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Viewing cable 09TOKYO2040, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/03/09
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09TOKYO2040 | 2009-09-03 21:33 | 2011-08-26 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Tokyo |
VZCZCXRO8340
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2040/01 2462133
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 032133Z SEP 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 5969
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 8625
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 6288
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 0103
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 3674
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 6806
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 0815
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7476
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 7096
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 002040
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA;
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION;
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE;
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN,
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR;
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA.
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT: DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/03/09
INDEX:
(1) Post-election poll (Tokyo Shimbun)
(2) Post-election poll (Asahi)
(3) Study of DPJ (Part 1): Emphasis on information disclosure since
its founding; (fulfillment) of its duty to explain to be issue from
now on (Asahi)
(4) Researching DPJ (Part 2): Groups may turn into factions;
150-member Ozawa group boasts solid unity (Asahi)
(5) Request for new administration: Interview with Nippon Keidanren
Chairman Fujio Mitarai by Takashi Iizuka: Hold policy-oriented
dialogue with DPJ (Sankei)
(6) State Department director urges Japan to abide by the agreement,
saying U.S. force realignment was agreed upon by both states (Kyodo)
(7) New mayor of Yokosuka criticized for condoning port calls by
nuclear-powered aircraft carriers (Akahata)
ARTICLES:
(1) Post-election poll
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full)
September 2, 2009
Questions & Answers
(Figures shown are percentages. Figures in parentheses are
percentages in the last survey, conducted July 3-4.)
Q: The Democratic Party of Japan won an overwhelming victory in the
election this time for the House of Representatives, and the DPJ
will take the reins of government. What do you think about this
outcome?
It's good 49.2
It's not good 7.8
Can't say which 42.3
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 0.7
Q: DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama is expected to become Japan's new
prime minister. Do you have high expectations for him?
Yes 71.1
No 20.2
D/K+N/A 8.7
Q: What do you want most from the new prime minister?
Leadership 17.6
Public accountability 26.6
Feelings like ordinary people's 24.9
Sincerity, modesty 13.3
Political ethics, cleanness 12.0
Other answers (O/A) 1.0
D/K+N/A 4.6
TOKYO 00002040 002 OF 011
Q: What do you think the Hatoyama cabinet, which is expected to come
into office, should tackle on a priority basis? (Up to two choices)
Economic stimulus measures, job security 40.2
Social security, including pension system reform 35.2
Administrative, fiscal reforms, such as eliminating the waste of
taxpayers' money 39.7
Civil service reform, such as prohibiting amakudari or retired
bureaucrats' practice of moving into public corporations or private
businesses 19.0
Childcare support, such as child allowances 17.3
Shift from bureaucracy-led government to politics-led government
8.2
Politics-and-money issues, such as prohibiting corporate donations
6.6
Toll-free expressways 2.7
Social disparity 5.4
Drastic tax reform 7.5
Foreign, security policies 6.3
Constitutional reform 1.3
O/A 0.6
D/K+N/A 1.9
Q: The LDP suffered a crushing defeat in the recent election for the
House of Representatives. What do you think about this outcome?
It's good 44.8
It's not good 7.8
Can't say either way 47.2
D/K+N/A 0.2
Q: Prime Minister Taro Aso clarified his intention to resign as LDP
president after the LDP's crushing defeat in the election for the
House of Representatives. Who do you think would be appropriate as
the next LDP president?
Nobuteru Ishihara 12.2
Shigeru Ishiba 10.5
Koichi Kato 4.8
Masazumi Gotoda 2.7
Sadakazu Tanigaki 5.6
Kunio Hatoyama 8.5
Yoichi Masuzoe 29.1
Others 1.4
D/K+N/A 25.2
Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet?
Yes 14.2 (23.4)
No 75.3 (60.9)
D/K+N/A 10.5 (15.7)
Q: Which political party do you support?
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 41.1 (26.5)
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 19.0 (27.2)
New Komeito (NK) 5.1 (4.1)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3.4 (4.5)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 2.1 (1.0)
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 2.4 ---
TOKYO 00002040 003 OF 011
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 1.5 (0.3)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.1 (0.1)
Other political parties, groups 0.1 (0.1)
None 22.9 (32.5)
(Note) Total percentage is over 100 PERCENT for multiple-choice
answers.
Polling methodology: This survey was conducted across the nation on
Aug. 31-Sept. 1 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random
digit dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone
numbers, those actually for household use with one or more eligible
voters totaled 1,475. Answers were obtained from 1,027 people.
(2) Post-election poll
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
September 2, 2009
Questions & Answers
(Figures are percentages, rounded off. Figures in parentheses denote
the results of the last survey conducted Aug. 15-16.)
Q: Which political party do you support now?
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39 (32)
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 22 (20)
New Komeito (NK) 6 (2)
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3 (4)
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1)
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1 (0)
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0)
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0)
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 (0)
Other political parties 1 (0)
None 22 (24)
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 5 (6)
Q: Which political party did you vote for in the general election
held this time for the House of Representatives?
DPJ 39
LDP 22
NK 10
JCP 6
SDP 3
YP 3
PNP 2
NPN 1
New Party Daichi (NPD or Shinto Daichi) 1
RC 0
Other political parties 1
Q: As a result of the general election, the DPJ will take the reins
of government. Do you think the change of government is good?
Yes 69
No 10
Q: The DPJ garnered more than 300 seats. Do you think the DPJ's
overwhelming victory is good?
TOKYO 00002040 004 OF 011
Yes 54
No 25
Q: Do you have high expectations for the incoming DPJ-led
government?
Yes 74
No 17
Q: Do you think the DPJ-led government will be able to change
Japan's politics substantially?
Yes 32
No 46
Q: DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama is certain to be elected as the new
prime minister. Do you have high expectations for him?
Yes 63
No 29
Q: Do you think the DPJ's overwhelming victory is attributable
primarily to the public's desire for a change of government from the
LDP?
Yes 81
No 12
Q: Do you think the DPJ's overwhelming victory is attributable
primarily to the public's support for its policies?
Yes 38
No 52
Q: The DPJ has pledged to provide a monthly handout of 26,000 yen
per child for each household. To compensate, the DPJ plans to
abolish spouse and other tax deductions in order to fund the child
allowance. Do you support this policy?
Yes 31
No 49
Q: The DPJ has pledged to phase out expressway tolls and pay back
the debts for expressways built in the past using tax money. Do you
support this policy?
Yes 20
No 65
Q: The LDP has lost a large number of seats and will become an
opposition party. Would you like the LDP to recover as a party to
vie with the DPJ?
Yes 76
No 17
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted from the late
afternoon of Aug. 31 through the evening of Sept. 1 over the
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis.
Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on
a three-stage random-sampling basis. Households with one or more
eligible voters totaled 1,855. Valid answers were obtained from
TOKYO 00002040 005 OF 011
1,104 people (60 PERCENT ).
(3) Study of DPJ (Part 1): Emphasis on information disclosure since
its founding; (fulfillment) of its duty to explain to be issue from
now on
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full)
September 2, 2009
Naoki Arima
In his stump speech concluding the House of Representatives election
campaign in Ikebukuro, Tokyo on August 29, Democratic Party of Japan
(DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama said, "We will formulate policies
together with you and give body and soul to establishing the
first-ever democratic administration in Japan." He used the
expression "together with you" several times.
The DPJ's name derives from its slogan "the citizens play the
central role." When the old Democratic Party of Japan was founded in
1996, its basic philosophy was that the role of citizens is to "seek
information, use their wisdom, propose alternatives, and get
involved in creating public value on their own initiative; voting is
just a small part of such action."
The present DPJ has included child allowances, income subsidies for
farming households, and toll free expressways in its manifesto
(campaign pledges), which have been criticized as "pork," but the
party's vision is a citizenry that is not just on the receiving end
and that does not delegate everything to the powers that be.
Proper disclosure of information relating to policy is indispensable
for the citizens to make independent decisions and act on them. The
DPJ has given emphasis to information disclosure from the time of
its founding.
Deputy President Naoto Kan became a sensation when he was health
minister under the coalition government of the Liberal Democratic
Party (LDP), the (defunct) Japan Socialist Party, and New Party
Sakigake for "digging up" documents on AIDS contracted from
contaminated blood products - documents which bureaucrats claimed
did not exist. When the new DPJ was formed in 1998 by merging with
the Good Governance Party, the New Fraternity Party, and other
groups, it issued a document entitled "Basic Philosophy" (sic "Basic
Policies"), which had a section on information disclosure. The
document says, "We shall be thorough in the public disclosure of
government information, for it is the starting point of any
structural reform of politics, the economy, and society, and is the
infrastructure for the citizens' self-reliance and participation."
As an opposition party, information disclosure was a weapon to
corner the government. The issue of the missing pension records
exposed by Policy Research Committee Deputy Chairman Akira Nagatsuma
and others became the prime mover behind the reversal of forces
between the ruling and opposition parties in the 2007 House of
Councillors election. Under the "twisted Diet" (where the ruling
bloc controlled the Lower House, while the opposition controlled the
Upper House), the DPJ threatened to invoke the Diet members' right
to investigate government affairs in its questioning of the
suspected use of fuel supplied in the Indian Ocean for other than
authorized purposes.
TOKYO 00002040 006 OF 011
When the DPJ merged with the Liberal Party led by Ichiro Ozawa in
2003, there were concerns about a regression in information
disclosure, because Ozawa was known for "not consulting with others,
not explaining, and making no effort to persuade," in the words of a
veteran DPJ Diet member.
When Ozawa became DPJ president in 2006, he tried to give the
impression that he had been "transformed." However, there is no
denying that decision-making in the party under Ozawa was a top-down
process. In November 2007, Ozawa gave the go ahead to a "grand
coalition" with the LDP in a closed door meeting with Prime Minister
Yasuo Fukuda, although this plan was later aborted due to opposition
inside the party.
Actually, Ozawa is not negative about information disclosure per se.
In his book "Nihon Kaizo Keikaku (Blueprint for a New Japan)"
published in 1993, he talked about the importance of information
disclosure for "dispelling the people's distrust of politics." Last
March, when a lawsuit was filed for the disclosure of the "secret
agreement" on the return of Okinawa to Japanese administration, his
comment as the DPJ's president was "If we take over the reins of
government, we will disclose as much information as possible."
With the birth of a DPJ administration, documents and agreements
that had been kept secret under LDP rule may now be made public.
However, information disclosure is not the only demand on the DPJ as
a ruling party. Its fulfillment of its duty to explain (setsumei
sekinin ) its policy decisions will also be important.
The DPJ will now begin to implement the policies in its manifesto,
but there is no denying that all policies have a negative side - for
instance, the child allowance plan will actually mean an increase in
the financial burden for households with no minor children.
It is fine to eliminate thoroughly wasteful spending, but there will
be people affected by budget cuts. There is also the possibility
that policies may not be implemented due to budgetary constraints or
the implementation of certain policies will have to rely on the
issuance of additional government bonds. In such a case, will the
DPJ be able to explain to the people honestly and meticulously?
It is said that the term "setsumei sekinin" was made popular by Kan
through his questioning of the administration during his long years
in the opposition. Will the DPJ be able to practice information
disclosure and meet the requirement of the duty to explain in a way
different from the LDP? The true worth of the slogan "the citizens
play the central role" will be put to the test.
(4) Researching DPJ (Part 2): Groups may turn into factions;
150-member Ozawa group boasts solid unity
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged slightly)
September 3, 2009
Kyohei Matsuda, Keiichi Kaneko
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has been ridiculed as a ragbag
of politicians from vastly different political parties. If factions
in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) are like athletic
associations, groups in the DPJ are like (liberal arts) circles that
do not apply strong pressure to their members. Many DPJ lawmakers
belong to more than one group. Like the LDP, an inter-factional
TOKYO 00002040 007 OF 011
power struggle might break out in the DPJ, a gigantic party with 417
lawmakers.
The party's largest group led by Deputy President Ichiro Ozawa could
be the eye of the storm. The group includes many first-term
lawmakers who won seats in national elections that were conducted
under Ozawa's command. The group's membership after the 2007 House
of Councillors election was about 50. That number is expected to
swell to about 150 after the latest House of Representative
election. In the DPJ leadership race in May, the members gave their
unanimous support to Yukio Hatoyama on Ozawa's instruction. The
group boasts rock-solid unity.
It is certain that Ozawa's wishes will sway the outcome of the DPJ
presidential race that is carried out every two years. Ozawa may
continue reigning over the DPJ as the "kingmaker."
In the Ozawa group, there is a group called Isshin-kai, which is
composed of first- to fourth-term Lower House members who meet once
a week. It is a political organization registered at the Internal
Affairs and Communications Ministry. A group of some 20 DPJ members
who were first elected to the Upper House in 2007 when Ozawa was
serving as party head also meet on an irregular basis. Veteran DPJ
lawmakers, including Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Kenji Yamaoko
of the now defunct Liberal Party, have always attended the annual
New Year's party held at Ozawa's residence.
The group's solidarity comes from Ozawa's well-calculated election
strategy to back candidates. It is customary for some 20 secretaries
to Ozawa to thoroughly conduct grassroots door-to-door election
campaigns across the country. Ozawa also excels in raising funds.
The Ozawa-style election strategy is changing the nature of the DPJ,
which tends to cut corners in elections.
The memberships of other groups have been 20 to 30. In order to run
in a DPJ leadership race, one needs endorsements from at least 20
people. LDP faction leaders have not aimed for the party presidency
since the Koizumi administration. On the other hand, many DPJ group
leaders are regarded as candidates for the DPJ presidency.
The "group to realize a change of government," led by President
Yukio Hatoyama, has consistently had about 30 members, including
Yorihisa Matsuno and Sakihito Ozawa, close aides to Hatoyama. The
Hatoyama and Ozawa groups ran a joint training course last summer.
The two groups are close.
The "group to study the new shape of Japan," which has about 20
members, is led by Deputy President Naoto Kan. This group includes
lawmakers of all ages from Upper House President Satsuki Eda to
Lower House member Manabu Terada.
When the DPJ was launched in 1996, the party had 50 lawmakers,
including 29 former Japan Socialist Party members -- the largest
group in the party. Currently the party has only about 20 former
socialist party members. The group to discuss the new political
situation includes former Lower House Vice-Speaker Takahiro
Yokomichi and DPJ Upper House Caucus Chairman Koshiishi Azuma. The
group shares Ozawa's UN-centered security policy.
Former Vice President Tatsuo Kawabata belongs to the 25-member
social democratic group composed mostly of former Social Democratic
Party lawmakers. The group also includes such junior members as
TOKYO 00002040 008 OF 011
Taizo Mikazuki and Kaname Tajima, plus veteran Kansei Nakano, a
former secretary general.
What makes the DPJ unique is that groups composed of mid-ranking and
junior lawmakers have a certain level of influence. Representing
anti-Ozawa forces, they played a central role in fielding Katsuya
Okada in the DPJ presidential race in May.
Vice President Seiji Maehara's group, Ryoun-kai, has many former New
Party Sakigake members, such as former Policy Research Committee
Chairman Yukio Edano. Former New Frontier Party members dominate
Kasei-kai headed by Deputy Secretary General Yoshihiko Noda. Noda
ran in the 2002 DPJ presidential race. Maehara became DPJ president
in 2005 but later resigned from the post due to a bogus email
incident.
Having lost their momentum, both Maehara and Noda are now
non-mainstreamers.
Meanwhile, Okada, who is regarded as a leading candidate to replace
Hatoyama someday, does not belong to any group. He has been gaining
power in the party through such activities as study meetings with
mid-ranking members of all groups.
(5) Request for new administration: Interview with Nippon Keidanren
Chairman Fujio Mitarai by Takashi Iizuka: Hold policy-oriented
dialogue with DPJ
SANKEI (Page 11) (Full)
September 3, 2009
-- There are differences in the policies, including growth strategy,
of the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren) and the
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ).
Mitarai: Stabilizing and improving the daily lives of people is a
common purpose of political and business circles. So politics and
economy are closely connected to each other based on policies. We
will build a policy-centered relationship with the DPJ while holding
dialogue with them. We take this policy approach not only to the
coalition government of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and New
Komeito, but also to a DPJ administration. The Nippon Keidanren and
the DPJ have different views on some policies. We also had policies
that differed from the LDP-New Komeito coalition government's
policies.
-- How will you handle the gaps between policies?
Mitarai: We will often hold policy dialogue with the DPJ and explain
the economic situation so that we can deepen mutual understanding.
For the sake of developing the business community and the
livelihoods of people, we will collect opinions from economic
circles and hold dialogue with the DPJ government. At the stage of
implementing policies, we will cooperate with the government as we
have in the past.
-- DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama is expected to attend the UN General
Assembly, which will take place on Sept. 22.
Mitarai: I don't know if he will announce at the international
conference the DPJ's midterm goal of reducing (Japan's greenhouse
gas emissions) by 25 PERCENT from the 1990 level (30 PERCENT from
TOKYO 00002040 009 OF 011
2005's level). I want the DPJ to scientifically study its midterm
goal based on international standards, the validity of the public
burden, and feasibility. I want the goal be discussed nationwide. I
think that he should announce it at an international conference
after it has been discussed nationwide.
-- What is your prediction for the economic effects of the DPJ's
manifesto (set of campaign pledges)?
Mitarai: I think the DPJ will take the creation of demand in Asia
into consideration for its growth strategy. Measures aimed at
stimulating domestic demand through income redistribution are the
main features of the DPJ's manifesto. However, there are limits to
the effectiveness of measures aimed at stimulating domestic demand
at a time when the labor force is shrinking because of the falling
birthrate and the aging population. An economic policy that balances
domestic and foreign demand is required.
-- The DPJ has advocated a policy of abolishing corporate
donations.
Mitarai: The purpose of corporate donations is for private companies
to make social contributions so that the public can support
politics. Nippon Keidanren member companies make political donations
according to the guidelines Nippon Keidanren devised based on its
assessments of the policies of political parties. This system
supports parliamentary democracy and increases the transparency of
political donations. I hope we will be able to continue this system.
-- The DPJ has criticized collusive ties among political,
bureaucratic, and business interests.
Mitarai: There is no such collusion. We strongly oppose collusion. A
scandal occasionally occurs but it is a mistake to say that
collusion is widespread in Japan.
Fujio Mitarai After graduating from the faculty of law of Chuo
University in 1961, he entered Canon Camera (currently Canon). He
became chairman of Canon in 2006 after serving as Canon U.S.A
president and Canon president (in 1995). He assumed the chairmanship
of Nippon Keidanren in 2006. He was born in Oita Prefecture. He is
ΒΆ73.
(Interviewer Takashi Iizuka)
(6) State Department director urges Japan to abide by the agreement,
saying U.S. force realignment was agreed upon by both states
Kyodo, Washington
The Democratic Party of Japan vowed in its manifesto (campaign
pledges) that (a DPJ) administration will review the realignment of
U.S. forces in Japan. Touching on this fact, State Department Office
of Japanese Affairs Director Kevin Maher emphasized on Sept. 2 that
there is no possibility of a review. "It was agreed upon by the two
states," he said. "It is not an agreement with the Liberal
Democratic Party." He applied pressure to Japan to advance the U.S.
force realignment in accordance with the agreement even after (the
DPJ) takes over the reins of government. He was speaking at a forum
held in Washington, D.C.
TOKYO 00002040 010 OF 011
Maher also indicated that the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps'
Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture) will
"dramatically reduce the burden on Okinawa." He also made it clear
that the United States will not respond to the DPJ's call for a
review of the plan to relocate the base to the coastal area of Camp
Schwab in Nago. "Pushing ahead with the plan will serve the
interests of all," he said. He maintained that the decision was made
after studying other options, such as the DPJ's call to move the air
station out of Okinawa.
Furthermore, Maher indicated that after the Obama administration was
launched in the United States this year, Japan and the United States
held close talks and that the "transition went smoothly because a
large portion of U.S. policy toward Japan was passed on (to the
Obama administration.)" Additionally, taking into account the fact
that the DPJ, which proposes building "equal Japan-U.S. relations,"
has been calling for putting an end to the Maritime Self-Defense
Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, Maher expressed his
hope for continued Japan-U.S. cooperation on a variety of issues,
including the fight against terrorism, saying, "Leadership comes
with responsibility."
(7) New mayor of Yokosuka criticized for condoning port calls by
nuclear-powered aircraft carriers
AKAHATA (Page 13) (Full)
September 3, 2009
Mayor Yuto Yoshida (independent) of Yokosuka City, who defeated the
incumbent mayor Ryoichi Kabaya (endorsed by the Liberal Democratic
Party and New Komeito) and was elected last June, is under fire from
citizens for making repeated statements condoning port calls by the
U.S. forces' nuclear-powered aircraft carriers at Yokosuka.
Kabaya was defeated in the mayoral race because he rejected the
demand in a petition signed by over 50,000 citizens for legislating
an ordinance on holding a referendum on whether to allow port calls
by nuclear-powered aircraft carriers. Yoshida was elected under the
platform of "change" and "breaking away from bureaucratic control,"
but he is taking the same position as the former mayor on allowing
visits by nuclear-powered aircraft carriers.
Yoshida had stated in his manifesto that, "The existence of
nuclear-powered aircraft carriers and military bases should be
accepted as reality, and measures to deal with the military bases
will be promoted accordingly." At his regular news conference on
August 11, Yoshida was asked to comment on the first anniversary of
the U.S. military base in Yokosuka becoming the home port of the
nuclear-powered aircraft carrier George Washington. He said
repeatedly: "Reality should be accepted as reality."
His comment on the port call on Yokosuka by the nuclear-powered
aircraft carrier Nimitz from August 24-28 was: "I understand that
this is based on an agreement between the Japanese and U.S.
governments." (Kanagawa Shimbun, August 20) At a news conference on
August 25, he further said that port calls by nuclear-powered
aircraft carriers other than the George Washington "do not
constitute a significant reinforcement of base functions," clearly
indicating his acceptance of such port calls.
The U.S. Navy asserts that the Nimitz's port call on Yokosuka was
"an outward demonstration of U.S. commitment to the defense of Japan
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and to maintaining peace and stability throughout the entire East
Asia region." (USS Nimitz Public Affairs; U.S. Navy homepage news,
August 27, 2009).
ROOS