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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 06 TOKYO 002098 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/10/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) U.S. Ambassador to Japan Roos eager to deepen environmental 
cooperation and to organize business exchanges; "President expects 
frank opinions" (Nikkei) 
 
(2) Japan through the eyes of Roos: Gap between "equal diplomacy" 
and reality (Nikkei) 
 
(3) SDP a headache for DPJ in U.S. ties? (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(4) Editorial: 25 percent reduction target; Strategy to influence 
U.S. and China important (Mainichi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) U.S. Ambassador to Japan Roos eager to deepen environmental 
cooperation and to organize business exchanges; "President expects 
frank opinions" 
 
NIKKEI (Page 7) (Full) 
September 10, 2009 
 
U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos gave an interview to the Nikkei 
in which he expressed strong enthusiasm for (helping) Japan and the 
United States to work together to address global warming, especially 
in the area of environmental technology, by utilizing his experience 
of having managed a law firm in Silicon Valley where there are many 
startups. The Ambassador indicated that he is required to offer 
"frank" opinions to President Barack Obama based on his close ties 
to the President whom he supported during the presidential race last 
year. 
 
"I have the unique experience of having worked in Silicon Valley for 
25 years. I definitely want to utilize my expertise," Ambassador 
Roos said. "Japan's strength lies in hybrid cars, batteries, and 
solar energy generation. The United States' strong point is its 
know-how on developing unknown firms into global businesses." He 
also indicated that he wants to create venues to introduce Japanese 
entrepreneurs and venture businesses to U.S. venture-capital and 
other firms. 
 
The law firm that Roos ran supported the launch of many new 
businesses, such as Google, the largest search engine on the 
Internet. Roos especially favored the video sharing website YouTube. 
"I remember visiting a pizza parlor where (YouTube's) three founders 
were always sitting with their laptop computers at a table on its 
second floor," the Ambassador said. His introduction of a venture 
capital firm to them helped their company get off the ground. "I 
want to see the United States and Japan promote a future Google," 
the Ambassador said with enthusiasm. 
 
He is paying especially close attention to environmental 
technologies, such as renewable energy, in business exchanges. He 
indicated that he has held talks twice with Economy, Trade and 
Industry Minister Toshihiro Nikai and that (the United States) is in 
specific talks with the Japanese government. "There is ample room 
for the United States and Japan to cooperate in this sector." 
 
Ambassador Roos's strongest asset is his personal friendship with 
President Obama. About his relationship with the President, Roos 
said, "We are bound by trust. It seems that the President not only 
 
TOKYO 00002098  002 OF 006 
 
 
trusts my judgment but also expects me to offer frank opinions." 
 
Ambassador Roos took up his post three weeks ago. The Liberal 
Democratic Party's crushing defeat in the (Aug. 30) general election 
has paved the way for a coalition government led by the Democratic 
Party of Japan (DPJ), which advocates an "equal Japan-U.S. 
relationship." Ambassador Roos, who has exchanged views twice with 
DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama, said they had "very constructive 
conversations." The Ambassador also indicated that he is satisfied 
with current Japan-U.S. relations, saying, "I believe the United 
States has deep ties with Japan in all areas." 
 
Ambassador Roos's three weeks 
 
August 
 
19th Arrived at Narita Airport. 
20th Paid a courtesy call on Vice-Foreign Minister Mitoji Yabunaka. 
Presented his credentials to the Emperor at the Imperial Palace. 
21st Attended a meet-and-greet event at the U.S. Embassy. 
22nd Took a subway ride. Enjoyed a Bon festival dance with his 
family. 
23rd Viewed a Kaguramai dance at Meiji Shrine. 
25th Met with Prime Minister Taro Aso at the Prime Minister's 
Official Residence (Kantei), followed by talks with Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Takeo Kawamura. Called on Economy, Trade and Industry 
Ministry Toshihiro Nikai. 
26th Called on Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone. Met with visiting 
U.S. Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus. 
28th Watched a baseball game at Meiji Jingu Stadium. 
31st Placed a telephone call to DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama to 
offer his congratulations. 
 
September 
 
3rd Held talks with DPJ President Hatoyama at DPJ headquarters. 
4th Delivered the opening speech for the "Women and Politics" 
Symposium held at Sophia University. 
5th Watched a baseball game at Tokyo Dome. 
7th Held talks with Kanagawa Governor Shigefumi Matsuzawa at the 
prefectural government office and with Yokohama Mayor Fumiko Hayashi 
at the city hall. Visited the U.S. Department of State Foreign 
Service Institute Japanese Language and Area Training Center. 
8th Held talks with METI Minister Nikai. 
9th Held talks with National Aeronautics and Space Administration 
(NASA) authorities. 
 
(2) Japan through the eyes of Roos: Gap between "equal diplomacy" 
and reality 
 
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
September 10, 2009 
 
The Rising Sun and the Stars and Stripes flew side by side in the 
sea breeze outside the building. 
 
U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos, 54, paid a visit to Governor 
Shigefumi Matsuzawa, 51, of Kanagawa at the prefectural government 
building on the morning of September 7. Roos began his talk with the 
first local Japanese leader he met with after arriving in Japan on 
August 20 with the words: "You were once a Democratic Party of Japan 
(DPJ) Diet member. I would like to know the DPJ's thinking on the 
 
TOKYO 00002098  003 OF 006 
 
 
Japan-U.S. relationship and security. What issues are you concerned 
about with regard to the military bases?" 
 
Matsuzawa talked about three issues: the relocation of the Futenma 
base out of Okinawa, the relocation of military planes on aircraft 
carriers at the Atsugi base to Iwakuni, and a review of the 
Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). Roos nodded with great 
interest. 
 
Roos once headed the top law firm in Silicon Valley and assisted in 
the listing of hundreds of venture businesses on the stock market. 
He served as a senior official at the campaign office for Barack 
Obama, 48, on the West Coast in the 2008 U.S. presidential election. 
He was appointed as ambassador in recognition for his contributions 
to the campaign. The change of administration in the U.S. brought 
about his relationship with Japan. 
 
Roos's first discoveries in Japan were the clean subways, sacred 
kagura dance at Meiji Shrine, and Bon Festival dance in his 
neighborhood. He encountered the change of administration in Japan 
only about 10 days after taking up his post. 
 
The end of the government led by the Liberal Democratic Party, which 
has practically ruled Japan continuously for more than 50 years, 
threatens to bring changes to foreign policy, which has so far been 
based on the principle of continuity. 
 
Just before the recent House of Representatives election, DPJ 
President Yukio Hatoyama, 62, stated in an article that "Japan has 
been continually buffeted by the winds of U.S.-led market 
fundamentalism." When DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada, 56, 
stated that "the Japan-China relationship will evolve further if the 
DPJ takes over the reins of government," this was reported 
prominently by Renmin Ribao (The People's Daily), the official organ 
of the Communist Party of China. 
 
Hatoyama's ideal of "yuai (fraternal) diplomacy," which aims at an 
equal Japan-U.S. relationship, clashes with the reality of Japan 
being protected by the U.S. "nuclear umbrella" and U.S. Forces 
Japan. Roos faces the difficult question of how to deal with Japan 
in such a situation. 
 
During his recent visit to Japan, U.S. Secretary of the Navy Ray 
Mabus stressed on August 26 that "the Pacific will become the most 
important operational base for the U.S. Forces in 10, 20, or 30 
years, and the Japan-U.S. alliance will be the pillar of that base." 
On August 30, when the House of Representatives election took place, 
the Yokosuka-based aircraft carrier George Washington and the San 
Diego-based aircraft carrier Nimitz held a major exercise in the 
Pacific close to Okinawa, with a keen awareness of China's 
presence. 
 
On September 3, Hatoyama told fellow Stanford University alumnus 
Roos that he will "promote a constructive future-oriented Japan-U.S. 
relationship." However, the foreign policy of the DPJ-led coalition 
government remains unclear ahead of President Obama's expected visit 
to Japan in November. 
 
The sights that Roos saw from the carriage carrying him to the 
Imperial Palace to present his credentials became deeply imprinted 
on his mind. The female court ceremony officer accompanying him on 
the ride said, "That is Marunouchi, where most of the major private 
 
TOKYO 00002098  004 OF 006 
 
 
companies are concentrated. This is Edo Castle, where the shoguns 
used to live." 
 
Japan, where the East and West and the old and new coexist. Moves to 
shrink the distance with China - a country in close geographic 
proximity with which Japan has a long history of exchanges - and 
other Asian countries and to balance the relationship with the U.S. 
have emerged from the change of administration. 
 
Shortly after noon on September 7, Roos was at the U.S. State 
Department's Japanese language training center in Yamate-cho, 
Yokohama. With a hamburger fresh from the grill in his hand, he 
asked students at the training center, "Will Japan's foreign policy 
really change?" 
 
Roos listened closely to the responses. "Mr. Hatoyama's article was 
meant for the election. Even the Obama camp became realistic the 
moment it assumed power," said one student. "Japan is trying to 
change," said another. "We should be patient and favorably watch how 
things unfold." Will there be a stable new government supported by 
the people? There will certainly be many days ahead of patiently and 
carefully watching to see how the situation unfolds. 
 
(3) SDP a headache for DPJ in U.S. ties? 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
September 10, 2009 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the Social Democratic Party 
(SDP), and the People's New Party had difficulty reaching an 
agreement particularly on foreign and security polices, when they 
were working through their differences at coalition talks. The SDP 
persistently called for stipulating in the three-party coalition 
agreement policies symbolizing an equal Japan-U.S. relationship in 
specific terms, starting with revisions to the Japan-U.S. Status of 
Forces Agreement (SOFA). The coalition partner SDP will likely 
become a headache to the DPJ when the soon-to-be-formed Hatoyama 
administration grapples with relations with the U.S. 
 
The DPJ actually wanted to wrap up the talks with a reasonable 
agreement on foreign and security policies. 
 
That is because the U.S. indicated its alarm about Hatoyama, who 
advocated an Asia-first policy and criticized U.S.-led globalism. 
Now that Hatoyama is scheduled to visit the U.S. later in the month 
after the inauguration of his administration and hold his first 
meeting with President Obama, the DPJ wanted to avoid irritating the 
U.S. 
 
The DPJ has been criticizing the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)-led 
administration as pursuing diplomacy subservient to the U.S. 
However, the DPJ, when starting policy talks with the SDP, did not 
intend to touch on a review of the U.S. military bases in Japan or a 
revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). 
 
However, the SDP called for stipulating in the coalition agreement a 
pullout of Maritime Self-Defense Force personnel dispatched for 
refueling operations in the Indian Ocean and anti-piracy operations 
off Somalia. The SDP also insisted on steadfastly maintaining the 
three nonnuclear principles. 
 
Regarding base issues, the DPJ proposed "settling bilateral issues, 
 
TOKYO 00002098  005 OF 006 
 
 
starting with the presence of U.S. military bases." The SDP did not 
agree. 
 
After exchanging views on what language to be used, the DPJ and the 
SDP in the end settled by quoting words used in the DPJ's manifesto, 
such as "proposing an revision" of the SOFA and "with the 
possibility of reviewing" the U.S. military base issue. This 
resulted from the DPJ's consideration for the SDP. 
 
The coalition agreement did not stipulate a pullout of MSDF 
personnel in the Indian Ocean and in waters off Somalia. In this 
respect, the SDP made concessions. 
 
DPJ Secretary General Katsuya Okada, who has informally been 
appointed to serve as foreign minister, said, "Those commitments are 
within the bounds of what we have maintained in our manifesto. There 
are no new pledges made." The coalition agreement will likely become 
a burden each time Hatoyama and Okada hold talks with the U.S. The 
DPJ will likely be caught on the horns of a dilemma - if it assumes 
a bullish stance, it would provoke a backlash from the U.S., but if 
it remains weak, the SDP would put pressure on it. 
 
(4) Editorial: 25 percent reduction target; Strategy to influence 
U.S. and China important 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
September 9, 2009 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama declared at 
a symposium on the environment that Japan will aim at reducing 
greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent from 1990 levels by 2020. 
 
This figure is specified in the DPJ's manifesto (campaign pledges). 
It is more ambitious than the government's target, announced in June 
by Prime Minister Tao Aso, and is one of the policy shifts 
symbolizing a change of government. 
 
The 15th session of the Conference of the Parties to the United 
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP15) to determine 
a framework after the Kyoto Protocol will be held in December. A UN 
high-level meeting on climate change will take place in New York on 
Sept. 22 with the participation of Hatoyama and U.S. President 
Barack Obama. It is important for Japan to demonstrate its intention 
to actively address global warming and to give an impetus to 
international talks. 
 
At the same time, global warming cannot be prevented just by Japan 
setting a high target. In his speech, Hatoyama indicated that a 
highly ambitious accord with participation by all major countries is 
a prerequisite to Japan's promise to the international community. 
 
Climate stabilization requires emission cuts by such emerging 
nations as India and Brazil, not to mention cuts by the United 
States, the world's largest emitter, and China. The DPJ must work 
out a plan whereby Japan's active stance will lead to participation 
by all counties. 
 
In reaction to Hatoyama's 25-percent-cut declaration, some in 
industrial circles have expressed concerns, such as that they might 
have to move their production bases overseas. Some others have 
pointed out heavier public burdens, such as a higher unemployment 
rate. 
 
TOKYO 00002098  006 OF 006 
 
 
 
The government's target of reducing emissions by 15 percent from the 
2005 level (or 8 percent from the 1990 level) cannot simply be 
compared with (the DPJ) goal of cutting emissions by 25 percent from 
the 1990s level. The reason is because the government's target shows 
the cuts only in Japan (or the genuine reduction), while the DPJ's 
figure seems to include cuts overseas and greenhouse gas emissions 
trading as well. 
 
Even so, attaining a 25 percent cut does not seem easy; it requires 
a national commitment. As means to achieve the target, the DPJ cites 
the introduction of a domestic emission trading system and an 
environmental tax - approaches avoided by the government - in 
addition to the promotion of energy conservation technologies and 
renewable energies, and the development of technologies to recover 
and store carbon. 
 
Ways to advance these policies will be worked out in the future. We 
want to see the DPJ offer a thorough and convincing explanation 
about specific steps and the national burden so that the people can 
willingly cooperate. 
 
The government's response in the past has been void of a future 
vision for Japan. It is essential for the DPJ to present a clear 
vision for a low carbon society. If the general public shares that 
vision, they will be able to consider the cost of cutting emissions 
by 25 percent an investment for the future. 
 
ROOS