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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 002054 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/05/09 
 
INDEX: 
(1) Hatoyama desperate to quell stir created by op-ed essay (Tokyo 
Shimbun) 
 
(2) U.S. government taking wait-and-see attitude on controversy over 
Hatoyama's New York Times article (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(3) Concern over two-tier power structure already looming as Ozawa 
increases his presence (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(4) Change of administration: DPJ's foreign policy must rest on 
Japan-U.S. ties (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Editorial: Japan-U.S. relations: Take this as golden opportunity 
to build trust (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(6) Editorial: Japan-U.S. phone conversation: Prove with actions 
that "alliance is cornerstone" (Sankei) 
 
(7) Hatoyama: No quick solution to the issue of Futenma relocation 
(Okinawa Times) 
 
(8) Futenma alternative: Flight demonstrations set for Sept. 9 
(Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(9) F-22s to stay on at Yokota base? (Akahata) 
 
(10) International carbon market initiative could give impetus to 
effort to set post-Kyoto Protocol framework: Private sector-funded 
assistance to developing countries; Japan alarmed about move led by 
U.S., Europe (Asahi) 
 
(11) Prime Minister's Schedule, September 3 (Nikkei) 
 
(12) DPJ President Hatoyama's Schedule (Nikkei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Hatoyama desperate to quell stir created by op-ed essay 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full) 
September 4, 2009 
 
Yoichi Takeuchi, Political Department 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama, the prime 
minister in waiting, is desperately trying to erase his image of 
being a person who holds "anti-American" views. This is because the 
U.S. media is strongly criticizing his essay quoted by U.S. 
newspapers. Hatoyama wants to dispel the U.S.'s "misunderstanding" 
by building personal relations of trust with President Barack 
Obama. 
 
At a teleconference early in the morning of Sept. 3, Obama told 
Hatoyama "the Democratic Party won on both sides of the Pacific." In 
response, Hatoyama said, "The change of party in power required 
courage. It is the American people and President Obama who gave that 
courage to the Japanese people." 
 
Hatoyama likely flattered Obama because of the increasing criticism 
of him in the U.S. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002054  002 OF 012 
 
 
Yesterday afternoon Hatoyama met with U.S. Ambassador John Roos. 
With an eye toward building a good relationship, Hatoyama and Roos, 
Stanford University graduates, had a warm meeting, according to 
Roos. 
 
The U.S. side's anxiety arose because The New Times posted on its 
website excerpts of the English version of the essay that Hatoyama 
originally contributed to the September issue of the Japanese 
monthly magazine Voice. 
 
The New York Times's website highlighted that (1) Hatoyama is 
critical of U.S.-led globalization and (2) advocates East Asian 
economic integration as U.S. influence ebbs. The U.S. media quickly 
responded that the next Japanese prime minister seems to be 
distancing himself from the U.S. 
 
Hatoyama said that the contribution was an excerpt from his original 
essay, commenting that "Globalization has both negative and positive 
aspects. I have no intention to exclude the U.S. from an East Asia 
Community concept. If they read my essay in its entirety, they will 
understand what I meant." 
 
In his original essay, Hatoyama stressed that the Japan-U.S. 
security arrangements will function as the basis of Japan's foreign 
policy in the future as well. The DPJ's manifesto (campaign pledges) 
for the Aug. 30 House of Representatives election included a pledge 
to build a close and equal Japan-U.S. alliance as top priority of 
Japan's foreign policy. The DPJ revealed this policy in 
consultations on a coalition government with the Social Democratic 
Party and the People's New Party. 
 
However, it is a fact that the next prime minister's promise to 
build an equal Japan-U.S. relationship is creating a stir in the 
United States--all the more because Hatoyama has taken a stance to 
suspend the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the 
Indian Ocean, which Japan began to assist U.S.-led multinational 
efforts. 
 
Hatoyama is expected to visit New York in late September soon after 
he takes office as prime minister. He hopes to hold a summit with 
President Obama. A junior DPJ lawmaker said that because "Hatoyama 
diplomacy" will start with dispelling the suspicion (that he is 
anti-American), from the beginning it will be hard for Hatoyama to 
engage in diplomacy with the U.S. 
 
(2) U.S. government taking wait-and-see attitude on controversy over 
Hatoyama's New York Times article 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full) 
September 4, 2009 
 
Nakahiro Iwata, Washington 
 
The U.S. government is basically taking a wait-and-see attitude on 
the controversy over the Hatoyama article. Kevin Maher, director of 
the Office of Japanese Affairs, U.S. Department of State, said, "We 
will not speculate before the Democratic Party of Japan makes 
proposals (on the new administration's foreign policy)." 
 
When asked at a news conference on August 31 if Hatoyama is 
contemplating breaking away from dependence on the U.S., White House 
Press Secretary Robert Gibbs deflected the question, saying, "I 
 
TOKYO 00002054  003 OF 012 
 
 
don't understand what dependence you are talking about." 
 
However, contrary to the U.S. government's intentions, the U.S. 
media have been voicing increasing concerns about Hatoyama. The 
Washington Post's editorial on September 1 called Hatoyama an 
"inexperienced politician" and warned that "the new administration 
should not let relations with the U.S. deteriorate." The New York 
Times, on September 2, quoted a senior government official as saying 
that "administration officials are increasingly concerned that Japan 
will cease to support the United States' top priority issues, such 
as the war in Afghanistan." 
 
Unable to ignore this controversy, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State 
for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell stressed in a 
speech on September 2 that "a degree of independence, of confidence, 
is absolutely essential on the part of Japan. This does not conflict 
with the alliance relationship. The U.S. actually supports that." 
This was a bid to rectify the situation, but the controversy is 
expected to continue for some time. 
 
(3) Concern over two-tier power structure already looming as Ozawa 
increases his presence 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full) 
September 3, 2009 
 
The presence of Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Deputy President 
Ichiro Ozawa, who greatly contributed to the party's crushing 
victory, is gradually increasing. The launching of the transition 
team, which was supposed to make various arrangements for the 
inauguration of the new cabinet, was put on hold. A growing view 
heard in the party even from before the Lower House election was 
that Ozawa had the final say in the decision. Concern is now looming 
that the Hatoyama administration will fall into a two-tier power 
structure. 
 
At noon on September 2 Secretary General Katsuya Okada and Policy 
Research Council Chairman Masayuki Naoshima visited Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Takeo Kawamura at the Office of the Prime Minister and 
asked for his cooperation in the transfer of administration. Instead 
of them one would have expected lawmakers who before the election 
Hatoyama had tapped as cabinet secretary and finance minister to 
have visited Kawamura as transition team representatives. 
 
Plan overturned 
 
The plan for the transition team had been worked out when Naoto Kan 
was president in 2003 and Okada was president in 2005. According to 
the outline of the plan, the party president was to pick executive 
party members and main cabinet members right after the Lower House 
election, and as a team they were to coordinate views in the run-up 
to the launching of a new administration. 
 
In the Lower House election this time, too, Secretary General Okada 
and Hirofumi Hirano, executive office chief and an aide to Hatoyama, 
had been preparing to launch the team until immediately before the 
election day. 
 
The plan was aborted in the early hours of August 31, when the 
general trend of the Lower House election returns became clear. 
Hatoyama announced at a press conference that the plan to set up the 
transition team had been shelved and personnel appointments would be 
 
TOKYO 00002054  004 OF 012 
 
 
made at once after his nomination as prime minister. He underscored 
that the change in the plan was due to a decision to give 
consideration to the party's coalition partners - the SDP and the 
PNP. 
 
This policy decision was confirmed at an informal meeting of 
Hatoyama, Ozawa, Kan, and Okada as well as Azuma Koshiishi, head of 
the DPJ caucus in the Upper House, held at the party headquarters. 
Emerging from the meeting, Okada told reporters, while concealing 
his discontent, "Of course we will abide by a policy decision of the 
president." 
 
On the 1st Hatoyama explained to reporters, "We have not definitely 
decided to set up the transition team." The prevailing view is, 
however, the policy switch had been made reflecting Ozawa's wishes. 
 
A lawmaker close to Ozawa revealed, "The plan fell through when Mr. 
Ozawa said, 'I haven't heard of it.' His idea of personnel 
management is that a person at the top should decide the personnel 
line-up." 
 
Ozawa has kept mum about this. He is already eyeing the Upper House 
election next summer and the next Lower House election. 
 
He sent a written directive to members of Isshin-Kai, a group of his 
supporters among junior Lower House members, through a lawmaker 
close to him immediately after the Lower House election. The 
directive read: "The next election has already started. There is no 
time for us to be elated by the election victory. I urge you to go 
out into the streets, meet supporters, and seek their backing and 
understanding for the realization of the DPJ administration's 
policies." 
 
Foretaste 
 
The group supporting Ozawa will swell to approximately 120 in the 
Upper and Lower Houses as a result of the Lower House election. With 
such a large number of supporters Ozawa will undoubtedly become more 
influential in the party. If his power affects the Hatoyama 
administration's personnel management and policy decisions, the 
administration will come under criticism for having a two-tier power 
structure. This is a major issue for Hatoyama, who will aim to unify 
the government and the party. 
 
Such a situation could undermine the delicate relations of Ozawa, 
Kan and Okada, centered on Hatoyama, which have been smooth up until 
now. The rebuff of the launching of the transition team could become 
a foretaste of such a development. 
 
Hatoyama made a point of remarking, "Personnel management is 
something which I must mull on my own and reach a decision." 
 
Hatoyama's reference to his legitimate authority as the leader of 
the administration indicates his struggle to avoid getting pushed 
around by Ozawa. 
 
(4) Change of administration: DPJ's foreign policy must rest on 
Japan-U.S. ties 
 
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Abridged) 
September 4, 2009 
 
 
TOKYO 00002054  005 OF 012 
 
 
Hiroyuki Akita, senior writer 
 
On the night of Sept. 2, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President 
Yukio Hatoyama headed back for  DPJ headquarters from his home after 
finishing talks with the head of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). 
The reason was to receive a telephone call from U.S. President 
Barack Obama. 
 
Complex U.S. views 
 
It is said that some in the U.S. government had initially wondered 
if it was proper to place a telephone call to Hatoyama who is not 
yet the prime minister of Japan. Nevertheless, reaching the 
conclusion that President Obama should extend his congratulations at 
an early time, the U.S. side made the overture for the telephone 
conference. 
 
The United States holds mixed views about the Hatoyama 
administration, which has yet to be launched. The U.S. media 
speculate that Hatoyama might turn away from the United States and 
pursue an independent course. The speculation must have been 
triggered by Hatoyama's essay that appeared on the New York Times 
electronic edition and other papers, which has eventually generated 
an anti-American impression. But that must not be all. 
 
The United States is highly alarmed at the DPJ's pledge to review 
(the realignment of) U.S. forces in Japan, revise the Japan-U.S. 
Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), terminate the Maritime 
Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, and 
build a "close and equal Japan-U.S. alliance" at the same time. All 
those steps might end up reducing the level of cooperation between 
Japan and the United States. 
 
The United States secretly conveyed its concern to the DPJ during 
the Lower House election campaign period. Assistant Secretary of 
State Kurt Campbell reportedly met with DPJ Secretary General 
Katsuya Okada in late July to tell him "there are people in 
Washington who think the DPJ does not like the United States. Please 
make every effort to avoid generating such an impression." 
 
The DPJ does not intend to change its U.S. policy at a stroke. "We 
are not thinking of putting all the issues on the table to seek 
solutions all at once. We will set our priorities straight and deal 
with them one by one," Okada said to Campbell. Hatoyama, too, has 
repeatedly indicated the party's stance of attaching importance to 
the United States. 
 
To begin with, it is not wrong to advocate an equal Japan-U.S. 
alliance. Even the late Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida, who signed 
the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty and paved the way for Japan to rely 
on U.S. forces regarding its national defense, has left a note 
posing a question about continuing depending on the power of other 
countries. 
 
The DPJ's foreign policy raised apprehensions because how Japan will 
fulfill its responsibility and play its role in building equal 
Japan-U.S. relations remains unclear. 
 
Anxieties in the United States were fueled by the Hatoyama essay 
that appeared in U.S. newspapers. "The essay created a stir in the 
(Obama) administration shortly after it appeared on the newspaper," 
a U.S. government official said. 
 
TOKYO 00002054  006 OF 012 
 
 
 
It seems that the DPJ incurred distrust in its ability to govern due 
to its poor transmission of information that did not take into 
account how the international community would react to it. 
 
The LDP administration that was launched more than a half-century 
ago pursued economic prosperity during the Cold War by depending on 
U.S. forces when it came to national defense, with Japan serving as 
their "forward base" in return. Meeting the national interests of 
the United States which regards Japan as an anticommunist fortress, 
Japan has become a beneficiary of the U.S.-centered free trade 
system. 
 
Future image not shown 
 
The Cold War ended some 20 years ago. What is the future image of 
the Japan-U.S. alliance? It is not that the DPJ won a public mandate 
by presenting a clear vision during the Lower House campaign. 
 
The environment surrounding Japan does not allow the country to be 
able to defend its national interests without its alliance with the 
United States. Japan sits within the range of the missiles of North 
Korea, which is pursuing nuclear development. With China on its way 
to becoming a superpower, diplomatic bargaining in Asia is 
intensifying 
 
A Chinese foreign policy adviser recently said to a person connected 
with the Japanese government that Japan should follow a course that 
is more independent. But even if economic ties between Japan and 
China are enhanced, the U.S. "security umbrella" will not become 
unnecessary (for Japan). Further, Japan must remain on alert against 
Russian moves to regain its superpower status. 
 
If the DPJ is to come up with a new diplomatic plan, it must be 
based on bonds between Japan and the United States. 
 
(5) Editorial: Japan-U.S. relations: Take this as golden opportunity 
to build trust 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) 
September 4, 2009 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama had a 
teleconference with U.S. President Barack Obama. While the purpose 
of the conversation was to clear up the controversy over Hatoyama's 
alleged "anti-U.S." article, this should be taken as a golden 
opportunity to build a relationship of mutual trust. 
 
Although the outcome of the general election in Japan has been 
reported prominently in the U.S. media, Hatoyama is still "Hatoyama, 
who?" among ordinary U.S. citizens. 
 
The Hatoyama article published in a U.S. newspaper was the first 
opportunity that U.S. citizens had to be acquainted with the 
political beliefs of the incoming Japanese prime minister. If the 
contents of the article indeed negated the market economy, the 
Japan-U.S. alliance, and such other basic values held by the United 
States, then it is understandable, to a certain extent, that there 
should be a negative reaction. 
 
The original article by Hatoyama was published in the September 
issue of Voice. In this article, entitled "My Political Philosophy," 
 
TOKYO 00002054  007 OF 012 
 
 
Hatoyama stressed that the spirit of yuai that he advocates has its 
roots in Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi's concept of "fraternite," 
which spawned the European Union (EU). He cited the EU's philosophy 
as the direction of his own political goal. The article consistently 
criticized the negative legacy from the excesses of market 
fundamentalism resulting from globalism and U.S. unilateralism in 
the post-Cold War era. 
 
Excerpts of this article were published in the U.S. paper under the 
title "A New Path for Japan." While this is a fairly accurate 
translation of the original, the message contained in an article 
meant for the Japanese audience may not necessarily be conveyed 
accurately to the U.S. and to the international community where 
English is the dominant language. 
 
The word "fraternite" itself has a strong connotation of a medieval 
religious community. In the U.S., this term calls to mind the secret 
society-like fraternities in the universities. From the standpoint 
of Western conservatism, which believes in liberalism, there will be 
concerns about idealizing European integration, which is regarded as 
a socialist experiment. Upholding an "equal Japan-U.S. alliance" 
while remaining ambiguous on U.S. diplomacy and defense policy will 
inevitably give rise to various interpretations. 
 
President Obama was quick to respond to this situation by proposing 
the teleconference in order to clear up the controversy and 
demonstrate his posture of giving importance to Japan. This is 
symbolic since it came soon after U.S. Ambassador to Japan John 
Roos, who has strong personal connections to the President, arrived 
in Japan to take up his post. 
 
Regardless of the circumstances, the fact is that the international 
community has come to have a strong interest in the DPJ. A 
relationship of trust is indispensable for a foreign policy of 
"agreeing to disagree." It is probably an urgent task for Hatoyama 
to acquire the skill of expressing himself clearly in a way that can 
be understood worldwide. 
 
(6) Editorial: Japan-U.S. phone conversation: Prove with actions 
that "alliance is cornerstone" 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
September 4, 2009 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama held his 
first teleconference with U.S. President Barack Obama and conveyed 
the message: "I consider the Japan-U.S. alliance the cornerstone (of 
Japanese diplomacy) and would like to develop a future-oriented 
Japan-U.S. relationship." 
 
We would like to welcome the two leaders' agreement to maintain the 
bilateral security arrangements before Mr. Hatoyama is inaugurated 
as prime minister as an expected first step. At the same time, Mr. 
Hatoyama should fully realize that there are growing concerns in the 
U.S. regarding the DPJ's foreign and security policies and the 
future of the alliance. It is necessary to reinforce and develop the 
alliance with pragmatic policies and actions. 
 
Mr. Hatoyama and the DPJ have been advocating a "close and equal 
Japan-U.S. alliance" but the details have remained unclear. It is a 
well-known fact that bipartisan U.S. experts on Japan have warned 
that the DPJ's policies since late 2008 on terminating the refueling 
 
TOKYO 00002054  008 OF 012 
 
 
mission of the Maritime Self-Defense Force in the Indian Ocean, 
demanding the relocation of the Futenma Air Station and other U.S. 
military facilities outside of Okinawa, and reviewing the Japan-U.S. 
Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) are "seen as anti-U.S. and 
anti-alliance." 
 
Such concerns were further aggravated by the publication of an 
article entitled "A New Path for Japan" with Mr. Hatoyama's byline 
on it in a U.S. newspaper. While the article says that "the 
Japan-U.S. security pact will continue to be the cornerstone of 
Japanese diplomatic policy," it contains glaring criticisms of the 
"failure of the Iraq war" and "market fundamentalism." Two major 
U.S. papers, The Washington Post and The New York Times cautioned in 
their editorials that "the threat of a nuclear North Korea makes 
Japan's neighborhood too dangerous ... for the government in Tokyo 
to seek a rupture with Washington" and that "the refueling mission 
in the Indian Ocean should continue ... at least through next 
spring." 
 
A number of senior Obama administration officials are reportedly 
concerned that "Japan may break away from the alliance and drift" 
and that "the Japan-U.S. relationship has entered an era of 
unpredictability." 
 
Mr. Hatoyama has explained that "the article consisted of excerpts; 
if you read the original Japanese version, you will know that it is 
not anti-U.S." Even so, it is a serious matter that the media, 
government officials, and experts of Japan's alliance partner have 
expressed such concerns even before he officially becomes the prime 
minister. 
 
President Obama will be visiting Japan in November, and June 2010 
will mark the 50th anniversary of the current bilateral security 
treaty coming into force. Japan's security environment is 
experiencing radical changes in terms of North Korea's threats, 
China's naval expansion, and contributions to fighting war against 
terrorism. The reinforcement and development of the alliance is more 
imperative than ever before. How will Mr. Hatoyama respond to the 
outburst of concerns on the U.S. side in this situation? 
 
The foundation of the alliance is measured by the depth of trust and 
concrete policies. Mr. Hatoyama should take action to establish a 
pragmatic policy line and show the people of both countries that the 
alliance is indeed the cornerstone (of Japanese diplomacy). 
 
(7) Hatoyama: No quick solution to the issue of Futenma relocation 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 1) (Abridged) 
September 4, 2009 
 
TOKYO-Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama 
indicated yesterday that it would take some time to settle the issue 
of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station. "Things 
won't go well until the Japanese government, the U.S. government, 
and Okinawa Prefecture's people find common ground," Hatoyama told 
reporters at DPJ headquarters that evening. He added, "I think it 
would be difficult to find a quick conclusion." This is the first 
time Hatoyama has touched on the relocation of Futenma airfield 
since the DPJ won an overwhelming victory in the recent general 
election for the House of Representatives. 
 
The DPJ has been calling for Futenma airfield to be relocated 
 
TOKYO 00002054  009 OF 012 
 
 
outside Okinawa Prefecture. "Basically," Hatoyama said, "we have not 
changed our standpoint." He stressed, "We would like to find a 
future course that will realize our wish, in the process of building 
a relationship of mutual trust with U.S. President Obama." 
 
In addition, Hatoyama also referred to his stance of negotiating 
with the United States. "We will have to make a comprehensive review 
of not only the Futenma relocation but also the issue of (revising) 
the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement and the issue of host 
nation support (omoiyari yosan, or literally "sympathy budget")," he 
said. 
 
Meanwhile, Hatoyama implicitly recognized the difficulty of 
bilateral negotiations between Japan and the United States, saying, 
"I strongly feel that this is not a matter we can resolve tomorrow." 
Hatoyama apparently gave thought to recent remarks made by U.S. 
government officials who said the U.S. government would not 
renegotiate the Futenma issue with the Japanese government. 
 
(8) Futenma alternative: Flight demonstrations set for Sept. 9 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
September 4, 2009 
 
The Okinawa Defense Bureau, an outpost of the Defense Ministry in 
Okinawa Prefecture, decided yesterday to conduct flight 
demonstrations at the construction site of an alternative facility 
for the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station at the request of 
Okinawa Prefecture and its base-hosting municipalities. The 
government plans to lay down a new airfield in a coastal area of 
Henoko in the prefecture's northern coastal city of Nago. Two CH-53 
heavy-lift helicopters from the U.S. military will be flown over the 
replacement facility's location for noise monitoring. Meanwhile, 
Okinawa has been calling for the newly planned airfield's 
construction site to be moved from its currently planned coastal 
location to an offshore site. However, the two CH-53 choppers will 
not be flown over that offshore area. The Democratic Party of Japan 
(DPJ), which has been calling for Futenma airfield to be relocated 
outside Okinawa Prefecture, will now take the reins of government as 
a result of the recent general election for the House of 
Representatives. Under such circumstances, the Defense Ministry will 
now resume its work for Futenma relocation to Henoko. 
 
The Defense Bureau positions the noise-monitoring survey as a step 
differing from assessing the Futenma replacement facility's 
potential impact on its environs. However, Okinawa Prefecture, Nago 
City, and Ginoza Village have asked the government to estimate and 
assess the new facility's potential impact based on findings from 
the monitoring survey. 
 
(9) F-22s to stay on at Yokota base? 
 
AKAHATA (Page 4) (Full) 
September 4, 2009 
 
F-22 stealth fighter jets were shown to the public at the U.S. 
Yokota Air Base in Tokyo on Aug. 22-23. The F-22 fighters, however, 
were still there even yesterday. 
 
The F-22s arrived at the U.S. Kadena Air Base in Okinawa Prefecture 
from the U.S. mainland in late May this year to be deployed there 
for the time being, and two of them came to Yokota. According to the 
 
TOKYO 00002054  010 OF 012 
 
 
Yokota base's public affairs office, the two F-22 fighter jets were 
to have returned to Kadena on Aug. 24. However, they cannot take off 
due to some trouble, the office explained. 
 
The first batch of F-22 fighter jets arrived at Kadena in February 
¶2007. After that, however, F-22 deployment was delayed due to 
instrument trouble. Earlier this year, they repeatedly made 
emergency landings. 
 
However, the two F-22 fighters have been at Yokota for over 10 days. 
"They might have another purpose," an observer said. 
 
(10) International carbon market initiative could give impetus to 
effort to set post-Kyoto Protocol framework: Private sector-funded 
assistance to developing countries; Japan alarmed about move led by 
U.S., Europe 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Excerpts) 
September 4, 2009 
 
A plan to set up an international carbon market developed at the 
initiative of the U.S. will be presented at the G-20 starting on 
September 4. The proposal is expected to speed up the move to create 
a framework for measures to curb global warming greenhouse gas 
emissions to be adopted in 2013 (post-Kyoto Protocol). Japan is 
lagging behind Europe and the U.S. because it has been left out of 
the loop on the drafting of the plan. It will be imperative for the 
soon-to-be launched Democratic Part of Japan (DPJ) administration to 
deal with this situation. 
 
Countries participating in the 15th session of the Conference of the 
Parties to the Climate Change (COP15) to be held in Copenhagen in 
December this year will aim to reach a post-Kyoto framework 
agreement. The major focus of attention is whether the meeting can 
call on developing countries, such as China, where emissions are 
sharply increasing, to agree to reduce such. The U.S. and Europe 
want to provide the impetus to persuade developing countries, by 
setting up an international carbon market. 
 
However, coordination of views at the G-20 is expected to be 
confrontational. Many developing countries are seeking public 
financial assistance, as they are unable to estimate the amount of 
funds they can gain on the envisaged international carbon market. 
Countries like China are calling on industrialized countries to 
outlay between 0.5 percent and 2.0 percent of their GNP. As such, 
talks on the international carbon market could drag on until year's 
end. 
 
Some Japanese government officials are cautious about the 
international carbon market initiative with a government source 
saying, "We should not decide to render assistance to developing 
countries before industrialized countries' set their reduction 
goals." European countries and the U.S. took the initiative for the 
adoption of the Kyoto Protocol. Japan was made to accept a goal of 
cutting carbon emissions by 6 percent from the 1990 level, which was 
higher than it had anticipated. 
 
There is a growing sense of crisis that unless Japan takes part in 
discussions on funds, European countries and the U.S. will again 
take the lead in adopting a post-Kyoto framework." 
 
(11) Prime Minister's Schedule, September 3 
 
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NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
September 4, 2009 
 
09:48 Met with Chairman Akihiko Tenbo of the Petroleum Association 
of Japan at the Nippon Keidanren (Japan Business Federation) Hall in 
Otemachi. Then met with Chairman Shosuke Mori of the Federation of 
Electric Power Companies of Japan, followed by Nippon Keidanren 
Chairman Fujio Mitarai. 
10:10 Met with Zenchu Chairman Mamoru Mogi in the JA Building. 
10:23 Met with Representative Senior Managing Director Kuniyuki 
Miyahara of the JF Zengyoren in the Co-op Building in Uchikanda. 
10:47 Met with Chairman Kaoru Yano and Vice Chairman Masataka 
Kataoka of the Japan Electronics and Information Technologies 
Industry Association in the Chiyoda First Building South Annex in 
Nishikanda. 
11:29 Met with Chairman Haruo Yoshida of the Zennama industry 
association in the Kyoei Building in Hatchobori. 
11:42 Met with Chairman Kenichi Asanuma and Vice Chairman Kotaro 
Yamada of the construction industry association, then attended a 
board meeting of the Japan Civil Engineering Contractors 
Association. 
12:11 Visited the office of Ikokai (Aso faction) at the National 
Inn-keepers Hall in Hirakawa-cho. 
13:31 Met with Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretaries Matsumoto and 
Asano. 
13:54 Met with Chairman Koji Miyahara of the Japanese Ship Owners' 
Association in the Maritime Transport Building. 
14:09 Met with Executive Director Hiromichi Iwasa of the Real Estate 
Companies' Association of Japan in the Kasumigaseki Building. 
14:52 Met with Chairman Yoshihito Karasawa of the Japan Medical 
Association at the Japan Medical Association Hall in Honkomagome. 
15:20 Met with Chairman Eiji Uehiro of the Jissen Rinri Kosei-Kai in 
Kudankita. 
15:42 Met with Chairman Mitsuo Okubo of the Japan Dental Association 
at the Japan Dental Association Hall. 
15:55 Met with Chairman Masataka Tomita of the Japan Federation of 
Hire-Taxi Associations at the Automobile Hall in Kudan. 
16:10 Met with Chairman Takashi Kodama of the Japan Pharmaceutical 
Association in the Fuji Kokuhoren Building in Yotsuya. 
16:37 Met with Chairman Setsuko Hisatsune of the Japanese Nursing 
Association and Chairman Kayoko Shimizu of the Japan Nursing 
Federation in the Japanese Nursing Association Building in 
Jingumae. 
17:54 Met with Chairman Schwab of the World Economic Forum at the 
Kantei. Foreign Ministry Economic Affairs Bureau Director General 
Suzuki was present. 
19:07 Arrived at the official residence. 
 
 (12) DPJ President Hatoyama's Schedule 
 
09:58: Left his residence in Denenchofu. 
10:50: Met with Lower House member Hirokazu Haraguchi at the DPJ 
headquarters. 
11:00: Met with Ryuzo Hosokawa, the eldest son of late political 
commentator Ryuichiro Hosokawa. 
13:57: Met with New Party Japan leader Tanaka. 
14:33: Met with Chairman Koga of the general assembly of LDP 
lawmakers from both Diet chambers. 
14:57: Met with U.S. Ambassador to Japan Roos. 
16:00: Telephone call from UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, 
followed by one from British Ambassador Brown and Spanish Prime 
 
TOKYO 00002054  012 OF 012 
 
 
Minister Zapatero. 
16:57: Met with Russian Ambassador to Japan Bely. 
18:49: Met with Secretary General Okada. 
21:14: Met with DPJ executive office chief Hirano. Then met with 
Deputy President Kan, followed by Public Relations Committee 
Chairman Okumura. Then met with Deputy President Ozawa, followed by 
Hirano. 
23:45: Arrived at his private residence. 
 
ROOS