. 
alliance. He said: "We have achieved a change of administration. The 
administration's foreign policy is that the Japan-U.S. alliance is 
the linchpin of our foreign relations." 
 
Hatoyama went on to say: "ASEAN plays an important role in East 
Asia. I would like to propose the long-term vision of an East Asian 
community and promote cooperation under the principle of open 
regional cooperation." His speech was unusual because he talked 
about the Japan-U.S. alliance with the full lineup of ASEAN leaders 
in front of him. The Prime Minister undoubtedly had his eyes set on 
the United States. 
 
Hatoyama had elicited the U.S.'s displeasure with his statement at 
the Japan-China-ROK trilateral summit on Oct. 10 that "Japan had 
tended to depend too much on the U.S.; I would like to build a 
policy that gives more importance to Asia." With regard to the East 
Asian Community, certain government officials have said that the 
U.S. is not meant to be an official member of the community, thus 
arousing suspicions on the U.S. side. 
 
During an informal meeting with reporters accompanying him to 
Thailand on Oct. 24, Hatoyama stated unequivocally that he has no 
intention of excluding the U.S. from the community. His emphasis on 
the importance his administration attaches to Japan-U.S. relations 
at the ASEAN+3 Summit was meant to send out the message to the U.S. 
that "emphasis on Asia does not mean taking the U.S. lightly." 
 
Japan and China are already competing behind the scenes to grab the 
initiative in creating the framework of Asian relations. On the 
other hand, the ASEAN countries are wary of becoming the battlefield 
for a diplomatic war among Japan, the U.S., and China. 
 
There were some positive comments about the East Asian community 
initiative at Hatoyama's meeting with ASEAN leaders. These comments 
included "Japan, China, the ROK, and ASEAN should form the core" and 
"We appreciate the revitalization of the discussions on East Asian 
cooperation." However, no questions were asked about the concrete 
plans for the community. The concept also did not come up at the 
 
TOKYO 00002469  003 OF 010 
 
 
Japan-India summit. 
 
It is believed that since Japan's position on whether to prioritize 
Asia-focused diplomacy or the Japan-U.S. alliance remains unclear, 
Southeast Asia and India are still trying to gauge their optimum 
distance from the Hatoyama administration. 
 
(3) Main points of statements by U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman 
Mullen 
 
YOMIURI (Page 6) (Full) 
October 24, 2009 
 
The following are the main points of statements made by U.S. Joint 
Chiefs of Staff Chairman Mike Mullen on the issue of relocating the 
U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station. 
 
The Futenma relocation issue is closely linked to all elements 
included in the agreement, so (a solution of) the Futenma issue will 
open doors to all remaining U.S. force realignment issues. The 
realignment plan involves the two governments' budgetary measures. I 
understand the motives of (the Hatoyama administration's) examining 
(the contents of the agreement), but the government should make a 
decision as soon as possible. Secretary (of Defense) Gates has said: 
"I expect a solution will be brought about before President Obama 
visits Japan." 
 
I consider that the agreement this time, specifically the relocation 
of the Futenma facility, is absolutely necessary for the entire U.S. 
force realignment package. From the viewpoint of the U.S. military, 
it is inconceivable that the U.S. can provide Japan and the region 
with security and defense support without this plan. Moving the 
Futenma facility (out of Okinawa) will inevitably reduce (the 
U.S.'s) security support to Japan and the region. 
 
If there are many months or many years of delay, we might begin to 
doubt Japan's willingness to implement the accord itself. The Obama 
administration decided to support the agreement in a considerably 
short period of time after its inauguration. The government itself 
should decide what it wants to do, but Japan has been a partner (of 
the U.S.) for many years. 
 
(4) U.S. military's top officer brushes off call for "no first use 
of nukes" 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged) 
October 24, 2009 
 
Yoichi Kato, senior writer 
 
Visiting U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Adm. Mullen met the 
press, including the Asahi Shimbun, yesterday at the U.S. Embassy in 
Akasaka, Tokyo. During the press conference, Mullen rejected Foreign 
Minister Okada's advocacy of "no preemptive use of nuclear weapons 
"as "unacceptable." 
 
"We must be very cautious in a region where the threat (of nuclear 
weapons) is expanding," Mullen said. He explained that the security 
environment of Japan is worsening due to such issues as North 
Korea's development of nuclear weapons. 
 
"Such a policy would extremely undermine our flexibility (regarding 
 
TOKYO 00002469  004 OF 010 
 
 
the U.S. nuclear umbrella)," Mullen said, adding: "If our 
flexibility rapidly deteriorates, the danger will reach a level that 
we think is unacceptable." Thus Mullen indicated that the United 
States will refuse to restrict the preemptive use of nuclear 
weapons. 
 
(5) Foreign minister's statement on relocation of Futenma within 
prefecture sends shockwaves across Okinawa and local communities 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 3) (Full) 
October 24, 2009 
 
Satoshi Hokama 
 
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said on Oct. 23 that moving the U.S. 
Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station out of Okinawa would be 
inconceivable, sending shockwaves to prefectural officials 
concerned. Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima raised questions about consistency 
with the Hatoyama cabinet's tripartite agreement and about how 
decisions are made by the cabinet, saying, "What is the government 
going to do with its public pledge?" Senior prefectural government 
officials also expressed perplexity. The governor has repeatedly 
urged the Hatoyama cabinet, which is advocating a review of the 
realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, to quickly come up with a 
concrete plan. The unexpected Okada statement is likely to press 
Gov. Nakaima to revamp his strategy. 
 
Kadena integration option regarded as difficult 
 
"Although (Foreign Minister Okada) said it was his personal view, I 
don't quite understand his decision," said a senior Okinawa 
official, who has indicated that he will closely watch the Prime 
Minister's policy speech to be delivered on Oct. 26. "It is not a 
matter on which anyone can comment casually." The official did not 
conceal his bewilderment. 
 
The official also indicated that it would be difficult to find 
alternative sites in Okinawa, including the option of integrating 
Futenma with Kadena Air Base, saying, "The public, including the 
people of Okinawa, will not be convinced easily. The government 
might end up shifting the envisaged base from one location to 
another within the prefecture." 
 
If Foreign Minister Okada's statement becomes the government's 
official policy, Gov. Nakaima, who has indicated that the relocation 
of Futenma to Henoko is a pragmatic option, will find himself in a 
difficult position. Nakaima has reiterated his previous position 
that although relocation out of Okinawa is the best option, 
relocation within the prefecture is inevitable. There have been 
calls from within the ruling parties for Nakaima to send a clear-cut 
message seeking to move Futenma out of the prefecture, saying that 
in mainland Japan, he has been reported as favoring relocation 
within the prefecture. 
 
The prefectural official, while pointing to the need to coordinate 
views with the governor, explained a plan to release a governor's 
statement indicating that he was exploring the best option of 
relocating Futenma outside the prefecture. But given Okada's Oct. 23 
statement, even if Nakaima comes up with new policy, he is likely to 
come across as being one step behind the government. The prefectural 
government might come under pressure to make a difficult decision on 
the Futenma issue. 
 
TOKYO 00002469  005 OF 010 
 
 
 
(6) Editorial: Government's intentions for relocating Futenma 
facility still unclear 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
October 23, 2009 
 
U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates visited Japan and held 
meetings with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, Foreign Minister 
Katsuya Okada, and Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa. The focus of 
attention in these meetings was on the relocation of the U.S. Marine 
Corps' Futenma Air Station in Ginowan City, Okinawa Prefecture, as 
part of the planned realignment of U.S. forces in Japan. 
 
Gates appears to be a person who prefers to push ahead with things 
in a businesslike manner. When a senior government official visits a 
foreign country, the host government customarily holds a ceremony to 
welcome him or her. But Gates reportedly has often declined such 
offers. In the series of meetings and a press conference in Japan, 
too, he made candid statements. 
 
On the Futenma relocation issue, Gates emphasized that (1) The 
relocation of the Futenma air station to the coastal area of Camp 
Schwab in Nago City under the existing plan is the best option, and 
the Okinawa prefectural government's request for moving the site 
farther offshore is within the scope of things the U.S. can accept; 
(2) without the relocation of the air station, there would be 
neither the relocation of U.S. Marines from Okinawa to Guam nor the 
consolidation of U.S. forces in Okinawa; and (3) the existing plan 
should be implemented as soon as possible. With the conveying of 
these views by the U.S. government official responsible for the 
issue, the Futenma relocation can be said to have entered a new 
phase. 
 
Although Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa called the remarks by 
Gates "a powerful message," the Japanese government has yet to make 
a clear reply. In the meetings, the Japanese officials only 
explained how the political situation in Okinawa has changed due to 
the change of government and the outcome of the latest general 
election. They also explained the government was examining the 
process that led to the adoption of the current plan. They probably 
wanted to relay its desire to have more time (to make a decision). 
 
There are three options for the relocation of the Futenma air 
station: (1) Somewhere outside Okinawa Prefecture, or even outside 
the nation, as promised by the Democratic Party of Japan; (2) a site 
in Okinawa Prefecture other than the one in the existing plan, such 
as Kadena under a plan for integrating Futenma's functions into the 
air base; and (3) the site stipulated in the existing plan or the 
revision of the plan. If the government adopts the first option, 
negotiations with the U.S. government would be extremely difficult, 
and it would also become necessary to persuade local communities and 
residents to receive the facility. In the second case, as well it 
would also be difficult to acquire U.S. government acceptance and 
the agreement of local municipalities. In the third case, the DPJ 
would need to alter its conventional policy and persuade its junior 
coalition partner, the Social Democratic Party. 
 
There are high hurdles to implementing any of the three options, but 
the longer the government delays a decision, the longer it postpones 
a solution to the problems of safety and noise that have distressed 
the residents of the densely populated area surrounding Futenma Air 
 
TOKYO 00002469  006 OF 010 
 
 
Station. Prime Minister Hatoyama has to make a final decision, based 
on the results of discussions in the government. 
 
In a meeting with Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada, Defense Secretary 
Gates urged Japan to make a policy decision by the time of U.S. 
President Barack Obama's visit to Japan on Nov. 12. On the timing 
for a policy decision, however, views in the government are divided. 
Defense Minister Kitazawa has indicated his eagerness to bring about 
an early solution, while Okada has called for a solution by the end 
of the year, keeping the compilation of the fiscal 2010 budget in 
mind. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Hatoyama once said that a settlement 
should be reached in the middle of next year. 
 
Hatoyama seems to be hopeful of making a decision after looking at 
the outcome of the Nago mayoral election in late January. But it is 
inconceivable that the outcome will lead to breaking the impasse in 
negotiations with the U.S. on the Futenma relocation issue. Okinawa 
Governor Hirokazu Nakaima has urged the government to swiftly 
determine its policy. The prime minister first should make efforts 
to unify views in the government on how and when the administration 
should decide on its policy. 
 
(7) Host-nation-support outlays to U.S. military have become sacred 
realm: Estimated budget request same amount as one submitted by 
previous government 
 
AKAHATA (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
October 24, 2009 
 
It was learned by Oct. 23 that in the Defense Ministry's estimated 
requests (adopted on Oct. 15) for the military expenses 
(defense-related costs) for fiscal 2010, U.S. forces in Japan (USFJ) 
support costs (host-nation-support outlays) to pay for the costs of 
U.S. military bases' construction works and employees' salaries 
reached 191.9 billion yen (on an expenditure basis), which is 
exactly the same as the amount requested by the ministry during the 
previous Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito coalition 
government. 
 
Regarding expenses for the U.S. Forces Japan realignment, new 
project plans adopted by the previous administration have been 
incorporated in the Defense Ministry's requests as is. The estimated 
budget request for costs related to the Special Actions Committee on 
Okinawa (SACO) is also the same as the amount requested by the 
previous government. The total amount combining these amounts and 
the host-nation-support costs comes to 287 billion yen, which is 
almost the same as the 287.9 billion yen allocated for these items 
in the fiscal 2009 budget. This reveals that the new administration 
also regards host-nation-support outlays as a sacred realm. 
 
The Defense Ministry acknowledged in the breakdown of costs for the 
U.S. Forces Japan realignment that a new project related to the 
transfer of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam that will utilize 
private enterprises has been included. This project will involve the 
selection of private sector companies for the construction of about 
3,500 houses for U.S. servicemen's families and the development of 
infrastructure, such as the building of a power supply system. 
 
(Commentary) Even after the transfer of power from the LDP and New 
Komeito administration to the new Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) 
administration led by Yukio Hatoyama, estimated budget requests for 
military expenses have remained on the same level as that of the 
 
TOKYO 00002469  007 OF 010 
 
 
previous administration. In particular, expenses related to the U.S. 
military, such as host-nation-support outlays, are regarded as a 
sacred realm. 
 
Japan is not obligated to pay those expenses in accordance with the 
Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), too. However, no change is 
evident in the government's thinking on this subject. A certain 
senior Defense Ministry official said, "It is possible to cut the 
host-nation-support budget. However, there is a problem in doing so 
from the viewpoint of SACO." 
 
Criticism of SACO grew among the citizens during Diet debate on the 
fifth extension of SACO in 2008. The DPJ also opposed such an 
extension. 
 
As reasons for opposing the extension of SACO, the DPJ cited: (1) 
Japan's share in U.S. military-related expenses is significant 
compared with other countries; (2) the government is not fully 
monitoring the U.S. government's effort to cut expenses; and (3) the 
government cannot say what it needs to say to the U.S. 
 
Upper House member Yukihisa Fujita at a joint session of both 
chambers of Diet on April 25 of the same year said, "It is not 
possible to gain the public's understanding for the government 
readily continuing to shoulder such a burden." 
 
The present SACO expires on Nov. 3. Now that the DPJ is a ruling 
party, it should follow through with the stance it took when it 
opposed the SACO and end the host-nation-support outlays to the U.S. 
military. 
 
(8) Japan pays 900 million yen annually for highway tolls for U.S. 
military, including leisure trips 
 
AKAHATA (Page 15) (Full) 
October 24, 2009 
 
Board of Audit calls for correction of practice 
 
Through a Board of Audit survey, it became clear on Oct. 23 that the 
Defense Ministry has been paying out nearly 900 million yen a year 
in highway tolls incurred by U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) on "official 
duties" without examining the tolls. Japan has paid highway tolls 
incurred even by rental cars that are believed to have been used for 
visiting tourist spots for leisure. The Board of Audit has asked the 
ministry to correct the practice, saying it is inappropriate to 
treat all vehicles as military vehicles and not to verify whether 
they were really used for official duties. 
 
Under the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, U.S. military 
vehicles are exempt from paying highway tolls. The Japanese 
government pays tolls they incurred. Highway operators make claims 
for tolls based on USFJ-issued passes collected at toll booths. In 
fiscal 2008, the government paid some 860 million yen in tolls 
incurred by USFJ. Of that amount, 440 million yen was incurred by 
non-military vehicles. 
 
The Board of Audit examined some 18,000 randomly selected passes 
(worth 21 million yen) issued to non-military vehicles. As a result, 
it found that some information was missing from about 1,500 passes 
(worth 1.89 million yen). In some cases, there were discrepancies 
between the destinations indicated in U.S. military registries and 
 
TOKYO 00002469  008 OF 010 
 
 
the route specified on the passes. The ministry did not investigate 
these discrepancies. 
 
Passes are also issued to rental cars operated by welfare 
organizations on U.S. military bases, including Misawa Air Base (in 
Aomori Prefecture). The Board of Audit conducted an investigation 
based on vehicle registration numbers and found that 5,100 passes 
(worth 10 million yen) had been issued to rental cars. 
 
Of that number, 2,000 passes were issued for Saturdays, Sundays, and 
holidays. There was a case in which a car rented in Tokyo passed 
through toll booths in Kyoto, Osaka, Hyogo, and Nara over five days 
including a Saturday and Sunday. The Website of an organization 
officially authorized by Iwakuni Air Station (in Yamaguchi 
Prefecture) states that fees for rental cars include highway 
toll-free tickets good for all over Japan. Finding this Website, the 
Board of Audit questioned whether rental cars are used for official 
duties. The Defense Ministry has released a statement expressing its 
wishes to hold talks with the U.S. side on the appropriate use of 
vehicles. 
 
(9) Keeping U.S. bases in Okinawa a crime 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 25) (Full) 
October 25, 2009 
 
By Jiro Yamaguchi, professor at Hokkaido University 
 
When Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said that the government would 
give up the idea of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station out of Okinawa Prefecture, I happened to be in Okinawa. 
Local residents were greatly disappointed at the statement. If Japan 
cannot make good use of the change of government as a rare 
opportunity (to move the Futenma facility out of the prefecture), it 
means that reducing military bases in Okinawa will be impossible 
forever. 
 
The government led by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has also 
been bound by the spell of the myth of maintaining the Japan-U.S. 
relationship. Japanese national newspapers and TV have contributed 
to strengthening the spell's bind. No media outlet criticized the 
rude intimidation by U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates. 
 
I would like to pose questions to those who say the Japan-U.S. 
security arrangements might collapse unless U.S. military bases 
remain in Okinawa. Have such people ever given a proper explanation 
of why Marines should stay in Okinawa and not on mainland Japan or 
Guam? I wonder if people who are making a fuss while referring to a 
possible collapse of the bilateral security arrangements understand 
what the collapse of the system specifically means. The U.S. 
military has been using the Kadena and Yokota air bases just as it 
pleases. I cannot understand why the transfer of Marines out of 
Okinawa would lead to a collapse of the security arrangement. 
 
Allowing the Futenma airfield to remain in Okinawa is a crime 
against the local residents. Constructing a new base on reclaimed 
land in Henoko is a crime against future generations of Japanese. 
The DPJ government should make its utmost effort to implement its 
pledge to the people. 
 
(10) "Kazamidori (Weathercock)" column: Ozawa-style Diet 
restructuring 
 
TOKYO 00002469  009 OF 010 
 
 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged) 
October 25, 2009 
 
Eiji Sakamoto, editorial staff member 
 
The Diet building is certainly worthy of the name of a "white hall." 
It is now in the process of having its outer walls cleaned and its 
windows replaced for the first time since the building was 
constructed in 1936, and its original splendor will soon be 
restored. It would seem that the building's renewal coinciding with 
the historic change of administration is symbolic. 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa will 
move into an office on the second floor of the Diet building to 
coincide with the opening of the extraordinary Diet session on Oct. 
¶26. His office looks out to the Diet's front yard and the 
administrative district of Kasumigaseki and is located in a very 
convenient prime spot. He will be making a triumphal return to the 
office that he occupied when he was Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 
secretary general 18 years ago. 
 
Ozawa, who is increasingly in the limelight as the key person in the 
Hatoyama administration, is focusing first on Diet reform. However, 
the reaction of other politicians to such things as the ban on the 
bureaucrats' responding to Diet interpellation varies greatly 
depending on where they stand in relation to the administration. 
 
To cite an extreme example, a senior official of the LDP, which is 
taking a confrontational position as an opposition party, says: 
"This is meant to prevent us from asking the investigation 
authorities questions about the DPJ's scandals. There is no doubt 
about that." 
 
The LDP intends to pursue the government relentlessly on Prime 
Minister Yukio Hatoyama's false reporting of individual political 
donations and Ozawa's involvement with the Nishimatsu Construction 
Company's donation scandal. The above observation is probably a bit 
far-fetched, but it is a fact that the opposition has so far adopted 
the strategy of exposing legal flaws through the questioning of 
neutral administrative bodies. 
 
There is now a view in both the ruling and opposition parties that 
this is a step to lay the groundwork for politicians to exercise 
leadership in policymaking. "The real intent is to take back the 
power of authoritative interpretation of the Constitution and 
treaties from the bureaucrats." 
 
Such authoritative interpretation amounts to the government's 
official position on legal interpretation and other such matters. 
When Ozawa was LDP secretary general, he clashed head-on with the 
Cabinet Legislation Bureau's interpretation that there are "serious 
constitutional constraints" to the dispatch of the Self-Defense 
Forces for international contributions. 
 
If the directors general of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau or the 
International Legal Affairs Bureau of the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs are banned from responding to Diet interpellation, Ozawa 
will be one step closer to realizing his longstanding assertion that 
"the politicians can take the responsibility to change the 
interpretation of the Constitution or the treaties if necessary." 
 
 
TOKYO 00002469  010 OF 010 
 
 
Ozawa himself gave the following explanation. In his speech before 
the students and company employees attending a class of the "Ozawa 
Ichiro Seiji Juku (Ichiro Ozawa's School of Politics)" in Tokyo on 
Oct. 21, he stated fervently: "Bureaucratic control should be 
eliminated from the Diet. So far, live coverage of Diet proceedings 
is done by NHK only because it is required to do it; nobody pays any 
attention. That is not right. The Diet should be made a venue for 
debating our ideals and policies." 
 
Ozawa is also keen on "an uninterrupted Diet session throughout the 
year" and the abolition of the practice of designating only certain 
days of the week for conducting Diet business. These are reforms 
that he has already proposed in his book published in 1993 
"Blueprint for a New Japan." He regards the Diet as an arena for 
debate between the opposition and the government. Ruling party Diet 
members are prohibited from submitting bills in principle, and Ozawa 
has indicated that he wants to reduce their opportunity to 
interpellate in Diet. 
 
Junior LDP Diet members have recently been asking their DPJ 
colleagues sarcastically: "Isn't a dictatorship the purpose of 
excluding bureaucrats and ruling party members from the Diet?" 
 
Distrust of Ozawa is not unrelated to his past behavior, often 
dubbed as "strong-armed," or his reputation as a "wrecker." On the 
other hand, Ozawa himself appears to be unconcerned by the disquiet 
in the ruling and opposition parties. He says enthusiastically: 
"There can be no progress if we only follow precedents." Will his 
reforms revitalize or hollow out the Diet? 
 
The reason why there is a mixture of hope for his political ability 
to change the times and concern about his arbitrariness is based on 
past experience with the periods when Ozawa held the power. However, 
he would most probably say in retort: "People who criticize me 
always look at me through colored lenses." 
 
(11) Poll: 53 PERCENT  "didn't read a book for 1 month" 
 
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full) 
October 25, 2009 
 
The Yomiuri Shimbun conducted a face-to-face nationwide public 
opinion survey on Oct. 10-11 about "reading." In the survey, 53 
PERCENT  of respondents answered "no" when asked if they had read a 
book during the past month. The figure is up 7 percentage points 
from last year's survey and the second highest percentage next to 
the previous record high of 54 PERCENT  in 2002 since the survey 
started to ask this question in 1980. Among those aged 70 and over, 
"no" accounted for 70 PERCENT , up 9 points from last year's survey, 
and this figure reached a new high since this question started. The 
survey showed that senior citizens do not read books. The figure was 
followed by 48 PERCENT  among those in their 50s, 43 PERCENT  among 
those in their 40s, 45 PERCENT  among those in their 30s, and 41 
PERCENT  among those in their 20s. There was an increase also in the 
proportion of those who do not read books among the younger 
generations. 
 
ROOS