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C O N F I D E N T I A L QUITO 000873 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 2019/10/08 
TAGS: PGOV EC
SUBJECT: Correa and Indigenous Leaders Talk, Agree to More Dialogue 
 
REF: QUITO 849 
 
CLASSIFIED BY: Heather M. Hodges, Ambassador, State, ...



id: 228953
date: 10/8/2009 14:21
refid: 09QUITO873
origin: Embassy Quito
classification: CONFIDENTIAL
destination: 09QUITO849
header:
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C O N F I D E N T I A L QUITO 000873 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 2019/10/08 
TAGS: PGOV EC
SUBJECT: Correa and Indigenous Leaders Talk, Agree to More Dialogue 
 
REF: QUITO 849 
 
CLASSIFIED BY: Heather M. Hodges, Ambassador, State, EXEC; REASON: 
1.4(B), (D) 
 
¶1. (SBU) Summary.  After a week of protests and the death of one 
indigenous protestor, President Rafael Correa and over 100 
indigenous leaders sat down in Quito for a highly contentious 
discussion resulting in a six-point agreement to talk more often 
and about specific issues.  The agreement calls for "permanent" 
dialogue between the GOE and indigenous leaders, talks on changes 
to the current Law on Minerals and proposed Law on Water, 
discussions on possible reforms to the implementation of the 
bilingual education program, and commissions to investigate the 
death of the indigenous protestor and whether a radio station could 
be held responsible for inciting the violence in Morona Santiago 
province.  Indigenous leaders returned to their home territories to 
consult with their base, and the final protestors re-opened the 
last of the closed roads. At the end of the day, Correa looks more 
moderate by agreeing to dialogue, while the indigenous groups got 
their meeting with the President. However, the indigenous leaders 
may find that little of substance changes when the dust settles. 
End Summary. 
 
 
 
------------------------------------ 
 
Talking (and Yelling) about Dialogue 
 
------------------------------------ 
 
 
 
¶2.  (U) The dialogue between Correa and more than 100 indigenous 
group leaders kicked off in the presidential palace at 3 pm on 
October 5, although Correa himself arrived 45 minutes late.  During 
the four hours of heated debate, Correa and indigenous leaders 
(many in colorful ponchos or feathered headress) traded barbs with 
repeated interruptions, both sides accusing the other of lack of 
respect, lack of consistency, and failure to abide by the new 
constitution.  Correa called some of the leaders "rightists" with 
"golden ponchos" and accusing others of being uneducated and 
manipulated.  His audience responded by charging Correa with making 
racist statements and ignoring his campaign promises.  When Correa 
left at 7:30 that evening, Vice President Lenin Moreno took over 
for another hour of "dialogue." Shortly after 10 pm, the Secretary 
of Peoples, Social Movements and Citizen Participation, Doris 
Soliz, announced the six-point accord. 
 
 
 
¶3.  (U) The agreement, which Soliz says will be formalized as an 
Executive Decree, notes first that the GOE will receive an agenda 
of proposals from CONAIE to start a "permanent dialogue" on various 
issues of concern to the indigenous movements.  Both sides also 
agreed to create a new system for selecting the authorities who 
manage the nation's bilingual and intercultural education program. 
The GOE and indigenous groups will both review drafts of the Law on 
Water and attempt to reach consensus on a proposal within the 
National Assembly committee that is currently reviewing the GOE's 
initial proposal.  In addition, the GOE and CONAIE will form a 
joint commission to consider possible revisions to the extant Law 
on Minerals. The final two points of the agreement call for 
investigations into the violence in Morona Santiago province, with 
a commission to investigate whether a Shuar radio station may have 
been responsible for inciting violence during the demonstrations, 
and another joint CONAIE-GOE commission to try to determine 
responsibility for the death of protestor Bosco Wisuma in that 
province. 
 
 
 
-------------------------- 
 
To the Barricades and Back 
 
-------------------------- 
 
 
 
¶4.  (U) The strike called by the Confederation of Indigenous People 
of Ecuador (CONAIE) on September 27 to protest the proposed Law on 
Water initially fizzled in less than one day.  Only a few hundred 
protestors mobilized in any given location, and police were able to 
 
reopen roads in most of the country after only a few hours (Ref A). 
CONAIE's president, Marlon Santi, called off the mobilizations once 
the government agreed to meet with his organization the following 
day.  However, the Confederation of Indigenous People of the Amazon 
(CONFENAIE, part of the CONAIE federation) refused to lift the 
strike and kept the road between the provinces of Pastaza and 
Morona Santiago blocked.  Correa then called off his dialogue with 
CONAIE, suggesting that they needed to get their internal house in 
order before they sat down with the GOE, and refused to open 
discussions until the strike was completely lifted.  On September 
30, police in riot gear, but reportedly unarmed, moved to disperse 
protestors on a bridge in Morona Santiago.  The indigenous 
protestors, apparently armed with shotguns and spears, allegedly 
opened fire on police, injuring 40 police and killing one of their 
own, a Shuar teacher named Bosco Wisuma. 
 
 
 
¶5.  (U) The killing of Bosco Wisuma, although reportedly an 
incident of "friendly fire," galvanized CONAIE supporters and GOE 
representatives alike.  Correa reopened the calls for dialogue and 
more indigenous organizations aligned themselves with CONAIE. 
After a few days of demanding that Correa come to them in the 
Amazonian provinces, and Correa insisting that his ministers would 
start the talks without him, Correa, CONAIE and CONFENAIE finally 
agreed instead to meet in Quito.  More than 5000 indigenous group 
representatives came to the capital to demonstrate in support of 
CONAIE and its list of 25 demands.  Police turned out in force, but 
reportedly under strict instructions to keep the peace without 
using firearms or any form of violence. 
 
 
 
¶6.  (U) Indigenous leaders within CONAIE arrived at the dialogue 
with a list of 25 demands for the President, National Assembly, and 
Constitutional Court.  Most of the demands involved granting 
indigenous groups autonomy within their territory; the option of 
vetoing any proposed mining, petroleum, or resource extraction 
activity in their lands; and requiring that all laws be passed by 
consensus.  CONAIE's leaders received little of what they asked 
for, although they did gain agreement on the "permanent dialogue" 
(the first item on their list), and won agreement to at least 
discuss the contentious Law on Minerals and revisions to the draft 
Law on Water. 
 
 
 
------------- 
 
Win-lose-tie? 
 
------------- 
 
 
 
¶7.  (C) Correa's initial hard-line position and CONAIE's failure to 
mobilize large groups and other indigenous organizations, as it had 
in 2000 and 2005, appeared at first to indicate a significant 
weakness in CONAIE's political base.  Correa once again seemed to 
have successfully divided his opponents.  The death of Bosco Wisuma 
appears to have shaken GOE and CONAIE leaders alike.  One 
interlocutor told Emboff that he had never seen Correa so diffident 
or so visibly upset as he appeared on the evening television 
broadcast after Wisuma's death.  That the death of the protestor 
was likely the result of weapons fired by other protestors (autopsy 
results and eyewitness accounts both report that Wisuma was killed 
by pellets, like those used in shotguns carried by the Shuar) has 
also apparently divided the indigenous leadership and may have been 
enough to get CONFENAIE to come to the table in Quito.  The 
apparent violence on the part of the Shuar in CONFENAIE also 
appears to have damped any enthusiasm on the part of non-indigenous 
groups to support the strike. 
 
 
 
¶8. (C) Comment: Both sides have probably bought some breathing room 
and will need to consult internally on next steps.  Correa's 
agreement to meet, even though some groups were still protesting, 
demonstrated some flexibility on his part and may help convince 
moderates that he can and will be reasonable.  The indigenous 
groups, on the other hand, received little of what they asked for, 
and may discover that the laws in contention remain substantially 
 
unchanged. CONAIE's leadership abilities within the indigenous 
movement have been sorely tested, and it is not yet clear that they 
can speak for their member organizations with any authority. 
Correa and his government are unlikely to give up on their plans to 
centralize authority over natural resources, despite the indigenous 
opposition, given their need for the financial resources.  End 
Comment. 
HODGES 

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