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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 002088 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/09/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Sankei-FNN poll on Aso cabinet, political parties, election 
results (Sankei) 
 
(2) U.S. Ambassador to Japan visits Kanagawa governor and Yokohama 
mayor (Kanagawa Shimbun) 
 
(3) Kanagawa Governor Matsuzawa meets U.S. Ambassador Roos, requests 
meetings to review SOFA during November trip to U.S. (Nikkei) 
 
(4) In meeting with U.S. Ambassador Roos, Kanagawa governor proposes 
a forum for discussion of "environment accord" (Asahi) 
 
(5) Hatoyama article elicits positive reaction? Hopes for change in 
interaction with U.S. (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(6) Letter to the Editor - Concerned about possible effects of 
American newspaper's criticism (Asahi) 
 
(7) Specifics about national strategy bureau not in sight: SDP, PNP 
have questions about bureau's authority, role-sharing (Tokyo 
Shimbun) 
 
(8) Editorial: North Korea's nuclear weapons: 'Intimidation' will 
mean continuation of sanctions (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Sankei-FNN poll on Aso cabinet, political parties, election 
results 
 
SANKEI (Page 5) (Abridged) 
September 8, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
 
(Note) Figures are percentages. Figures in parentheses are 
percentages in the previous Sankei-FNN survey, conducted Aug. 
22-23. 
 
Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? 
 
Yes 14.9 (22.2) 
No 76.4 (67.9) 
Don't know (D/K), etc. 8.7 (9.9) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39.7 (36.0) 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 18.5 (26.1) 
New Komeito (NK) 5.0 (4.9) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3.9 (2.4) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 2.5 (1.5) 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 3.6 (1.9) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.6 (0.4) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.3 (0.1) 
Other political parties 0.9 (0.8) 
None 24.4 (24.4) 
D/K, etc. 0.6 (1.4) 
 
Q: DPJ President Hatoyama is expected to become the next prime 
 
TOKYO 00002088  002 OF 009 
 
 
minister. Do you have high expectations for him? 
 
Yes 63.8 
No 31.6 
D/K, etc. 4.6 
 
Q: Do you think the number of seats the LDP won in the recent 
election for the House of Representatives is too small? 
 
Yes 48.9 
No 45.9 
D/K, etc. 5.2 
 
Q: Do you think Mr. Hatoyama and Mr. Ozawa have fulfilled their 
public accountability on their political donation issues? 
 
Yes 15.0 
No 76.3 
D/K, etc. 8.7 
 
Q: What do you think is the primary reason for the DPJ's victory in 
the election? 
 
High expectations for DPJ President Hatoyama 6.3 
High expectations for individual candidates' political stances 5.6 
High expectations for the DPJ's manifesto 29.2 
Criticism of the ruling parties' policies or political stances 52.8 
D/K, etc. 6.1 
 
Q: What do you think is the primary reason for the LDP's defeat in 
the election? 
 
Judgments or words of Prime Minister Aso 29.5 
Judgments or words of Prime Minister Aso's predecessors 19.5 
Individual candidates' political stances 10.3 
Rating for the LDP's performance 28.9 
The LDP's manifesto of public pledges 6.4 
D/K, etc. 5.3 
 
Q: Do you think the LDP should have elected its new president before 
voting to elect the prime minister? 
 
Yes 55.1 
No 28.4 
D/K, etc. 16.5 
 
Q: Do you think the LDP should push for a generational change? 
 
Yes 85.1 
No 9.2 
D/K, etc. 5.7 
 
Q: Do you think the LDP will come back to run the government? 
 
Yes 68.1 
No 18.9 
D/K, etc. 13.0 
 
Q: Who do you think would be most appropriate now as Japan's prime 
minister among the following politicians in the ruling and 
opposition parties? 
 
 
TOKYO 00002088  003 OF 009 
 
 
Taro Aso 1.6 (4.5) 
Shigeru Ishiba 5.5 (3.1) 
Nobuteru Ishihara 4.9 (4.9) 
Koichi Kato 1.0 (---) 
Sadakazu Tanigaki 1.6 (---) 
Kunio Hatoyama 3.0 (---) 
Yoshimasa Hayashi 0.3 (---) 
Yoichi Masuzoe 13.1 (16.5) 
Other LDP lawmakers 2.2 (---) 
Katsuya Okada 8.4 (7.9) 
Ichiro Ozawa 5.2 (5.5) 
Naoto Kan 2.6 (3.9) 
Yukio Hatoyama 22.6 (13.3) 
Other lawmakers 3.6 (---) 
None 19.8 (17.7) 
D/K, etc. 4.6 (3.5) 
 
Q: What kind of government would you like to see now? 
 
DPJ's single-party government 18.6 
DPJ-led coalition government 35.1 
DPJ-LDP grand coalition government 38.1 
D/K, etc. 8.2 
 
Q: Would you like the ruling or opposition parties to win next 
year's election for the House of Councillors? 
 
DPJ and other new ruling parties 59.1 
LDP and other new opposition parties 33.0 
D/K, etc. 7.9 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Sept. 5-6 by the 
Sankei Shimbun and Fuji News Network (FNN) over the telephone on a 
computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. For the survey, a 
total of 1,000 persons were sampled from among men and women, aged 
20 and over, across the nation. 
 
(2) U.S. Ambassador to Japan visits Kanagawa governor and Yokohama 
mayor 
 
KANAGAWA SHIMBUN (Page 4) (Full) 
September 8, 2009 
 
Taiki Mano, Ayano Endo 
 
U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos visited the Kanagawa prefectural 
government building and the Yokohama city government building on 
September 7. He held separate meetings with Governor Shigefumi 
Matsuzawa and Mayor Fumiko Hayashi, exchanging views with them on 
issues relating to U.S. military bases in Japan and the APEC meeting 
to be held in Yokohama next year. According to the Kanagawa 
prefectural government, this is the first time that Ambassador Roos 
has met with Japanese local government leaders since he arrived in 
Japan in August. 
 
During his meeting with the Ambassador at the prefectural government 
building, Governor Matsuzawa said: "I will be visiting the U.S. with 
Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima in November to meet with senior 
officials of the Departments of State and Defense. I would like to 
propose the conclusion of special environmental agreements for U.S. 
military bases." Roos responded, "President Obama also has a strong 
interest in the environment. Let me study this issue carefully," 
 
TOKYO 00002088  004 OF 009 
 
 
demonstrating a positive stance. 
 
The Ambassador reportedly said to the governor, "You used to be a 
Democratic Party of Japan Diet member. I look forward to your advice 
on Japan-U.S. relations and security issues under the DPJ 
administration." 
 
Roos met Mayor Hayashi at the Yokohama city government building and 
talked about the importance of social participation by women and 
APEC. Hayashi told him that "we will be ready with warm hospitality 
from all Yokohama citizens and thorough security measures through 
cooperation with the relevant authorities" for APEC. 
 
The ambassador reported said that the mayor should contact him if 
she has any requests regarding military base issues and economic 
cooperation. 
 
(3) Kanagawa Governor Matsuzawa meets U.S. Ambassador Roos, requests 
meetings to review SOFA during November trip to U.S. 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (2009) 
September 8, 2009 
 
Kanagawa Governor Shigefumi Matsuzawa met U.S. Ambassador to Japan 
John Roos, who arrived in Japan in August, on September 7. He asked 
for meetings with members of the U.S. Congress and senior Department 
of Defense officials in order to request a review of the Japan-U.S. 
Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) during his visit to the U.S. in 
November. The Ambassador replied that he will work positively to 
arrange for the meetings. 
 
Matsuzawa serves as the chair of the liaison council of governors of 
prefectures hosting U.S. military bases. He asked Roos about the 
possibility of holding an annual "liaison meeting" between the 
liaison council and the Japanese and U.S. governments. He also 
reiterated his proposal on concluding special agreements for 
environmental conservation on U.S. bases between the two countries. 
 
Ambassador Roos also met Yokoyama Mayor Fumiko Hayashi on the same 
day. The mayor requested the early return of U.S. military 
facilities in the city and exchanged views with Roos on the APEC 
summit to be held in Yokohama next year. 
 
(4) In meeting with U.S. Ambassador Roos, Kanagawa governor proposes 
a forum for discussion of "environment accord" 
 
ASAHI, Kanagawa Edition (Page 29) (Full) 
September 8, 2009 
 
U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos, who arrived at his post in 
August, met on Sept. 7 with Kanagawa Prefecture Gov. Shigefumi 
Matsuzawa. The two informally exchanged views on such issues as the 
Japan-U.S. relationship and the U.S. base issue. 
 
After the meeting, the Ambassador said, "We had a productive 
discussion for building amicable bilateral ties." According to 
Matsuzawa, who responded to interview requests, he asked Roos to set 
up a forum for discussion of the conclusion of an "environment 
special agreement," which would specify local governments' 
involvement should the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement be 
revised and in case contaminants are discovered at U.S. military 
facilities in Japan. 
 
TOKYO 00002088  005 OF 009 
 
 
 
In the meeting, Matsuzawa also proposed the continuation of the 
liaison council on the bases issue. Roos reportedly took a positive 
stance toward the governor's proposals. 
 
According to Matsuzawa, Roos, referring to the Democratic Party of 
Japan's taking over the reins of government following its landslide 
victory in the Aug. 30 House of Representatives election, asked him 
how the DPJ administration will handle issues bearing on Japan-U.S. 
relations. 
 
The Ambassador also met with Yokohama Mayor Fumiko Hayashi. The two 
reportedly discussed the base issue and economic cooperation between 
Yokohama and U.S. cities. "Yokohama hopes to build close relations 
with the United States through the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo," Hayashi 
commented. 
 
(5) Hatoyama article elicits positive reaction? Hopes for change in 
interaction with U.S. 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 24) (Full) 
September 5, 2009 
 
An article by Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio 
Hatoyama was reprinted in part by a U.S. newspaper, and this has 
given rise to a controversy on his alleged "breaking away from the 
U.S." While this affair has quieted down since his teleconference 
with U.S. President Barack Obama and meeting with U.S. Ambassador 
John Roos, there has also been some positive reaction by people 
opining that "there is nothing wrong with expressing one's opinion 
in diplomacy." Some people are hoping for change in "diplomatic tone 
deaf" Japan. 
 
The article in question appeared in the online edition of The New 
York Times on August 27. The original in Japanese was contributed by 
Hatoyama to the September edition of the monthly magazine Voice. 
Excerpts from this article were translated into English and 
reprinted. Significant portions of the original were excerpted, and 
the controversy came about after the Japanese media reported the 
reaction of the U.S. media and other concerned parties. 
 
This article includes such passages as "If we look back on the 
changes in Japanese society since the end of the Cold War... the 
global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and 
destroyed local communities" and "Another national goal that emerges 
from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian 
community. Passages of this sort have been interpreted as an 
indication of Japan's "breaking away from the U.S." 
 
However, it is doubtful if the Obama administration considers the 
article to be a criticism, since the Obama administration itself was 
born from the criticism of neo-liberalism and America itself is 
pursuing multilateralism rather than U.S. unilateralism. 
 
In any case, some American experts on Japan are baffled by the fuss 
over this article. Professor Ronni Alexander of Kobe University's 
Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies says, "The mass 
media made too much of a fuss. President Obama probably thinks that 
some criticism is inevitable. It is common practice to voice various 
opinions in political debate." 
 
The new DPJ administration is likely to have difficulty grappling 
 
TOKYO 00002088  006 OF 009 
 
 
with such issues as the relocation of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air 
Station in its relations with the U.S. However, Alexander points out 
that "the Japanese are not good at 'negating somebody's opinion but 
not negating that person.' They are unable to conduct constructive 
discussions out of fear of criticism. America is a society where you 
have to argue loudly on a daily basis. I think Japan overreacted in 
this case." 
 
Yuji Kitamaru, a journalist based in New York, thinks that on the 
contrary, the Obama administration probably welcomes the Hatoyama 
article. This is because the U.S. Democratic Party emphasizes human 
rights and the environment, so it "values just causes and ideals 
rather than getting things done surreptitiously." 
 
"To think that the Obama administration regarded the Hatoyama 
article as offensive and impudent is off the mark," he says. 
"Diplomacy is based on discussions, so criticism and argument are 
inevitable. The Obama administration, which knows little about Mr. 
Hatoyama and the DPJ, probably welcomes the article as a good sign 
since he first tossed the ball in the game of catch it desires to 
play with Japan." 
 
Kitamaru also points out an issue with the Japanese side: "Diplomacy 
under the old Liberal Democratic Party administration consisting 
mostly of heeding the United States' wishes has given rise to the 
problem of the secret nuclear agreement. The U.S. has also been 
troubled by the gap between tatemae (public stance) and honne (true 
intent)." 
 
What should the DPJ administration do, then, to realize a "close and 
equal Japan-U.S. alliance relationship"? Kitamaru argues that Japan 
should clarify what it can and cannot do as a sovereign country and 
present concrete proposals. 
 
He further explains that "this means that Japan should assert its 
position on what it can do for the elimination of nuclear arms, and 
on the Afghan issue (tell the U.S. that) while it cannot continue 
the refueling mission or deploy the Self-Defense Forces, here are 
the things it can do in terms of civilian support. A true partner 
should not follow the U.S. blindly, but should work together with 
the U.S. What is needed is aggressive diplomacy." 
 
(6) Letter to the Editor - Concerned about possible effects of 
American newspaper's criticism 
 
ASAHI (Page8) (Abridged slightly) 
September 6, 2009 
 
The Sept. 1 editorial of the Washington Post reportedly described 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama as an 
"inexperienced politician," while indicating that "it is too 
dangerous for Japan to seek a rupture with the United States" given 
the nuclear threat from North Korea. (TN: The editorial actually 
says: "The threat of a nuclear North Korea makes Japan's 
neighborhood too dangerous, we think, for the government in Tokyo to 
seek a rupture with Washington or for the Obama administration to 
let one develop.") 
 
To begin with, why are the North Korean missiles directed at the 
Japanese archipelago? North Korea and the United States still 
continue to confront each other across the 38th parallel. 
Technically the Korean War is not over yet, just in a ceasefire, so 
 
TOKYO 00002088  007 OF 009 
 
 
the large numbers of U.S. bases in Japan and South Korea are 
front-line bases against North Korea. That is probably why the 
missiles are directed at Japan. 
 
The Washington Post editorial writer can evaluate the representative 
of the incoming (Japanese) administration any way he likes. 
Nevertheless, the respected American newspaper's editorial that 
seems to be designed to apply pressure on Japan has connotations of 
rousing up nationalism, and that, too, bothers me. 
 
The presence of North Korea has been convenient for some lately. The 
view of regarding North Korea as a threat helps defuse criticism of 
U.S. bases (in Japan). The argument is also indispensable for 
upgrading the equipment of the Self-Defense Forces. The (North 
Korean threat) argument is now treated just like a banner for the 
public good. I want to see the argument lose its magical power 
quickly. 
 
-- Harumi Kimura, 65, unemployed 
    Hachioji, Tokyo 
 
(7) Specifics about national strategy bureau not in sight: SDP, PNP 
have questions about bureau's authority, role-sharing 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
September 9, 2009 
 
Although coalition talks among the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), 
the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the People's New Party (PNP) 
are entering the final stage, specifics about the national strategy 
bureau, which will be the showcase of the new administration, have 
yet to be revealed. Some question whether the DPJ has really worked 
out the specifics of the bureau, although it advocated the bureau's 
establishment in its manifesto for the Lower House election. 
 
A senior SDP official on Sept. 8 complained about the document, a 
single sheet of paper, describing the national strategy bureau plan 
provided by a senior DPJ official. "From this document I can get no 
idea of what it's about," the official said. 
 
The document included a diagram of the relationships between the 
prime minister, each cabinet member, and the national strategy 
bureau under the new administration. This was a reply to a request 
from the SDP and the PNP for a briefing on the national strategy 
bureau. The two parties are worried that their presence in the 
planned coalition government might by eclipsed. 
 
The document reportedly did not include any details, such as its 
composition, size, or specific duties. 
 
What has been revealed until now about the national strategy bureau 
is that (1) it directly reports to the prime minister and is to 
consist of lawmakers and party personnel; (2) it is to draft a 
national vision for a new era and map out a budget framework under 
the initiative of politicians; and (3) DPJ Deputy Chairman Naoto Kan 
will take office as minister in charge. 
 
Key points, such as role-sharing with the administrative renewal 
council and the cabinet ministerial committee to be newly 
established separately from the national strategy bureau, its 
authority over government agencies, and whether it will be 
responsible for foreign affairs and security, remain unclear. 
 
TOKYO 00002088  008 OF 009 
 
 
Government agencies are eager to know specifics about the envisaged 
bureau, because it is drawing much interest as a mechanism to enable 
politicians instead of bureaucrats to take the initiative in 
establishing ways to allocate tax revenues. However, details of 
actual duties assigned to the bureau are not in sight. 
 
This is not due to the DPJ concealing specifics but due to its being 
unable to envisage a full-fledged image of the bureau. A senior DPJ 
member involved in the work of launching the bureau said, "We have 
an image, but the form of the bureau cannot be set before the 
overall picture of the administration is decided." This official 
explained that the work of deciding the details, such as how many of 
the five special advisors to the prime minister to assign to the 
bureau, etc., cannot be done unless the blueprint of the government 
as a whole is set. This situation will likely continue for some time 
to come. 
 
In the meantime, in order to give the bureau a legal basis, it is 
necessary to pass legislation during the extraordinary Diet session 
to be convened in the fall. Since this cannot be done in time for 
the start of the new administration, the DPJ is now examining the 
idea of launching it as a national strategy office, whose status 
would be stipulated by government ordinance. 
 
(8) Editorial: North Korea's nuclear weapons: 'Intimidation' will 
mean continuation of sanctions 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) 
September 7, 2009 
 
(The following translation was provided by the Open Source Center; 
it is filed as product number JPP20090907017001.) 
 
We thought (North Korea) was actively seeking dialogue, but now it 
is unfolding tactics to stir things up. Seemingly, North Korea is 
calling for the removal of economic sanctions imposed on it by a UN 
Security Council resolution. But (what the DPRK is doing now) will 
rather bring adverse results. The DPRK has no choice but to move 
toward giving up its nuclear weapons. 
 
"We have reached the final stage after successfully conducting 
uranium enrichment tests." "The extracted plutonium is being turned 
into weapons." 
 
North Korean representatives to the United Nations sent to the UN 
Security Council chairman a letter complaining about the economic 
sanctions. At the same time, North Korea highlighted its hard-line 
stance, saying, "We will have to take other hard-line measures if 
the United Nations continues to impose sanctions." 
 
It was the first time North Korea had officially announced its 
success in uranium enrichment tests. The credibility of the 
announcement is uncertain, but North Korea's nuclear development 
runs counter to a UNSC resolution regarding a nuclear test conducted 
in May. It is extremely regrettable. 
 
North Korea should understand that the economic sanctions will 
continue until it gives up its nuclear weapons. It should end the 
threat tactics and other adversarial attempts using nuclear 
materials. 
 
The aim of the letter is to lift the economic sanctions and to seek 
 
TOKYO 00002088  009 OF 009 
 
 
dialogue with the United States. It may also be aimed at keeping the 
movement of Stephen Bosworth -- the US special representative for 
North Korean policy, who is on a round of visits to China, South 
Korea, and Japan for the resumption of the six-party talks -- in 
check. 
 
By any measure North Korea has been busy on the diplomatic front. It 
has sought dialogue by inviting former U.S. President Clinton, a 
representative of a South Korean conglomerate, and Chinese Vice 
Foreign Minister Wu Dawei to Pyongyang. 
 
North Korea's neighboring countries are of the view that "it is not 
a fundamental change but a tactical move," according to South Korean 
Unification Minister Hyun In-taek. The United States has imposed an 
additional sanction against North Korean financial institutions. We 
have information that China is also practicing strict control over 
financial dealings -- buying and selling of the US dollar, in 
particular. 
 
North Korea might have sent the letter while feeling frustration 
from such moves. But it is also proof that the economic sanctions 
are steadily having an effect. 
 
North Korea is trying to restore its economy by promoting the 
"150-Day Battle," which will soon end, and General Secretary Kim 
Jong Il, who is in ill health, is faced with the issue of hereditary 
transfer of power. In both cases, the future is uncertain. 
 
North Korea's various tactics are also aimed at creating discord 
among neighboring countries, who are virtually keeping in step with 
each other over the issue of making North Korea give up its nuclear 
weapons. We should not make light of communications among ourselves. 
 
 
Incidentally, Japan is in the midst of regime transition. The 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which will take the helm of 
government, agrees that North Korea's possession of nuclear weapons 
or missiles is absolutely unacceptable. The DPJ treats North Korea's 
abduction of Japanese citizens as a priority issue. 
 
For the DPJ government it is crucial that there be a smooth handover 
of policy agenda from the previous administration. At the same time, 
the DPJ must pay extra attention -- after carrying out coordination 
with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs -- to assure that cooperation 
with neighboring countries leaves nothing to be desired. 
 
ROOS