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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 002247 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/25/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Building relationship of trust a top priority for Hatoyama and 
Obama (Asahi) 
 
(2) Editorial: Japan-U.S. summit; Further enhance pragmatic 
decisions (Sankei) 
 
(3) PM Hatoyama's speech at UN General Assembly to become foreign 
policy manifesto (Asahi) 
 
(4) Bureaucrats baffled by "Hatoyama-style diplomacy" (Sankei) 
 
(5) ConGen Greene stresses promotion of Futenma relocation within 
Okinawa, to seek DPJ's understanding (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(6) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(7) Profiles of new parliamentary secretaries (Nikkei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Building relationship of trust a top priority for Hatoyama and 
Obama 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
September 24, 2009 
 
Nao Fujita, Hiroshi Ito, New York 
 
Hatoyama: Let us take the lead in making the world nuclear free 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and U.S. President Barack Obama held 
their first meeting (in New York on Sept. 23) at which they 
confirmed their resolve to face up to common challenges, such as 
global warming and nuclear disarmament. At the same time, friction 
is expected to arise in the future over specific issues, such as a 
review of U.S. bases in Okinawa and aid to Afghanistan. Hatoyama 
diplomacy advocating an "equal Japan-U.S. relationship" has begun. 
 
The word "change" helped bring Hatoyama and Obama closer to each 
other. 
 
President Obama: I congratulate the Democratic Party of Japan for 
bringing about dramatic change in the country. 
 
Prime Minister Hatoyama: I am here to thank the President and the 
American people for giving me the courage to make change. They also 
gave the Japanese people the courage to opt for a change of 
government. 
 
Hatoyama and Obama exchanged words for the third time following 
their telephone conversation on Sept. 3 and their chat during the 
dinner party the day before the UN climate change summit 
 
Obama placed a telephone call to Hatoyama early on the morning of 
Sept. 3 to congratulate him on the DPJ's landslide victory in the 
(Aug. 30) general election. In the telephone conversation, Hatoyama 
proposed close cooperation in climate change, disarmament, and the 
economy with the aim of steering policy on a course toward dealing 
 
TOKYO 00002247  002 OF 012 
 
 
with global rather than controversial bilateral issues. 
 
A monthly magazine published in August carried Hatoyama's essay that 
caused a sensation by irritating the United States. The DPJ's 
efforts to create an atmosphere of friendship did not go smoothly 
partly because the security policy the DPJ advocated as an 
opposition party was interpreted as strongly anti-American. The 
Japan-U.S. relationship was regarded as the DPJ's Achilles heel. 
 
In line with the position of former DPJ president Ichiro Ozawa, the 
party was eyeing an equal Japan-U.S. alliance, a review of the 
realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, a revision of the Japan-U.S. 
Status of Forces Agreement, and ending the Maritime Self-Defense 
Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean. 
 
Japan experts in the United States continually warned DPJ executives 
that all of those goals appeared anti-American. 
 
The DPJ began correcting its course before the (Aug. 30) general 
election, believing that shaky Japan-U.S. relations prevent the 
Hatoyama administration from focusing on domestic issues of concern 
to the people. 
 
In mid-July, then Secretary General Katsuya Okada met with U.S. 
Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell. Okada told Campbell "we 
will not put all outstanding issues on the table at the same time," 
indicating that (the DPJ administration) would place some issues on 
the backburner. 
 
"Let us take the lead in making the world nuclear free," Hatoyama 
said to Obama in their first summit meeting, expressing his support 
for Obama's vision of a nuclear-free world. 
 
Obama: I look forward to visiting Japan in November 
 
"We had good discussions from the viewpoint that the U.S.-Japan 
alliance is vital," Obama said after his meeting with Hatoyama. "We 
agreed to strengthen and deepen our alliance." 
 
The U.S. government regards President Obama's first visit to Japan 
in November as the crucial step in building cooperative relations 
with the Hatoyama administration. Washington shared Tokyo's wishes 
to create a positive environment through the first Japan-U.S. 
summit. 
 
"I think we will have many more talks in the future, and I look 
forward to visiting Japan in November," Obama said to Hatoyama in an 
effort to create an amicable atmosphere. Obama also expressed his 
intention to resolve one issue at a time without referring to any 
specific issues. 
 
The Obama administration had shown consideration for the Hatoyama 
administration in a series of talks ahead of the Hatoyama-Obama 
meeting. 
 
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton held talks with Foreign Minister 
Katsuya Okada on Sept. 21 in which Clinton said regarding the 
planned relocation of Futenma Air Station: "There is an existing 
plan, but we are happy to answer and discuss any question the 
Japanese government has." Clinton also expressed a stance of 
accepting the Hatoyama administration's policy of not simply 
extending the refueling mission in the Indian Ocean. 
 
TOKYO 00002247  003 OF 012 
 
 
 
At the same time, the Obama administration has drawn a line in the 
sand. 
 
"There is a plan--clearly we're going to hold discussions about it, 
but where the discussions will lead, at this point, I can't 
predict," Assistant Secretary of State Philip Crowley told the press 
on Sept. 21, stopping short of saying that the U.S. government would 
renegotiate the existing plan. 
 
The line drawn in the sand reflects the political situation in 
America. 
 
Within the U.S. Marines there is opposition to the Futenma 
relocation plan owing partly to concern over the conditions at the 
relocation site. If Washington agrees to review the agreement with 
Tokyo, its opponents might gain the upper hand. In addition, 60 
percent of the American people oppose sending additional troops to 
Afghanistan. Japan's indirect aid to Afghanistan is growing in 
importance. 
 
The other serious challenge for the Obama administration is reform 
of the health care insurance system. The President's support ratings 
have plummeted due to strong opposition from conservatives. There is 
a possibility that President Obama will suspend his push for 
healthcare reform to make the trip to Japan. That would make his 
trip all the more important. 
 
If Japan insists on a major review of the Futenma relocation plan 
and presents no new Afghan aid plan, President Obama will find 
himself in a tight spot and passage of a healthcare reform bill will 
be dealt a blow. This helps explain why the administration is 
sending Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg to Japan later 
this month and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates in October. 
 
Center for Strategic and International Studies Japan Chair Michael 
Green takes this view: "Prime Minister Hatoyama may be expecting 
President Obama to soften his stance regarding the Afghan and 
Okinawa issues once a relationship of trust with him is built. But 
that is only wishful thinking." 
 
 (2) Editorial: Japan-U.S. summit; Further enhance pragmatic 
decisions 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
September 25, 2009 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who is now visiting the U.S., and 
President Obama at a summit agreed to further strengthen the 
bilateral alliance and work together on such issues as North Korea, 
nonproliferation, and climate change. 
 
We would like to express our honest approval that the leaders of the 
two countries reaffirmed that the Japan-US alliance is a 
"cornerstone." However, it is of concern that specific issues, such 
as supporting measures against terrorism and the U.S. Force Japan 
realignment program, have been left as unfinished tasks. In order 
for Japan and the U.S. to build true bonds of trust, it is 
imperative for Prime Minister Hatoyama to respond to those agenda 
items with specific actions, based on pragmatic decisions. 
 
The summit was characterized as the highlight of Mr. Hatoyama's 
 
TOKYO 00002247  004 OF 012 
 
 
diplomatic debut. However, the meeting was brief - less than 40 
minutes. The meeting left the impression that they just exchanged 
principles and policy platforms. It appears that given the 
U.S.-China summit, which lasted an hour and a half, the Japan-U.S. 
summit did not get into in-depth discussion. 
 
The U.S. is becoming increasingly concerned about the policy pledges 
that Prime Minister Hatoyama and Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada are 
advocating. This is why the meeting was so brief. They say that they 
will not simply extend the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling 
mission in the Indian Ocean. They have also been taking a position 
to review the U.S. Forces Japan realignment program, including the 
relocation of the Futenma Air Station, and the Japan-U.S. Status of 
Forces Agreement. 
 
The U.S. is alarmed about those issues because they affect the very 
core of the alliance. Prime Minister Hatoyama has stopped short of 
providing detailed accounts on the specifics of a "close and equal 
Japan-U.S. alliance" and the relationship between his East Asian 
Community initiative and the U.S. 
 
If the leaders delve into the details of those pending issues or 
specific subjects, many risk factors will be revealed that could 
cause friction. Although neither Japan nor the U.S. wanted to touch 
on them, it is clear that those issues cannot be put on the back 
burner forever. 
 
In particular, the due date for refueling operation in the Indian 
Ocean is next January. The government says that it will look into 
civilian assistance as an alternative measure. In any case, it must 
come up with a concrete plan swiftly. The budget has already been 
prepared for portions of the U.S. Forces realignment plan and parts 
of the plan have been set in motion. Any delay in the government's 
action in laying out a roadmap could damage the deterrence system of 
Japan and the U.S. 
 
It is also puzzling that Foreign Minister Okada used the word 
"wakaba-mark (originally means those who have recently obtained a 
driving license, but also refers to people who have just started 
something), when speaking of international contributions by the 
Self-Defense Forces (SDF). The SDF has steadily accumulated 
experience in and knowledge of overseas peace contribution 
activities. We wonder whether it was appropriate for the foreign 
minister to use such words in his statement. 
 
It is only natural for both leaders agreed to uphold the Japan-U.S. 
cooperative structure in dealing with North Korea's nuclear and 
abduction issues. It is fine for the two countries to cooperate on 
nuclear disarmament and climate change. However, Japan must not lose 
sight of the actual aspects of bilateral cooperation, including the 
efficacy of the nuclear umbrella and the impact of an excessive cut 
in greenhouse gas effects on the economy. We would like Prime 
Minister Hatoyama to do his utmost in order to strengthen the 
Japan-U.S. alliance, while bearing the interests of the nation and 
its people in mind. 
 
(3) PM Hatoyama's speech at UN General Assembly to become foreign 
policy manifesto 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
September 25, 2009 
 
 
TOKYO 00002247  005 OF 012 
 
 
Nao Fujita (New York) 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's speech at the United Nations in the 
early hours of September 25 (Japan time) can be regarded as a 
supplement to the election manifesto of the Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ), which was short on foreign policy. Since he was in a 
rush to attend the UN General Assembly right after his 
administration's inauguration, he drafted this speech after 
coordinating with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The speech 
reflects an attempt to change tack to adapt to the reality of the 
international community. 
 
In this speech, the Prime Minister proudly declares the significance 
of the change of government in Japan and promises "the new Japan 
will not turn its back" on the challenges facing the world. His 
speech is noteworthy for its heavy focus on bilateral relations with 
North Korea. 
 
In its campaign pledges the DPJ had stated that the issue of North 
Korea's missile and nuclear (programs) is "absolutely unacceptable", 
but it had not mentioned how it will handle Japan-DPRK relations. 
However, under one of the "five challenges" cited in Hatoyama's UN 
speech on denuclearization, Hatoyama voices his intention to 
normalize diplomatic relations in accordance with the Japan-DPRK 
Pyongyang Declaration. He sends the following message to North 
Korea: "If the DPRK takes constructive and sincere actions, Japan is 
ready to respond positively." 
 
The Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration is a document signed in 2002 by 
then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's during his visit to North 
Korea. The declaration is an agreement for the two countries to 
resume normalization talks. At the time the DPJ was critical of the 
agreement because of public dissatisfaction with the fact that 
although General Secretary Kim Jong Il admitted the abductions, what 
he offered was far from a solution to the abduction issue. 
 
Hatoyama's speech clearly indicates the Hatoyama administration has 
opted to carry out a policy based on the Declaration. Mindful of 
U.S. moves to engage in bilateral talks with the DPRK as early as 
October to pave the way for the resumption of the Six-Party Talks, 
the Prime Minister has shifted to reinstating the Declaration. This 
is a clear indication that he is giving greater priority to setting 
the stage for the resumption of dialogue than to concerns about 
being criticized as weak-kneed toward North Korea. 
 
In relation to the war against terrorism, Hatoyama cites the 
civilian aid efforts for Afghanistan he previously mentioned at his 
summit meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama. He explains that 
this is because "reconciliation and reintegration of insurgents will 
become critical issues in national reconstruction." It is believed 
that he will indicate Japan's intention to play a leading role in 
promoting peace. 
 
Meanwhile, with regard to the East Asian community advocated by 
Hatoyama, he cites "reducing the region's security risks and sharing 
each others' economic dynamism" as the objectives of this concept 
and enumerates areas of possible cooperation, including Free Trade 
Agreements, finance, energy, and disaster relief. The question now 
is how these proposals can be fleshed out ahead of the APEC summit 
to be held in Singapore in November, in which the United States will 
also participate. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002247  006 OF 012 
 
 
The speech also touches on pledges in domestic policies. The 
expansion of domestic demand is viewed as part of the "response to 
the global economic crisis." He presents the child allowances and 
the abolition of the temporary tax rates for gasoline. He declares 
that "through the change of power, Japan is sending a clear signal 
of the forthcoming revival of its economy." 
 
On greenhouse gas emission reduction, Hatoyama reiterates Japan's 
mid-term target of reducing emissions by 25 percent from 1990 
levels. Here he is clearly making a pledge that is opposed by 
industrial and other sectors at home and an "international 
commitment" to make this irreversible. 
 
The Prime Minister had given greater importance to the speech at the 
UN General Assembly even before the general election. He wanted to 
impress upon world leaders the significance of the change of 
government in Japan. The last sentence of the speech,  "This 
concludes my message from the new Japan," is the international 
version of Hatoyama's first policy speech as prime minister. 
 
(4) Bureaucrats baffled by "Hatoyama-style diplomacy" 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
September 24, 2009 
 
Morimichi Imabori, New York 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who has made his diplomatic debut on 
his current U.S. tour, is trying to exclude the involvement of 
bureaucrats during his visit to New York in an effort to demonstrate 
his political leadership. However, he appears to be at a loss for 
words when he talks to the press after meetings, causing confusion 
among the bureaucrats accompanying him. 
 
Speaks in own words 
 
Hatoyama held talks with Chinese President Hu Jintao immediately 
after he arrived in New York on the evening of Sept. 21. Normally, 
Japanese prime ministers discuss the details of their overseas 
travel in advance with the Foreign Ministry's deputy ministers and 
bureau director generals concerned. The bureaucrats make 
arrangements with other countries before prime ministers visit 
foreign countries. But as a result of repeating this procedure over 
and over again, there have been cases in which the prime ministers 
have ended up conducting talks that were completely orchestrated by 
bureaucrats in advance. 
 
Hatoyama, however, dispensed with "bureaucratic preparations" when 
he met with Hu. He talked with the Chinese leader in his own words 
for about one hour. 
 
Hatoyama's UN speech drafted by senior vice minister 
 
At a United Nations climate change summit meeting, as well, Hatoyama 
stuck to the so-called Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) style, 
which means that the speech he gave at the meeting was compiled by 
Senior Vice Foreign Minister Tetsuro Fukuyama and other DPJ 
lawmakers who have addressed global warming. Hatoyama did not allow 
any foreign ministry officials to take part in the compilation of 
the speech. 
 
However, such politically-led decision-making gave rise to 
 
TOKYO 00002247  007 OF 012 
 
 
confusion. 
 
Deputy chief cabinet secretary fails to give smooth explanation 
 
Up until now, a deputy chief cabinet secretary accompanying the 
prime minister has been in charge of explaining what was discussed 
in meetings between the prime minister and foreign leaders. 
Following this practice, Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Yorihisa 
Matsuno gave an explanation after the Japan-China summit. However, 
he failed to give a smooth explanation of the summit, disappointing 
the press corps. There was even at point at which he was unable to 
provide detailed explanations about what Hatoyama and Hu said during 
their meeting. 
 
When the Liberal Democratic Party held the reins of government, a 
senior Foreign Ministry official who joined the deputy chief cabinet 
secretary's press conference would provide supplementary 
explanations if necessary. The bureaucrats who accompanied Matsuno 
during his press briefing were uncertain about whether they should 
support him or not. 
 
One of the bureaucrats accompanying Hatoyama said with expectation, 
"Politically-led decision-making means that politicians assume all 
the responsibility. This is good." However, another bureaucrat said, 
"I still don't know how to work with the DPJ-led government." Even 
on the diplomatic front, there are still contradictions between 
political leadership and administrative arrangements. 
 
(5) ConGen Greene stresses promotion of Futenma relocation within 
Okinawa, to seek DPJ's understanding 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
September 25, 2009 
 
Raymond Greene, U.S. consul general in Okinawa, held his first news 
conference after taking up his post at the Consulate General in 
Urasoe City on September 24. Regarding the plan for the relocation 
of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station, Greene stated that, "(The 
U.S. position) that the existing Japan-U.S. agreement is realistic 
because Futenma needs to be relocated as soon as possible remains 
unchanged," stressing that the U.S. stance is to promote the plan to 
relocate the Futenma base to Henoko in Nago City. 
 
Commenting on the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) advocacy of 
relocation out of Okinawa or out of Japan, Greene said: "I am aware 
that the DPJ has doubts about the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) 
realignment package (including Futenma relocation). We will make 
efforts to explain the history, background, and objectives through 
diplomatic channels in order to seek its understanding." He 
indicated his intention to seek the DPJ administration's 
understanding of the existing plans. 
 
Regarding the proposal to merge Futenma with Kadena Air Base, Greene 
explained the history of the proposal, telling the press: "This was 
also studied in the process of USFJ realignment in the late 1990s. 
The noise will become even worse if 60-70 planes are moved from 
Futenma to Kadena. It was decided that this was not feasible not 
only because of operational issues but also because of the major 
(noise) problem for the local communities." 
 
On the question of the revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces 
Agreement (SOFA), Greene refrained from giving direct a comment. He 
 
TOKYO 00002247  008 OF 012 
 
 
stated that, "It is not as if there has been no change at all in 60 
years. Improvement of operations has been implemented. While I am 
not negative (about this demand), I am not in a position to comment 
on this complicated issue." 
 
(6) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 4) (Abridged) 
September 18, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage. Parentheses denote the results of the 
last survey conducted Aug. 31-Sept. 1.) 
 
Q: Do you support the newly launched Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
Yes 72.0 
No 13.1 
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 14.9 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the previous question) 
What's the primary reason for your approval of the Hatoyama cabinet? 
Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is trustworthy 12.1 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, 
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 7.4 
The prime minister has leadership ability 3.1 
Something can be expected of its economic policies 16.4 
Something can be expected of its foreign policies 3.1 
Something can be expected of its political reforms 29.2 
Something can be expected of its tax reforms 3.4 
Something can be expected of its administrative reforms 10.2 
There's no other appropriate person (for prime minister) 11.7 
Other answers (O/A) 0.8 
D/K+N/A 2.6 
 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the first question) What's 
the primary reason for your disapproval of the Hatoyama cabinet? 
Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is untrustworthy 16.5 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, 
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 19.7 
The prime minister lacks leadership ability 5.7 
Nothing can be expected of its economic policies 35.0 
Nothing can be expected of its foreign policies 4.9 
Nothing can be expected of its political reforms 3.8 
Nothing can be expected of its tax reforms 2.7 
Nothing can be expected of its administrative reforms 3.1 
Don't like the prime minister's personal character 5.8 
O/A 0.9 
D/K+N/A 1.9 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 47.6 (41.1) 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 18.8 (19.0) 
New Komeito (NK) 3.7 (5.1) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3.1 (3.4) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.8 (2.1) 
 
TOKYO 00002247  009 OF 012 
 
 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1.4 (2.4) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.4 (1.5) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) --- (0.1) 
Other political parties, groups --- (0.1) 
None 21.6 (22.9) 
D/K+N/A 1.6 (2.3) 
 
Q: What do you think the Hatoyama cabinet should tackle on a 
priority basis? Pick up to two. 
 
Economic stimulus, job security 35.5 (40.2) 
Social security, including pension reform 37.1 (35.2) 
Administrative, fiscal reforms, such as eliminating the waste of tax 
money 44.8 (39.7) 
Public service reform, such as prohibiting amakudari  (practice of 
placing high-level government officials in executive posts at public 
corporations or private businesses after retirement) 15.6 (19.0) 
Childcare support, including child allowance payouts 19.8 (17.3) 
Switch from bureaucrat-led government to politician-led government 
9.3 (8.2) 
Politics-and-money issues, such as prohibiting corporate 
contributions 4.3 (6.6) 
Toll-free expressways 3.5 (2.7) 
Social disparity 3.7 (5.4) 
Drastic tax reform 5.1 (7.5) 
Foreign, security policies 4.4 (6.3) 
O/A 1.1 (0.6) 
D/K+N/A 3.0 (1.9) 
 
Polling methodology: This survey was conducted across the nation on 
Sept. 16-17 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit 
dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers, 
those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters 
totaled 1,442. Answers were obtained from 1,032 persons. 
 
7) Profiles of new parliamentary secretaries 
 
NIKKEI (Page 4) (Full) 
September 19, 2009 
 
(Cabinet Office) 
 
Kenta Izumi 
Graduated from Ritsumeikan University; former Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ) policy research committee vice chairman, former House of 
Representatives cabinet committee director; Lower House Kyoto No. 3 
district; third term; 35 (Maehara group in the DPJ) 
 
Kenji Tamura 
University of Tokyo; former finance ministry personnel, former DPJ 
tax research committee deputy chief (jicho); Lower House Shizuoka 
No. 4 district; third term; 41 (Noda group) 
 
Keisuke Tsumura 
University of Tokyo; former Bank of Japan personnel, former Lower 
House security committee director; Lower House Okayama No. 2 
district; third term; 37 (Kan group) 
 
(Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry) 
 
Junya Ogawa 
University of Tokyo; former internal affairs and communications 
 
TOKYO 00002247  010 OF 012 
 
 
ministry assistant division director, Lower House internal affairs 
and communications committee member; Lower House Kagawa No. 1 
district; second term; 38 (Maehara group) 
 
Takeshi Shina 
University of Tokyo Graduate School; former lawyer, former Lower 
House financial affairs committee member; Lower House Iwate No. 1 
district; second term; 42 (Ozawa group) 
 
Seiken Hasegawa 
University of Tokyo; ex-vice minister for policy coordination of the 
former posts and telecommunications ministry, former DPJ vice 
secretary general; Upper House proportional representation; first 
term (People's New Party (PNP)) 
 
(Justice Ministry) 
 
Tetsuji Nakamura 
Kyoto University; former DPJ Upper House vice secretary general, 
former Upper House health, labor and welfare committee director; 
Upper House Nara constituency; first term (two terms in Lower 
House); 38 
 
(Foreign Ministry) 
 
Shuji Kira 
University of Tokyo; former DPJ vice secretary general, former DPJ 
policy research committee vice chairman; Lower House Oita No. 1 
district; third term; 51 (Ozawa group) 
 
Chinami Nishimura 
Niigata University Graduate School; former Niigata prefectural 
assembly member, former Lower House cabinet committee member; Lower 
House Niigata No. 1 district; third term; 42 (Kan group) 
 
(Finance Ministry) 
 
Hiroshi Ogushi 
University of Tokyo; former finance ministry personnel, former DPJ 
policy research committee vice chairman; Lower House Saga No. 2 
district; second term; 44 
 
Shinichiro Furumoto 
Ritsumeikan University; former Lower House finance committee 
director, former DPJ vice secretary general; Lower House Aichi No. 
11 district; third term; 44 (DPJ group affiliated with the former 
Democratic Socialist Party) 
 
(Education, Culture, sports, and Science and Technology Ministry) 
 
Hitoshi Goto 
Tohoku University; former agriculture ministry assistant division 
director, Lower House land, infrastructure, and transport committee 
director; Lower House Yamanashi No. 3 district; third term; 52 
 
Miho Takai 
Waseda University; former company employee, former DPJ public 
relations committee deputy chief (dairi); Lower House Tokushima No. 
2 district; third term; 37 (Maehara group) 
 
(Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry) 
 
 
TOKYO 00002247  011 OF 012 
 
 
Kazunori Yamanoi 
Kyoto University Graduate School, Matsushita Institute of Government 
and Management; Lower House health, labor and welfare committee 
director; Lower House Kyoto No. 6 district; fourth term; 47 (Maehara 
group) 
 
Shinya Adachi 
Tsukuba University; former associate professor at Tsukuba 
University, former Upper House health, labor and welfare committee 
member; Upper House Oita constituency; first term; 52 (Hatoyama 
group) 
 
(Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry) 
 
Takahiro Sasaki 
Shibetsu High School; former Hokkaido prefectural assembly member, 
former DPJ election campaign committee deputy chief (dairi); Lower 
House Hokkaido No. 6 district; second term; 60 (DPJ group affiliated 
with former Japan Socialist Party) 
 
Yasue Funayama 
Hokkaido University; former farm ministry personnel, former Upper 
House agriculture, forestry and fisheries committee member; Upper 
House Yamagata constituency; first term; 43 (Hatoyama group) 
 
(Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry) 
 
Yosuke Kondo 
Keio University; former Nikkei reporter, former DPJ policy research 
committee vice chairman; Lower House Yamagata No. 2 district; third 
term; 44 (Noda group) 
 
Chiaki Takahashi 
Meiji University; former agricultural cooperative employee, former 
Upper House agriculture, forestry and fisheries committee director; 
Upper House Mie constituency; third term; 53 
 
(Land, Infrastructure and Transport Ministry) 
 
Takashi Nagayasu 
University of Tokyo; former company executive, former DPJ vice 
secretary general; Lower House Osaka No. 19 district; third term; 
41 
 
Taizo Mikazuki 
Hitotsubashi University; former Lower House land, infrastructure and 
land committee director, former DPJ vice secretary general; Lower 
House Shiga No. 3 district; 38 (DPJ group affiliated with the former 
Democratic Socialist Party) 
 
Yuji Fujimoto 
Michigan State University Graduate School; former Upper House 
cabinet committee member, former DPJ policy research committee vice 
chairman; Upper House Shizuoka constituency; first term; 52 (Noda 
group) 
 
(Environment Ministry) 
 
Nobumori Otani 
George Washington University Graduate School; former Lower House 
foreign affairs committee director; Lower House Osaka No. 9 
district; third term; 46 (Hatoyama group) 
 
TOKYO 00002247  012 OF 012 
 
 
 
(Defense Ministry) 
 
Daizo Kusuda 
University of Tokyo; former bank employee, former Lower House 
cabinet committee member; Lower House Fukuoka No. 5 district; third 
term; 34 (Tsutomu Hata group) 
 
Akihisa Nagashima 
Keio University Graduate School; former DPJ vice secretary general, 
former Lower House special committee on abductions; Lower House 
Tokyo No. 21 district; third term; 47 (Noda group) 
 
ROOS