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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 002321 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 10/06/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Poll of DPJ lawmakers (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(2) Editorial: Hatoyama's political funds donation scandal; Premier 
urged to give explanations before investigation (Asahi) 
 
(3) Interview with Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano - My role 
is to have political leadership percolate through the bureaucracy 
(Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Editorial: Rapprochement between China, North Korea - Japan 
should persist with policy of pressure (Sankei) 
 
(5) Interview with former U.S. Ambassador Baker: Japan-U.S. 
relationship remains unchanged after advent of Hatoyama 
administration (Nikkei) 
 
(6) Internal Affairs Minister plans to set up Japanese version of 
U.S. Federal Communications Commission to oversee communications, 
broadcasting (Asahi) 
 
(7) Budget-compilation procedure (Nikkei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Poll of DPJ lawmakers 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
October 5, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage) 
 
Q: The Hatoyama government started as a tripartite coalition of the 
Democratic Party of Japan, the Social Democratic Party, and the 
People's New Party. In the future, what do you think is the 
desirable framework of government? 
 
Maintain the current tripartite coalition of the Democratic Party of 
Japan, the Social Democratic Party, and the People's New Party 72.4 
The DPJ's single-party government 25.7 
A coalition of the DPJ and New Komeito 0.0 
A coalition of the DPJ and some of the Liberal Democratic Party 0.0 
An DPJ-LDP grand coalition 0.0 
Other answers (O/A) 1.4 
No answer (N/A) 0.5 
 
Q: What do you think about sending the Self-Defense Forces overseas 
as Japan's international contribution? 
 
Japan should send the SDF for proactive participation in 
multinational forces (including rear support) 12.4 
Japan should go no further than to use the SDF in United Nations 
peacekeeping operations 58.1 
Japan should go no further than to use the SDF in humanitarian 
assistance activities 15.2 
Japan should not send the SDF overseas 1.0 
O/A 10.5 
N/A 2.9 
 
Q: The government, in its constitutional interpretation, has taken 
 
TOKYO 00002321  002 OF 009 
 
 
the position that Japan is not allowed to participate in collective 
self-defense. What do you think about this? 
 
The Constitution should be amended so Japan can participate in 
collective self-defense 4.3 
The government's constitutional interpretation should be reviewed so 
Japan can participate in collective self-defense to the extent 
possible 15.2 
The government's conventional interpretation is satisfactory 53.3 
O/A 23.3 
N/A 3.8 
 
Q: What do you think about the DPJ's policy of providing a child 
allowance handout? 
 
Provide a handout of 26,000 yen per child as planned (13,000 yen for 
next fiscal year) 91.4 
Provide a child allowance handout according to each household's 
income or reduce the amount of the handout 8.1 
N/A 0.5 
 
Q: The DPJ has set forth its policy of reviewing large-scale public 
works. Do you think the public works in your constituency should be 
reviewed? 
 
There's no need to review 23.8 
There's a need to review 65.7 
N/A 10.5 
 
Q: The DPJ, in its manifesto, says it will make the nation's 
expressways toll-free in principle. Do you approve of toll-free 
expressways in your electoral district or proportional 
representation bloc? 
 
Yes 85.7 
No 3.8 
N/A 10.5 
 
Q: The DPJ says Japan should become a state with sovereignty 
residing in its regions as a sort of decentralization. What do you 
think the DPJ should pursue on a priority basis to that end? 
 
Transfer state authority to local governments 61.4 
Expand the scope of ways and means for local tax revenues, such as a 
local consumption tax 16.7 
Set up a law-based consultative body for the central and local 
governments 12.9 
Study a regional system 2.4 
N/A 6.7 
 
Q: How do you think the DPJ should advance its agricultural income 
indemnity policy for farmers? 
 
Consider uniform indemnity for all farmers, including small-scale 
and part-time farm households 50.0 
Add incentives according to scale and quality from the perspective 
of improving agricultural competitiveness 37.1 
N/A 12.9 
 
(Note) Total percentages are not necessarily 100 PERCENT  , due to 
rounding. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002321  003 OF 009 
 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Sept. 16-18. For the 
survey, a questionnaire form was distributed to 308 DPJ lawmakers 
elected in the Aug. 30 election for the House of Representatives at 
the Diet members' office building in Tokyo. The survey was intended 
to probe their policy thinking that cannot be gleaned from their 
party's manifesto alone. Answers were faxed from 210 persons (68.2 
PERCENT ) by Oct. 4. The DPJ has a total of 143 newly elected 
lawmakers. Among them, 118 (82.5 PERCENT ) responded to the survey. 
A total of 44 DPJ lawmakers are in prime ministerial, cabinet 
ministerial, senior vice ministerial, chief cabinet secretarial, or 
parliamentary secretarial posts. Among them, 10 persons responded. 
 
(2) Editorial: Hatoyama's political funds donation scandal; Premier 
urged to give explanations before investigation 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
October 6, 2009 
 
It has been found that the political fund report of Prime Minister 
Hatoyama's fund management body listed portions of donations as 
coming from deceased persons or persons who in fact did not made 
such donations. In this connection, the Tokyo District Public 
Prosecutors Office Special Investigation Department has started 
questioning concerned people as reference witnesses. 
 
In July a Tokyo organization accused three persons -- Hatoyama and 
the fund management body's accountants - of violation of the 
Political Funds Control Law. Public prosecutors have launched a 
full-scale investigation, probably because the general election is 
now over and the new administration has gotten under way. 
 
At a press conference in June the prime minister acknowledged that 
there were 192 misstatements concerning political donations worth 
21.778 million yen over four years between 2005 and 2008 and 
corrected the report. Hatoyama dismissed his secretary, who had been 
responsible for the organization's accounting and on his own 
collected large amounts of political donations from individuals. 
 
However, a doubt remains about this account. The prime minister had 
explained that there was no targeted amount set for the collection 
of donations by individuals. He said that the secretary wanted to 
make donations from individuals appear larger than the actual 
amount. However, given the fact that Hatoyama received more 
political donations from individuals than any other politicians, why 
was it necessary for his secretary to make that amount appear even 
larger? 
 
The prime minister had indicated his intention also to continue the 
investigation into whether there were similar irregularities 
concerning donations smaller than 50,000 yen, which do not require 
the entries of donors' names. It has been three months since he made 
this statement. However, there have been no new reports presented 
yet. 
 
Concerning the prime minister's political funds, it has been found 
recently that a political organization related to him had been 
renting his mother's building situated in Muroran City, Hokkaido, 
for 100,000 yen a month, which is said to be less than one-fifth of 
the market price. Since the difference from the market price is 
tantamount to a donation, it has to be mentioned in the political 
fund report. However, the prime minister is continuing his stance 
that the rent was at the appropriate level. 
 
TOKYO 00002321  004 OF 009 
 
 
 
The Hatoyama family is one of the richest among politicians. It is 
viewed that the sources of the false donations are Hatoyama's own 
money. However, there might have been cases in which his family's 
money was used. It is certain that the nature of the false 
statements on political donations is different from shady donations 
made by companies and organizations in anticipation of the exercise 
of influence-peddling by politicians. However, it is clearly in 
violation of the law to falsely report political donations 
received. 
 
If the family's budget and political funds are handled without a 
proper bookkeeping system, that is far too sloppy for a politician 
who became prime minister. 
 
Opposition parties, such as the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), are 
expected to harshly pursue Hatoyama over this issue in the 
extraordinary Diet session to be convened as early as the end of the 
month. It is not desirable for the matter to remain as a black mark 
on the administration on which many have pinned their hopes for  new 
politics. 
 
The prime minister yesterday told reporters, "I must refrain from 
making any comments that could have an impact on the investigation." 
However, he should proactively fulfill his accountability, instead 
of keeping mum about the issue of the investigation. In the 
meantime, we would like the special investigation squad of the Tokyo 
Public Prosecutors Office to conduct a proper and fair 
investigation, even though the target is the prime minister, and 
reach a decision that can convince the people. 
 
(3) Interview with Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano - My role 
is to have political leadership percolate through the bureaucracy 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) 
October 3, 2009 
 
-- What role is the chief cabinet secretary going to play in the 
Hatoyama administration? 
 
Hirano: Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister for National 
Strategy Naoto Kan and State Minister for Administrative Reform 
Yoshito Sengoku will play the main roles in coordinating policies. 
My role is to ask (for cooperation) for the enactment of legislation 
and budgets and to have political leadership percolate through the 
bureaucracy in Kasumigaseki. 
 
-- What legislation are you going to submit to the Diet in the next 
ordinary session? 
 
Hirano: We would like to give top priority to what must be done to 
realize our manifesto (campaign pledges). We will focus only on key 
legislation. 
 
-- What about the bill to upgrade the National Strategic Office to 
bureau status? 
 
Hirano: Although a system authorized by law is desirable, (the 
office) is effectively functioning at present. I think the 
legislation can wait until the next regular Diet session. 
 
-- Do you have any plan to make informal ministerial meetings 
 
TOKYO 00002321  005 OF 009 
 
 
public? 
 
Hirano: No. Informal ministerial meetings are designed for 
free-wheeling discussion. If they are made public, cabinet ministers 
would not speak their minds. Then again, the decision-making process 
must be transparent. A news conference is held at each ministry by 
the three parliamentarians -- the minister, senior vice minister, 
and parliamentary secretary. 
 
-- The Decentralization and Reform Promotion Committee and the Doshu 
(Regional Bloc) System Vision Council were established under the 
previous administration of the Liberal Democratic Party and New 
Komeito. (Is the DPJ administration) going to maintain them? 
 
Hirano: Fundamentally we will abolish them and build new forums from 
scratch. 
 
-- How should the ruling parties involve themselves in the cabinet's 
policies? 
 
Hirano: We will discuss party affairs with the secretaries general 
and Diet affairs with the chairpersons of the Diet affairs 
committees. The chairperson of each Diet committee, directors, and 
the three parliamentarians must also regularly exchange information. 
It is also my role to pay close attention to ensuring this is done 
smoothly. There might be some friction in running (the 
administration), but there would be no disagreement over 
essentials. 
 
-- Can you set the direction for the planned relocation of the U.S. 
Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station before President Barack Obama 
visits Japan in November? 
 
Hirano: Japan must have a comprehensive view of some sort when the 
President visits Japan. The matter must be discussed among the 
cabinet ministers concerned. 
 
(4) Editorial: Rapprochement between China, North Korea - Japan 
should persist with policy of pressure 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
October 6, 2009 
 
Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao visited North Korea, where he was greeted 
by leader Kim Jong Il at the airport and held talks with him. In a 
meeting with his North Korean counterpart Premier Kim Yong, Wen 
promised to offer economic cooperation in an apparent attempt to 
solicit a concession from the North on its nuclear development 
program in return for the aid. 
 
Kim Jong Il also expressed willingness in a meeting with a member of 
the State Council of the People's Republic of China last month to 
engage in "bilateral and multilateral talks." North Korea, which 
once announced its intention to secede from the Six-Party Talks, 
might sit down at the negotiating table again. Even so, there is no 
guarantee that the North will immediately abandon its nuclear 
weapons. 
 
The international community has imposed additional sanctions on 
North Korea based on a UN resolution against its second nuclear test 
and ballistic missile launch. Under such a situation, China and 
North Korea are strengthening their ties. Japan must pay close 
 
TOKYO 00002321  006 OF 009 
 
 
attention to their moves. 
 
During his earlier visit to the U.S., Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama 
called on state leaders to cooperate in resolving the North Korean 
abduction and nuclear development issues. Meanwhile, in a meeting 
with Chinese President Hu Jintao, Hatoyama proposed the 
establishment of an East Asian Community designed to introduce new 
economic cooperation and security frameworks in East Asia. 
 
Now that China is aiming to assume hegemony in East Asia, it is 
extremely dangerous for Japan to attempt to implement this 
initiative. Given the nuclear threat of North Korea and China's arms 
buildup, the Japan-U.S. alliance should be maintained as the 
cornerstone of security in East Asia. Japan also should step up its 
cooperation with the U.S. and South Korea in dealing with North 
Korea. 
 
Hatoyama is scheduled to meet South Korean President Lee Myung-Bak 
on Oct. 9 and attend a summit meeting among Japan, China, and South 
Korea on the 10th. Hatoyama should discuss measures to solve the 
abduction and nuclear issues involving Japan and South Korea before 
talking about the concept of an East Asian Community. 
 
In the earlier regular Diet session held before the latest House of 
Representatives election, a bill aimed at carrying out cargo 
inspections on North Korean ships stipulated in a UN resolution 
against the North was killed as the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) 
boycotted the deliberations. It is an urgent task to enact this key 
bill in the upcoming extraordinary diet session. 
 
Former finance minister Shoichi Nakagawa, who chaired a group of 
suprapartisan Diet members dealing with the abduction issue and 
engaged in rescue activities for the abduction victims, passed away 
recently. He was a politician who always took a tough stance toward 
China and North Korea, so his death is extremely regrettable. 
 
In a joint meeting on Oct. 4 in Tokyo of the National Association 
for the Rescue of Japanese Kidnapped by North Korea and the 
Association of the Families of Victims Kidnapped by North Korea, 
many participants expressed regret over the death of Nakagawa. In 
the meeting, the participants agreed on the view that pressure and 
international cooperation will be necessary to prompt North Korea to 
move toward resolving the abduction issue. 
 
Hatoyama should keep this view in mind when he attends the upcoming 
trilateral summit. The new government should also persist with the 
Japanese government's policy up until now of placing pressure on 
North Korea. 
 
(5) Interview with former U.S. Ambassador Baker: Japan-U.S. 
relationship remains unchanged after advent of Hatoyama 
administration 
 
NIKKEI (Page 6) (Full) 
October 3, 2009 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan administration of Prime Minister Yukio 
Hatoyama has called for an equal Japan-U.S. relationship. An 
increasing number of U.S. politicians view this slogan as a point of 
concern for the future of the Japan-U.S. alliance. Nikkei 
interviewed former Ambassador to Japan Howard Baker, a political 
heavyweight who during the George H. Bush administration maintained 
 
TOKYO 00002321  007 OF 009 
 
 
and managed the Japan-U.S. relationship. He was asked his views. 
 
-- We hear that a growing number of people in the U.S. have 
expressed apprehension that the Japan-U.S. relationship might grow 
weaker with the advent of the DPJ Hatoyama administration. 
 
Baker: Frankly, in my view Japan-U.S. relations have not changed at 
all. The current administration's basic policies are the same as the 
previous administration's. When I was ambassador to Japan, I often 
invited senior DPJ members, including Ichiro Ozawa, who is now 
secretary general, to the Ambassador's Official Residence for 
breakfast meetings. At such meetings, I keenly felt that the DPJ was 
eager to introduce a two-party system as exists in the U.S. 
 
I think that (once a politician-led political system takes root) the 
bureaucracy will seldom be criticized as a problem. With the change 
of president, government officials are replaced in the U.S. In 
Britain, the structure of the bureaucracy is more permanent than in 
the U.S. I think Japan may follow the U.S. model. 
 
-- Did you give Mr. Ozawa advice regarding Japan-U.S. relations and 
other issues? 
 
Baker: I told him that there was no need for Japan to adopt the U.S. 
system as a model. The two-party system is certainly functioning 
effectively in the U.S., but is nevertheless still evolving. Japan 
should aim to establish its own two-party system. The Japan-U.S. 
alliance is the cornerstone of security in the Asia-Pacific region, 
and it remains important even after the change of government. 
 
-- Are you apprehensive that the Japan-U.S. relationship will weaken 
during the DPJ administration? 
 
Baker: I hear some say the relationship may weaken during the DPJ 
administration, but there are no definite grounds for this view. My 
current view is not greatly different from my thinking when I was 
ambassador. Japan and the U.S. share numerous common interests, for 
example, science and technology, and promoting trade. There are also 
relations with Asian countries. The situation has changed over the 
last 10 years. Today there are no thorny issues pending between 
Japan and the U.S. 
 
-- I heard you gave advice to U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos. 
 
Baker: As Mr. Mansfield used to say, I told him that no relationship 
is more important than the Japan-U.S. relationship. The Democratic 
Party and the Republican Party share this view. I stressed this 
point to him. Second, I told him to work as a team with State 
Department officials and other government offices. Mr. Roos is close 
to President Barack Obama. He fully recognizes the importance of 
science and technology and the promotion of trade. He is also aware 
of the significance of Japan-U.S. relations. He is not a so-called 
big-name ambassador, but he will make a very good ambassador. 
 
-- President Obama's popularity in the U.S. is declining. Do you 
think the Republican Party will be able to regain power? 
 
Baker: I think the Republican Party may win both houses in the 
midterm elections and also win the gubernatorial elections. The 
pattern in U.S. politics is that a big electoral victory by one 
party is followed by a comeback victory in the next election by the 
other party. President Obama is saddled with many problems. In 
 
TOKYO 00002321  008 OF 009 
 
 
addressing those problems, he could meet a backlash, and that might 
negatively affect his election campaign. 
 
(6) Internal Affairs Minister plans to set up Japanese version of 
U.S. Federal Communications Commission to oversee communications, 
broadcasting 
 
ASAHI (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
October 6, 2009 
 
Harunori Murayama, Yasukazu Akada 
 
Minister of Internal Affairs and Communications Kazuhiro Haraguchi 
gave an exclusive interview to Asahi Shimbun on October 5, during 
which he revealed for the first time detailed plans for establishing 
the new "Communications and Broadcasting Commission" involved with 
communications and broadcasting administration. The Ministry of 
Internal Affairs and Communications (MIC) will regulate and oversee 
the broadcasting companies through this body, and it will be tasked 
with preventing unjust intervention in the contents of broadcast 
programs. Haraguchi envisions this as a "bastion for protecting the 
freedom of expression." 
 
The creation of the Communications and Broadcasting Commission is 
included in the "Policy Index" issued by the Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ) before the general election. According to the "Policy 
Index," this body is meant to resolve the contradiction in the 
current system, under which broadcasters, which play the role of 
watchdogs over state power, are supervised by state power. 
 
Under the Liberal Democratic Party administration, moves to impose 
new penalties emerged time and again during the debate on the 
amendment of the Broadcasting Law in 2007. The MIC, which has the 
power to grant broadcasting licenses, has also issued administrative 
guidance on several occasions over problems with program contents. 
 
In light of this history, Haraguchi indicated that there is a danger 
that the intentions of the government may turn into pressure, and 
that freedom of speech may be suppressed. Therefore, he emphasized 
that the commission will essentially be a "commission independent 
from the governing power," in order to eliminate the danger of 
suppressing freedom of speech. 
 
Specifically, the new body will be an organization similar to the 
National Public Safety Commission, which oversees the National 
Police Agency. It will be given legal authority and the power to 
report to the MIC and demand corrective measures. 
 
The U.S. Federal Communications Commission, which is highly 
independent from the government, is a possible model. The DPJ's 
"Policy Index" calls the new commission the Japanese version of the 
FCC. 
 
While the FCC has the power to regulate program contents, the new 
body will leave them to the broadcasting industry's self-regulation 
and self-discipline and will not intervene. At present, corrective 
measures in cases of violation of human rights by broadcasters are 
handled by the third-party organization Broadcast Ethics and Program 
Improvement Organization (BPO) consisting of NHK and the commercial 
broadcasters. This framework will continue to be upheld. 
 
Members of the new body will be selected based on their political 
 
TOKYO 00002321  009 OF 009 
 
 
neutrality. A system of direct public election by the people will 
also be considered. 
 
The above basic ideas will serve as the basis of discussion for a 
panel of experts to deliberate for about one year. Haraguchi plans 
to submit the legislation on the creation of the new commission to 
the regular Diet session in 2011. 
 
Haraguchi asserted that "the freedom of broadcasting, the freedom of 
expression, and the freedom of the press should be protected no 
matter who is in power and what the political regime is." He added: 
"What I have in mind is an organization that will monitor for 
violations of freedom of speech by political power. We need a 
mechanism to resist moves to place the powerful tool of opinion 
under the control of the state." 
 
(7) Budget-compilation procedure 
(shaded portions indicate strong political involvement) 
 
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
September 29, 2009 
 
 
(1) Determination of basic policies 
 
Determination of basic policies (Sept. 29) 
 
(2) Budget compilation/examination 
 
 Budgetary requests (by Oct. 15) 
 
(3) Adoption 
 
(1) Determination of basic policies 
 
Budgetary requests guidelines compiled 
 
Budgetary requests approved 
 
 (2) Budget compilation/examination 
 
Budgetary requests 
 
Agreement on budget draft through negotiations 
 
(3) Adoption 
 
ZUMWALT