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Viewing cable 09TOKYO2365, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 10/14/09

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09TOKYO2365 2009-10-14 06:40 2011-08-26 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO9440
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2365/01 2870640
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 140640Z OCT 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6767
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 9227
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 6874
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 0692
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 4161
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 7386
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1368
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 8029
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 7573
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 16 TOKYO 002365 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 10/14/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Foreign minister visits Afghanistan; government hurriedly 
looking into concrete measures to replace refueling mission; 
vocational training and other measures likely to be main components 
of Japan's assistance; deteriorating security situation to be major 
stumbling block (Nikkei) 
 
(2) Proponents, opponents of Futenma relocation in Nago City react 
to Okinawa governor's position paper on environmental assessment 
preparatory documents (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(3) Okinawans worried by possible scrapping of Futenma relocation 
plan (Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Editorial: Futenma relocation; Prime Minister must not hesitate 
to modify election pledge (Sankei) 
 
(5) Editorial: Japan-China-South Korea summit - Concept of forming 
East Asian Community excluding U.S. dangerous (Sankei) 
 
(6) Editorial: Japan-China-South Korea summit: Present overall 
picture of East Asian Community (Mainichi) 
 
(7) Japan-PRC-ROK summit seen as "unity among parties with widely 
different motives" (Nikkei) 
 
(8) Editorial: Will new administration repeat checkbook diplomacy? 
(Nikkei) 
 
(9) Fuji Heavy Industries and Defense Ministry at loggerheads over 
initial cost of 50 billion yen following ministry's cancellation of 
orders for attack helicopters (Mainichi) 
 
(10) Opinion: A study on an "equal Japan-U.S. alliance" (Tokyo 
Shimbun) 
 
(11) Agriculture Minister Akamatsu breaks off press conference in 
reaction to questions about a Japan-U.S. FTA (Asahi) 
 
(12) Case of American father arrested for reclaiming his children 
creating a stir in the U.S., may become diplomatic issue (Mainichi) 
 
 
(13) Poll: Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Asahi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Foreign minister visits Afghanistan; government hurriedly 
looking into concrete measures to replace refueling mission; 
vocational training and other measures likely to be main components 
of Japan's assistance; deteriorating security situation to be major 
stumbling block 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
October 12, 2009 
 
Yoichi Yamamoto, Islamabad 
 
In the wake of Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada's announcement of a 
plan to enhance Japan's assistance for the reconstruction of 
Afghanistan, the government will hurriedly look for concrete 
 
TOKYO 00002365  002 OF 016 
 
 
measures. Vocational training and agricultural technologies are 
likely to be the main components of Japan's assistance. Whether they 
can replace the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in 
the Indian Ocean remains to be seen. (The Japanese government) is 
now under pressure to come up with specific measures before U.S. 
President Barack Obama visits Japan on Nov. 12. 
 
After his talks with President Hamid Karzai, Okada expressed his 
strong enthusiasm to enhance Japan's assistance (to Afghanistan). 
Until now, the government has studied such possibilities as 
airlifting supplies to Afghanistan's neighbor of Pakistan by 
utilizing the Air Self-Defense Force's C-130 transport aircraft for 
assisting refugees in Afghanistan. (But in his talks with Okada), 
President Karzai reportedly expressed his hopes for Japan's active 
assistance to Afghanistan, forcing Tokyo to quickly look for new 
support measures. 
 
Meanwhile, Okada stopped short of mentioning any specific aid 
measures, making the difficulties in coming up with concrete steps 
more evident. "(President Obama's upcoming visit to Japan) is one 
factor, but assistance measures are not meant to be gifts for him, 
so we are not focusing entirely on that," Okada said to the press 
corps after arriving in Pakistan. Okada has subtly shifted his 
enthusiasm to coming up with new measures before President Obama's 
visit to Japan. 
 
The deteriorating security situation (in Afghanistan) is the major 
stumbling block to providing assistance to that country. 
 
At present, there are over 100 Japanese persons engaged in 
assistance activities, but it will be difficult to increase that 
number significantly. Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Foreign 
Minister Okada, among others, are envisaging providing job training 
with the aim of making peace with armed insurgents. But Japanese 
persons are likely to find it difficult to become involved in such 
training. 
 
The security situation is not the only factor discouraging the 
government from offering additional assistance. Japan has provided 
assistance of 1.79 billion dollars, including humanitarian aid. 
Given the nation's tight financial situation, it will be difficult 
for the government to offer greater assistance. Of all the aid 
measures, the refueling mission in the Indian Ocean to assist the 
antiterrorism operation in and near Afghanistan is said to be the 
most cost effective. 
 
When it was an opposition party, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) 
consistently opposed legislation to extend the refueling mission, 
insisting on civilian support instead. Even after taking power, some 
in the government led by the DPJ are openly calling for the 
continuation of the refueling mission. Although Okada stressed on 
the night of Oct. 11 that "there will be no simple extension," the 
matter could be a source of future dispute in the government/ruling 
bloc. 
 
Okada is scheduled to hold talks with Pakistani Prime Minister Syed 
Yousaf Raza Gilani on the night of Oct. 11 (early on the morning of 
Oct. 12, Japan time) and with President Asif Ali Zardari and others 
on Oct. 12. 
 
(2) Proponents, opponents of Futenma relocation in Nago City react 
to Okinawa governor's position paper on environmental assessment 
 
TOKYO 00002365  003 OF 016 
 
 
preparatory documents 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 33) (Excerpts) 
October 14, 2009 
 
The governor submitted a position paper on the preparatory documents 
for the environmental impact assessment of the site of the 
replacement facility for Futenma Air Station to the Okinawa Defense 
Bureau on Oct. 13. Peace and environmental groups opposing the 
relocation to waters off Henoko in Nago City gave credit to the 
inclusion of the investigation of dugongs over several years, but 
criticized the governor strongly for "not reflecting popular will," 
"not touching on the issues in dispute," and "being negative." On 
the other hand, district chiefs in Nago and Ginoza, which will host 
the new facility, welcomed the position paper for "including the 
views of the local communities." There is also an opinion demanding 
more detailed surveys through test flights. 
 
Masaaki Shiroma, chief of the Toyohara District in Nago, gave credit 
to the governor's position paper for "heeding the local communities' 
views" and including the demand to move the new facility further 
offshore and move the helipads. 
 
Kushi District chief Kiyotaka Higa commented on the governor's 
demand for a concrete relocation plan from the national government, 
stressing that "the new administration should clarify where it 
stands on the relocation at an early date." 
 
Yasuhide Miyagi, chairman of a volunteer group for the promotion of 
the replacement facility in Henoko District, also approved of the 
position paper to a certain extent. He said: "The governor drafted 
his position paper with a full understanding of the local 
communities' opinion. We hope the Ministry of Defense will respond 
to the position paper and move forward with the relocation 
project." 
 
Takeichi Miyazato, district chief of Abe in Nago City, made the 
following demand: "Abe will be seriously affected by noise. We hope 
that an investigation on this will also be made in the future." 
 
Akinobu Toma, chief of Matsuda District in Ginoza, said: "The 
environmental assessment does not include a survey on noise from 
transfers between bases. According to the Defense Bureau's briefing, 
aircraft may fly over residential areas in some cases. We hope for a 
thorough survey including this aspect." 
 
(3) Okinawans worried by possible scrapping of Futenma relocation 
plan 
 
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged) 
October 14, 2009 
 
While the Hatoyama administration is looking into the possibility of 
relocating the U.S. Marines' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, 
Okinawa) out of the prefecture, Governor Hirokazu Nakaima's position 
paper submitted on Oct. 13 only demands minor modifications in the 
current plan to relocate the base to Nago City. Behind this is the 
concern that the existing plan may be scrapped. 
 
Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro expressed doubts about the 
feasibility of moving Futenma out of Okinawa. "So far, we have had a 
debate that sharply divided the people of Okinawa," he said. 
 
TOKYO 00002365  004 OF 016 
 
 
"Although they are suddenly talking about relocation out of the 
prefecture, there is no concrete plan at all." He criticized the 
sudden about-face in the government's policy, saying, "What do they 
think of the fact that the local communities were forced to make a 
bitter decision?" 
 
In exchange for accepting the relocation, the government has 
promoted economic development in the northern part of Okinawa. A 
national technical college, among other things, was founded in Nago. 
The city is demanding the continuation of the development measures, 
which will end this fiscal year. Such economic considerations are 
also behind the local communities' objection to canceling the 
relocation plan. 
 
In light of such opinions in Okinawa, the government is agonizing 
over its pledge in its election manifesto to "review the U.S. Forces 
Japan realignment plans", the policy agreement among the ruling 
coalition parties, and the significance of the Japan-U.S. agreement, 
rendering it unable to make a final decision. 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama told reporters at the Prime Minister's 
Official Residence (Kantei) on the evening of Oct. 13: "We would 
like to think seriously about what sort of solution we can come up 
with while giving due respect to our promise (in the manifesto) 
to the people." 
 
All the Liberal Democratic Party candidates in Okinawa who supported 
the current relocation plan lost in the recent House of 
Representatives election. The Social Democratic Party (SDP) asserted 
at the liaison meeting of cabinet ministers on Oct. 13 that "the 
popular will in Okinawa is loud and clear." At a news conference, 
SDP Secretary General Yasumasa Shigeno also stressed that the party 
"is pushing forward in the direction of disapproving" the current 
plan. 
 
U.S. President Barack Obama is scheduled to visit Japan from Nov. 
12. Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa told a news conference held 
after the cabinet meeting on Oct. 12 "that before President Obama's 
visit we will most probably not be able to resolve all the issues to 
enable the Prime Minister and the President to reach an agreement." 
 
(4) Editorial: Futenma relocation; Prime Minister must not hesitate 
to modify election pledge 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
October 11, 2009 
 
Until today Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has called for moving U.S. 
Forces' Futenma Air Station out of the prefecture. However, he has 
now begun showing a stance of approving the relocation of the 
facilities to the coastal area of Camp Schwab in Nago City as the 
governments of Japan and the U.S. had agreed on, modifying his 
policy. 
 
It appears difficult to make a policy switch at once, owing to 
strong opposition to the approval of the Japan-U.S. agreement from 
within the ruling coalition, including the Social Democratic Party 
(SDP). However, we would like to praise the prime minister's stance 
of trying to explore a pragmatic way to settle the Futenma issue. 
 
Since this issue is an essential part of the Japan-U.S. alliance, 
the Japanese must not mishandle it. We would like the prime minister 
 
TOKYO 00002365  005 OF 016 
 
 
to doggedly work to coordinate views for a settlement of the issue 
according to the agreement. He should not hesitate to revise the 
manifesto. 
 
On Oct. 7 the prime minister hinted at the possibility of approving 
the Japan-U.S. agreement, switching from his current policy of 
moving the Futenma functions out of the prefecture. He told 
reporters: "What we said in the manifesto is a pledge. I do not 
think it should be changed lightly," while adding, "I do not rule 
out the possibility of such a pledge changing over time." 
 
On the 8th, he rejected the interpretation of his statement as 
having approved the Japan-U.S. agreement, saying, "I never said such 
a thing." In the meantime, he has left room to search for a 
settlement in line with the agreement, while trying to obtain 
understanding from Okinawa's residents. He said, "From among the 
various ideas and options I would like to find an agreement 
acceptable to the people and Okinawa's residents." 
 
The prime minister has stressed, "To begin with, there is the fact 
that Japan and the U.S. have agreed to the plan." He has thus 
clearly taken the position that it is impossible to disregard the 
U.S. government's reservations about changing the existing plan. The 
U.S. Congress has also approved it. 
 
The prime minister probably realized the significance of the 
agreement after he assumed power. He is probably aware of the need 
to immediately eliminate the danger Futenma Air Station poses 
residents in the vicinity of the air station 
 
The DPJ, which advocates equal Japan-U.S. relations, has taken up 
the Futenma issue along with the issue of revising the Status of 
Forces Agreement to realize that policy. However, the pledge to 
overturn the agreement, which was reached after repeated talks 
between the governments of Japan and the U.S., was presumably 
unreasonable. 
 
The SDP is determined not to give in on the relocation of the 
Futenma facilities outside the prefecture. However, with respect to 
the proper nature of the U.S. Forces Japan realignment and the U.S. 
military bases in Japan, the coalition agreement reached before the 
launch of the administration simply noted, "Deal with issues with 
the possibility of revising them." The prime minister should display 
leadership for the coordination of views among the ruling parties to 
reach a realistic settlement. 
 
(5) Editorial: Japan-China-South Korea summit - Concept of forming 
East Asian Community excluding U.S. dangerous 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
October 11, 2009 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, and South 
Korean President Lee Myung-Bak met in Beijing on Oct. 10 and agreed 
to enhance cooperation in urging North Korea to return to the 
Six-Party Talks. They also issued a joint statement that proposed 
studying the concept of an East Asian Community. 
 
Hatoyama wrapped up his first round of two-day Asia diplomacy after 
meeting with the South Korean president and with the Chinese 
premier. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002365  006 OF 016 
 
 
It is naturally necessary for Japan, China and South Korea to 
strengthen their cooperative structure for urging North Korea to 
abandon its nuclear and missile development programs, as well as for 
resolving the issue of its past abductions of Japanese nationals. We 
welcome the fact that the three countries will enhance cooperation. 
But Hatoyama's community initiative contains much of concern. For 
example, we have doubts about how the community would handle the 
U.S. and China.  Hatoyama is obligated to give a clear-cut, 
consistent explanation of the community plan so that the Japan-U.S. 
alliance will not be put at risk. 
 
On issues related to North Korea, Premier Wen reported on the 
results of his recent visit to the North. In response, the leaders 
confirmed the need to deepen cooperation, also aiming to resume 
U.S.-North Korea talks, Japan-North Korea talks, and South-North 
Korea talks. 
 
Although North Korea has been showing signs of softening its 
posture, that nation might impose conditions for its return to the 
Six-Party Talks. The road to resumption of the Six-Party Talks is 
likely to be bumpy. The countries concerned should continue to 
steadily implement the current UN sanctions against the North until 
it unconditionally returns to the Six-Party Talks. It is regrettable 
that the three leaders did not confirm this point in their meeting. 
 
What worries us most is the concept of an East Asian Community. 
Hatoyama set forth the concept in his speech at the recent UN 
General Assembly and during the Japan-U.S. summit held in New York 
last month. But Hatoyama stopped short of explaining it when he met 
with U.S. President Barack Obama on the sidelines of the UN 
assembly. Given this, a senior U.S. official complained: "I am 
amenable to Japan's move to deepen cooperation with Asian countries, 
but I do not think a regional framework excluding the U.S. will be 
beneficial." U.S. government officials have voiced similar 
complaints or views of apprehension toward Hatoyama's proposed 
community concept. 
 
Hatoyama said in an interview held immediately after assuming the 
premiership, "I have no intention to exclude the U.S.," but Foreign 
Minister Katsuya Okada has said: "We would like to consider (a 
community that includes) Japan, China, South Korea, the Association 
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries, India, Australia, and 
New Zealand." Hatoyama also said in a press conference after he met 
with the leaders of China and South Korea: "Japan has overly 
depended on the U.S." This remark also makes us very uncomfortable. 
 
Some observers speculate that Hatoyama might be eyeing a European 
Union (EU)-style East Asian community. If that is the case, he 
should explain how China, with different political and social 
systems, fits into the concept. 
 
The prime minister and the foreign minister should take to heart 
this point: Collaboration and cooperation with the U.S. based on the 
Japan-U.S. alliance are necessary for Japan to demonstrate 
leadership in Asia. 
 
(6) Editorial: Japan-China-South Korea summit: Present overall 
picture of East Asian Community 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
October 11, 2009 
 
 
TOKYO 00002365  007 OF 016 
 
 
A Japan-China-South Korea summit was held in Beijing, China. During 
the meeting, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama proposed his Initiative 
for an East Asian Community and reportedly received favorable 
responses from Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and South Korean President 
Lee Myung Bak. Japan's Asia diplomacy has at last gotten under way. 
 
Japan's Asia diplomacy over the past several years during the 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has been thrown into the background. 
Japan has been stuck between China, which has established its status 
as a major power through tremendous economic growth, and the U.S., 
which is approaching China rapidly. It has managed to climb out of 
the deadlock probably due to the result of the change in 
government. 
 
However, the initiative of an East Asian Community is not the prime 
minister's original idea. The framework for the Japan-China-South 
Korea summit itself has been realized as part of the initiative of 
an East Asian Community. The predecessor of the Japan-China-South 
Korea summit was the informal three-nation summit held in Kuala 
Lumpur in 1997. Since it was held on the sidelines of the informal 
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit, it was dubbed 
rented-room diplomacy. Prime minister Ryutaro Hashimoto at the time 
proposed holding the meeting. Since China's influence was not very 
strong at the time, Japan was able to demonstrate leadership in 
dealing with the stormy Asian currency crisis. 
 
This framework combining ASEAN leaders and the leaders of Japan, 
China, and South Korea led to the Joint Statement on East Asia 
Cooperation issued at the ASEAN Plus Three summit held in Manila 10 
years ago. This brought about discussions on an East Asian 
Community, which has then developed into the current East Asia 
Summit (EAS), that Australia, New Zealand, and India also 
participate in. Through this process, the Japan-China-South Korea 
has taken shape, breaking away from ASEAN last year. 
 
The initiative of an East Asian Community already exists. The prime 
minister has yet to explain the differences between his own 
Initiative for an East Asian Community and that advocated by past 
prime ministers, such as Mr. Junichiro Koizumi. 
 
The U.S. has not been involved in the East Asian Community debate 
from the beginning. However, it is certain that the U.S. is 
concerned that it might be shut out of the Asian market. 
 
During the meeting the prime minister reportedly said, "There has 
been a tendency for Japan to be overly dependent on the U.S." This 
statement is easy to understand, but we must not forget that the 
U.S. is fretting over Japan becoming anti-American. The prime 
minister should present a specific and complete picture of his idea 
of an East Asian Community in order to avoid provoking unexpected 
backlash. 
 
China has announced that North Korea is hoping to resume Japan-North 
Korea talks. It appears that the deadlocked Japan-North Korea 
relations will likely be set into motion. The leaders of Japan, 
China, and South Korea have sent a message to North Korea by 
demonstrating their ties. We would like to see Prime Minister 
Hatoyama prove by his own actions that diplomatic power is stronger 
than military power. 
 
(7) Japan-PRC-ROK summit seen as "unity among parties with widely 
different motives" 
 
TOKYO 00002365  008 OF 016 
 
 
 
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
October 11, 2009 
 
Hiroyuki Akita, editorial staff member 
 
The leaders of Japan, China, and the Republic of Korea (ROK) 
gathered in Beijing on Oct. 10 and agreed to strengthen cooperation 
in areas ranging from the economy to foreign affairs. However, what 
can be gleaned from their smiling faces are their widely different 
motives. The handshake among the three leaders actually signals the 
start of new maneuverings. 
 
Unity among parties with widely different motives 
 
The Great Hall of the People is a huge stone building facing the 
Tiananmen Square. After their meeting lasting approximately two 
hours, the three leaders all called for unity at their news 
conference. In addition to cooperation in such areas as the 
environment, energy, and trade, a new "long-term goal" has been 
added, namely, the development of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's 
concept of an East Asian community. 
 
However, the all-important substance of this concept has remained 
ambiguous, and there is no indication that the three leaders 
attempted to flesh out the concept. This is because leaving the 
concept ambiguous is more convenient for the three countries, since 
they have widely different motives. 
 
For Hatoyama, the East Asian community concept is a tool for 
showcasing his difference with Liberal Democratic Party diplomacy, 
which he has criticized for "subservience to the U.S." Hatoyama 
stated at the beginning of the trilateral summit: "Japan has tended 
to rely too much on the U.S in the past. While the Japan-U.S. 
alliance is important, we would like to formulate policies that 
place more importance on Asia," conveying his position of attaching 
importance to Asia. 
 
According to several sources, Hatoyama's scenario for the East Asian 
community is to launch a number of projects and call for 
participants from Asian countries without fixing the membership of 
the community, and eventually, countries deeply involved with these 
projects will come together and begin to form the framework of the 
East Asian community. 
 
A senior official of the Hatoyama administration says: "We will not 
exclude the U.S. However, if they are not interested, we will start 
without them and urge them to participate later," which indicates 
that Japan will not be bound by the U.S.' wishes and intends to take 
the initiative in Asian diplomacy. 
 
On the other hand, what China really wants to do for now is to watch 
how the specifics of the concept unfold. It anticipates (the 
membership of the community) to be the same as the existing 
framework of the 10 ASEAN states plus Japan, China, and the ROK, 
excluding the U.S. or Australia. This is what Premier Wen Jiabao 
meant when he proposed the "utilization of existing frameworks" at 
the summit. 
 
The reason why Wen agreed to the concept, albeit unenthusiastically, 
is that with the U.S. in mind, China wants to pull Japan even just a 
little bit closer to the Chinese side. A PRC government source 
 
TOKYO 00002365  009 OF 016 
 
 
notes: "Even if an equilateral triangular relationship among Japan, 
the U.S., and China is not possible, China wants to narrow down the 
distance between Japan and China as much as possible." 
 
A Japan-ROK diplomatic source observes that the ROK "is very wary of 
Japan-China leadership in building the Asian order," but it has 
decided to respond positively to the concept of an East Asian 
community for now. 
 
Use of different slogans to suit the occasion 
 
Hatoyama just reaffirmed Japan-U.S. solidarity at the bilateral 
summit in September. In Beijing, he turned around and gave top play 
to emphasis on Asia, staging a "drama of friendship." However, there 
are risks to using different slogans to suit the occasion in the 
U.S. and in Asia. 
 
At an informal gathering, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State James 
Steinberg, who was in Japan in late September, reportedly expressed 
his displeasure with Japan: "I was astounded when the concept of an 
East Asian community first came up in the UN speech. There is 
absolutely nothing wrong with Japan improving its relations with its 
neighbors, but we wish we had been consulted in advance." 
 
There is an opinion in the Hatoyama administration that a balance 
between relations with the U.S. and with Asia can be maintained by 
promoting a free trade agreement (FTA) with the U.S. However, the 
U.S. does not value economic benefits alone. A U.S. government 
source notes: "The concept will not materialize right away in any 
case. What we are concerned about is that the U.S., as an ally, was 
not briefed in advance on an important matter like this." 
 
Upon his return from Beijing on the evening of Oct. 10, Hatoyama 
commented that "we were able to confirm a relationship under which 
we are able to talk candidly." Hatoyama gave priority to the 
atmosphere of cooperation with the U.S., China, and the ROK during 
his visit to the U.S. in September and also during his most recent 
overseas trip. Behind the fagade, many pending issues, such as U.S. 
Forces Japan realignment and the Japan-China dispute over gas field 
development in the East China Sea, are waiting to be resolved. 
Hatoyama's ability to assign a clear order of priority to these 
issues and tackle these homework assignments one by one will now be 
tested. 
 
(8) Editorial: Will new administration repeat checkbook diplomacy? 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
October 14, 2009 
 
In connection with the submission of bills to amend laws authorizing 
Japan's refueling operations in the Indian Ocean, which expire in 
January next year, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said, "In reality, 
it would be difficult to submit such legislation." As a result, the 
refueling mission by the Maritime Self-Defense Force will end. 
 
The foreign minister inspected Afghanistan for seven hours. However, 
he unceremoniously made a statement meaning that the government will 
end the operation. Ending the operation appears to have been a 
foregone conclusion. 
 
The Japanese government reportedly intends to finalize its stances 
toward the Japan-U.S. agreement on the Okinawa Futenma Air Station 
 
TOKYO 00002365  010 OF 016 
 
 
issue and the refueling mission in the Indian Ocean in a package and 
present it to U.S. President Obama, who is to visit Japan on Nov. 
12. 
 
Regarding the two issues, one is the agreement reached by Japan and 
the U.S. The other is an issue which Japan should decide on its own. 
Considering two unrelated issues as a package seems strange. 
 
Provided that the government's strategy is to end the refueling 
operation, while pressing ahead with the Okinawa issue in accordance 
with the present Japan-U.S. agreement, we discern in its 
calculations that it has an eye on domestic affairs -- namely, it 
has in mind its relations with the Social Democratic Party (SDP), a 
coalition partner. From a diplomatic perspective ending the 
refueling operation is a hard decision to make. 
 
We have been giving our view that ending the refueling operation 
will require contributions in human resources that meet the 
following conditions: (1) more meaningful than the refueling 
operation; (2) as safe or even safer than the refueling operation; 
and (3) impervious to criticism as checkbook diplomacy. Ending the 
operation will lead to checkbook diplomacy. Japan has been 
criticized for writing checks but not doing the heavy lifting. 
 
It is only natural for Japan to extend civilian aid. However, it has 
been reported that 130 people sent by the Foreign Ministry, the 
Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and non-governmental 
organizations (NGO) are already active in that nation. The foreign 
minister, who inspected that nation amid tight security, should 
understand more than anyone that the security situation there does 
not allow a substantial increase in aid personnel. 
 
Ending the refueling mission means that Japan will withdraw from the 
war on terror in Afghanistan, which is being pursued by the 
coalition of the willing, including the U.S. and North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization (NATO) member nations. After the Japan-U.S. 
summit Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama noted, "I have built a 
relationship of trust (with U.S. President Obama)." If Japan 
withdraws, it would affect his relationship with President Obama. 
 
President Obama is suffering mental agony over requests for an 
increase in military capacity from commanders in the fields and a 
call for a cut in such from Vice President Biden. Japan's withdrawal 
will affect NATO member nations, which are enduring despite their 
wish to pull out of Afghanistan. Japan's withdrawal will hurt its 
relations with the U.S. more seriously that the foreign minister 
thinks. 
 
Defense Parliamentary Secretary Akihisa Nagashima needs to urge the 
foreign minister to change his mind at the risk of his position. 
Vice Foreign Minister Mitoji Yabunaka is urged to do the same. There 
is a precedent for then vice foreign minister Masuo Takashima 
announcing his intention to step down over then prime minister Zenko 
Suzuki's statement on the Japan-U.S. alliance. 
 
 (9) Fuji Heavy Industries and Defense Ministry at loggerheads over 
initial cost of 50 billion yen following ministry's cancellation of 
orders for attack helicopters 
 
MAINICHI (Page 10) (Abridged slightly) 
Evening, October 13, 2009 
 
 
TOKYO 00002365  011 OF 016 
 
 
Tetsuya Hioka, Masaki Takahashi 
 
The Ministry of Defense and Fuji Heavy Industries Ltd. (FHI) are at 
odds over the ministry's decision to cancel orders for "Apache" 
attack helicopters for the Ground Self-Defense Force. Last month FHI 
submitted to the ministry a written demand for payment of nearly 50 
billion yen, claiming that the company had paid licensing fees and 
other expenses to a U.S. firm on the premise of the ministry's 
initial plan to purchase 62 units, but the ministry cancelled the 
plan after buying only 10 units. FHI will not hesitate to file a 
civil suit against the ministry if it does not comply with the 
company's demand. Meanwhile, the ministry is determined not to budge 
an inch, maintaining that the contracts were concluded on a 
single-year basis and that it did not enter into contract to 
purchase all 62 units. 
 
The ministry decided in 2001 to introduce the AH-64D (Apache) 
helicopter to replace the superannuated AH-1S (Cobra) anti-tank 
helicopter. It determined 62 helicopters were required. FHI and 
parts suppliers paid more than 40 billion yen in initial expenses 
including licensing fees paid to Boeing Company of the United 
States. FHI reportedly began production according to a plan to 
recover the expenses through a levy on each of the 62 units. 
 
But the ministry cancelled the purchase after placing orders for a 
total of 10 units between fiscal 2002 and fiscal 2007. The ministry 
ascribed its decision to the high price tag -- 8 billion yen apiece 
-- against the background of dwindling defense spending in the 
post-Cold War era. A further reason for cancelling the order, 
according to the ministry, was FHI's explanation that it would need 
an enormous additional investment to continue licensed production 
because Boeing would stop its production of AH-64Ds. 
 
FHI also bought from Boeing parts for three units for a little less 
than 10 billion yen in anticipation of orders between fiscal 2008 
and fiscal 2009. With the termination of procurement, a total of 
about 50 billion yen, including the initial cost, has become 
uncollectible. 
 
The problem resulted from the unique business practices between the 
government and defense-related companies. In the event of licensed 
production of high-ticket equipment, such as aircraft, it has been 
customary in Japan for the corporate side to pay the initial cost 
and to claim payments through a levy on each of the aircraft to be 
delivered. The number of aircraft to be delivered has not been 
specified in a contract. 
 
The ongoing trouble prompted the Ministry of Defense to adopt in 
fiscal 2008 a system to clarify the total initial cost and to make 
the total payment in the initial procurement year. 
 
(10) Opinion: A study on an "equal Japan-U.S. alliance" 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) 
October 14, 2009 
 
Yoichi Toyoda, commentary writer 
 
In the recent House of Representatives election, the Democratic 
Party of Japan pledged to create an "equal Japan-U.S. alliance 
relationship" and promised to look into the possibility of 
relocating the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa outside 
 
TOKYO 00002365  012 OF 016 
 
 
the prefecture or outside Japan. These two issues are both linked to 
the question of the "symmetry of the alliance." 
 
The Japan-U.S. alliance has long been described as "asymmetrical," 
and this has been an underlying principle in Japan's foreign policy. 
While the United States has an obligation to defend Japan, Japan 
does not have an obligation to defend the United States. Therefore, 
Japan should make positive military contributions in line with U.S. 
international strategy. 
 
However, the long-term stationing of foreign troops on Japan's 
ancestral land and the fact that these troops enjoy extraterritorial 
rights is in itself a contribution of vital importance. (In that 
sense), the alliance can be considered "symmetrical" even without 
military contributions. 
 
If the alliance is symmetrical, then it can be considered "equal." 
Yet, it is unclear whether the Hatoyama administration considers the 
Japan-U.S. alliance to be symmetrical. 
 
Simply emphasizing making the alliance equal will only serve to 
highlight the fact that the alliance is not equal, which will in 
turn diminish the significance of providing military bases. 
 
On the other hand, if the relocation of bases outside the country is 
to be considered with a full understanding of the great significance 
of providing such bases, additional military contributions will be 
necessary to prevent the alliance from becoming asymmetrical as a 
result of relocating bases outside the country. 
 
If an "equal alliance" does not pertain to symmetry, but only refers 
to a relationship in which Japan is able to "speak out," this may 
give rise to misunderstanding by the neighboring countries. But if 
we are talking about strategic diplomacy that will stir up the 
United States, then it is a different story. 
 
(11) Agriculture Minister Akamatsu breaks off press conference in 
reaction to questions about a Japan-U.S. FTA 
 
ASAHI (Page 10) (Slightly abridged) 
Evening, October 10, 2009 
 
Ogata in Washington 
 
During his meetings with senior U.S. government officials held on 
his recent visit to the U.S., Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries 
Minister Hirotaka Akamatsu did not raise the Democratic Party of 
Japan's (DPJ) proposal for concluding a Japan-U.S. free trade 
agreement (FTA). In its manifesto for the latest general election 
the party pledged to expedite negotiations on a Japan-U.S. FTA. 
Asked by reporters if he made no reference on this pledge during a 
press conference after the meetings, Akamatsu, with a look of 
impatience, suddenly broke off the press conference and then left 
Washington. 
 
Akamatsu reportedly stopped short of bringing up a Japan-U.S. FTA 
when he met with U.S. Trade Representatives Ron Kirk on Oct. 8 and 
Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack on the 9th. In a press 
conference on the 9th, the same question was posed to him. In 
response, Akamatsu reiterated: "(The meetings) were not intended to 
discuss such an issue. Their major purpose was to establish a new 
bilateral relationship." When one reporter asked whether Japan might 
 
TOKYO 00002365  013 OF 016 
 
 
send the wrong message -- that it was not eager to deliver on its 
pledge -- Akamatsu replied: "An FTA involves many other areas. The 
Foreign Ministry handles the issue of FTAs." Although the 
Agriculture Ministry had announced that the press conference would 
last for 20 minutes, when about 15 minutes passed, Akamatsu, 
ignoring a question, suddenly declared: "Since 20 minutes have 
passed, I will end this press conference." 
 
(12) Case of American father arrested for reclaiming his children 
creating a stir in the U.S., may become diplomatic issue 
 
MAINICHI (Page 11) (Full) 
Evening, October 13, 2009 
 
Akira Kudo, Hideto Inoue 
 
With cases of one parent in a failed international marriage taking 
the children back to his or her home country becoming a societal 
problem, an American man was arrested in Fukuoka Prefecture for 
attempting to reclaim his children from his divorced wife last 
month. The case is creating a major stir. The U.S. media have given 
the case prominent coverage, and American citizens staged a protest 
in front of the Japanese Embassy in Washington. Western countries 
are increasingly critical of Japan, blaming the spike in problems on 
the fact that Japan is not a signatory to the Hague Treaty 
stipulating rules for resolving disputes arising from international 
marriages. The current case may present Japan with a fresh 
diplomatic challenge. 
 
Christopher John Savoie, 38, was arrested by Fukuoka Prefectural 
Police officers of the Yanagawa Police Station on the charge of 
abducting minors. At about 7:45 a.m. on September 28 he forcibly put 
his son, 9, a third grader, and daughter, 6, a first grader -- who 
were on their way to school with his Japanese ex-wife -- in his 
rented car and drove away with them. The ex-wife called the police, 
and when Savoie arrived at the U.S. Consulate General in Fukuoka 
City with the two children, police officers questioned and arrested 
him on the spot, taking the children into protective custody. The 
Yanagawa Police Station claims "this is a Japanese case and will be 
investigated under Japanese law." 
 
The Associated Press and other U.S. media outlets have covered this 
case. According to the Japanese Embassy in the U.S., CNN TV carried 
a report with the family's picture, and on Oct. 3, a dozen or so 
protesters demonstrated in front of the embassy. 
 
According to the Yanagawa police, Savoie married his Japanese 
ex-wife in Japan in 1995 and has acquired Japanese citizenship. 
Later, the family moved to the U.S. 
 
Savoie's lawyer in Japan says that he divorced his ex-wife in 
Tennessee last January. The Williamson County Court in Tennessee 
ruled at the time that (1) the children will live with their mother 
in Tennessee and Savoie will spend four months with them each year; 
(2) either parent will have to inform and obtain the consent of the 
other parent before moving with the children out of the state; and 
(3) the ex-wife will get 50 percent of the property and Savoie will 
also pay child support. 
 
However, in August the ex-wife took the children back to Japan 
without notifying Savoie. For this reason, the court granted Savoie 
custody of the children, and the local police obtained a warrant for 
 
TOKYO 00002365  014 OF 016 
 
 
the ex-wife's arrest on the charge of abducting them. 
 
The U.S. Embassy in Japan has issued no comment on this case on the 
grounds that diplomatic exchanges between governments cannot be made 
public. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) says it is 
examining whether to sign the Hague Treaty. MOFA is refraining from 
making any comments on the case that may "affect the 
investigation." 
 
Interview with arrested father 
 
Savoie met with Mainichi Shimbun for about 15 minutes at the 
Yanagawa Police Station on Oct. 8. Following is the gist of the 
interview: 
 
Q: What do you think of this case? 
 
Savoie: I think it is odd that (Japanese) criminal law is being 
applied to a parent meeting his children. My ex-wife violated 
(American law) by taking them back to Japan in August. 
 
Q: Why did you try to take them away? 
 
Savoie: I missed my children. Oct. 9 is the birthday of my late 
father and one of my children. I'm really sad not to be able to see 
them. 
 
Q: Do you think your arrest is illegal? 
 
Savoie: What you have (right now) is a system that favors whoever 
takes the children back to Japan. You need a system that will allow 
the continuation of a relationship with both parents (and not just 
one). 
 
Q: Do you have anything to say to your ex-wife? 
 
Savoie: She thinks that she is the only victim, but I hope she puts 
herself in our children's shoes. 
 
(13) Poll: Hatoyama cabinet, political parties 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged) 
October 14, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Bracketed figures denote 
proportions to all respondents. Figures in parentheses denote the 
results of the last survey conducted Sept. 16-17.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
Yes 65 (71) 
No 16 (14) 
 
 
Q: Why? (One reason only. Left column for those marking "yes" on 
previous question, and right for those marking "no.") 
 
The prime minister is Mr. Hatoyama 5(3) 3(1) 
It's a DPJ-led cabinet 18(12) 15(2) 
Policy 47(31) 58(9) 
Action 25(16) 19(3) 
 
TOKYO 00002365  015 OF 016 
 
 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 45 (46) 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 15 (15) 
New Komeito (NK) 3 (3) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (3) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1) 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1 (1) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) 
Other political parties 0 (0) 
None 29 (29) 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 4 (2) 
 
Q: To what extent do you appreciate the Hatoyama cabinet's job 
performance up to now? (Only one choice) 
 
Appreciate very much 12 
Appreciate somewhat 63 
Don't appreciate very much 18 
Don't appreciate at all 4 
 
Q: The DPJ-led government has now come into office. Do you think the 
initiative of politicians will be stronger toward the bureaucrats? 
 
Yes 51 (49) 
No 33 (32) 
 
 
Q: The Hatoyama cabinet has decided to review the 14-trillion-yen 
supplementary budget compiled by the former Aso cabinet, and the 
Hatoyama cabinet has decided not to execute budgeted projects 
totaling over 2.5 trillion yen. To what extent do you appreciate 
this? (One choice only) 
 
Appreciate very much 23 
Appreciate somewhat 50 
Don't appreciate very much 22 
Don't appreciate at all 4 
 
Q: Prime Minister Hatoyama has made an international pledge to 
attain a reduction of 25 PERCENT  in Japan's greenhouse gas 
emissions (from 1990 levels) by 2020 in an effort to prevent global 
warming. Do you support this pledge? 
 
Yes 72 
No 21 
 
Q: Would you be content if the targeted emissions reduction caused 
you to shoulder a heavier burden on your livelihood or if it caused 
Japan to affect its business activity? 
 
Yes 40 
No 51 
 
Q: Land, Infrastructure and Transport Minister Maehara has clarified 
his decision to call off the planned construction of Yamba Dam in 
Gumma Prefecture. Do you approve of this decision? 
 
Yes 44 
No 31 
 
TOKYO 00002365  016 OF 016 
 
 
 
Q: Justice Minister Chiba has clarified her intention to prepare a 
legislative measure allowing married couples to use separate 
surnames. Do you approve of this legislative initiative? 
 
Yes 48 
No 41 
 
Q: Prime Minister Hatoyama's fund-managing body listed fictitious 
individual donations in its mandatory reports of political funds. On 
this issue, he has not given any account in detail to "avoid saying 
anything that could affect investigations." Is this convincing? 
 
Yes 20 
No 70 
 
Q: The LDP has elected Mr. Sadakazu Tanigaki as its new president. 
Do you think this is good? 
 
Yes 38 
No 28 
 
Q: Do you think the LDP will change under President Tanigaki? 
 
Yes 20 
No 66 
 
Q: Would you like the LDP to recover itself as a party to counter 
the DPJ? 
 
Yes 80 
No 13 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Oct. 11-12 over the 
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. 
Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on 
a three-stage random-sampling basis. Households with one or more 
eligible voters totaled 3,567. Valid answers were obtained from 
2,052 persons (58 PERCENT ). 
 
ROOS