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Viewing cable 09TOKYO2040, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/03/09

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09TOKYO2040 2009-09-03 21:33 2011-08-26 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO8340
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2040/01 2462133
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 032133Z SEP 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 5969
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 8625
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 6288
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 0103
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 3674
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 6806
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 0815
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7476
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 7096
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 002040 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 09/03/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Post-election poll (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(2) Post-election poll (Asahi) 
 
(3) Study of DPJ (Part 1): Emphasis on information disclosure since 
its founding; (fulfillment) of its duty to explain to be issue from 
now on (Asahi) 
 
(4) Researching DPJ (Part 2): Groups may turn into factions; 
150-member Ozawa group boasts solid unity (Asahi) 
 
(5) Request for new administration: Interview with Nippon Keidanren 
Chairman Fujio Mitarai by Takashi Iizuka: Hold policy-oriented 
dialogue with DPJ (Sankei) 
 
(6) State Department director urges Japan to abide by the agreement, 
saying U.S. force realignment was agreed upon by both states (Kyodo) 
 
 
(7) New mayor of Yokosuka criticized for condoning port calls by 
nuclear-powered aircraft carriers (Akahata) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Post-election poll 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
September 2, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown are percentages. Figures in parentheses are 
percentages in the last survey, conducted July 3-4.) 
 
Q: The Democratic Party of Japan won an overwhelming victory in the 
election this time for the House of Representatives, and the DPJ 
will take the reins of government. What do you think about this 
outcome? 
 
It's good 49.2 
It's not good 7.8 
Can't say which 42.3 
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 0.7 
 
Q: DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama is expected to become Japan's new 
prime minister. Do you have high expectations for him? 
 
Yes 71.1 
No 20.2 
D/K+N/A 8.7 
 
Q: What do you want most from the new prime minister? 
 
Leadership 17.6 
Public accountability 26.6 
Feelings like ordinary people's 24.9 
Sincerity, modesty 13.3 
Political ethics, cleanness 12.0 
Other answers (O/A) 1.0 
D/K+N/A 4.6 
 
 
TOKYO 00002040  002 OF 011 
 
 
 
Q: What do you think the Hatoyama cabinet, which is expected to come 
into office, should tackle on a priority basis? (Up to two choices) 
 
Economic stimulus measures, job security 40.2 
Social security, including pension system reform 35.2 
Administrative, fiscal reforms, such as eliminating the waste of 
taxpayers' money 39.7 
Civil service reform, such as prohibiting amakudari or retired 
bureaucrats' practice of moving into public corporations or private 
businesses 19.0 
Childcare support, such as child allowances 17.3 
Shift from bureaucracy-led government to politics-led government 
8.2 
Politics-and-money issues, such as prohibiting corporate donations 
6.6 
Toll-free expressways 2.7 
Social disparity 5.4 
Drastic tax reform 7.5 
Foreign, security policies 6.3 
Constitutional reform 1.3 
O/A 0.6 
D/K+N/A 1.9 
 
Q: The LDP suffered a crushing defeat in the recent election for the 
House of Representatives. What do you think about this outcome? 
 
It's good 44.8 
It's not good 7.8 
Can't say either way 47.2 
D/K+N/A 0.2 
 
 
Q: Prime Minister Taro Aso clarified his intention to resign as LDP 
president after the LDP's crushing defeat in the election for the 
House of Representatives. Who do you think would be appropriate as 
the next LDP president? 
 
Nobuteru Ishihara 12.2 
Shigeru Ishiba 10.5 
Koichi Kato 4.8 
Masazumi Gotoda 2.7 
Sadakazu Tanigaki 5.6 
Kunio Hatoyama 8.5 
Yoichi Masuzoe 29.1 
Others 1.4 
D/K+N/A 25.2 
 
Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? 
 
Yes 14.2 (23.4) 
No 75.3 (60.9) 
D/K+N/A 10.5 (15.7) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 41.1 (26.5) 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 19.0 (27.2) 
New Komeito (NK) 5.1 (4.1) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3.4 (4.5) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 2.1 (1.0) 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 2.4 --- 
 
TOKYO 00002040  003 OF 011 
 
 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 1.5 (0.3) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.1 (0.1) 
Other political parties, groups 0.1 (0.1) 
None 22.9 (32.5) 
 
(Note) Total percentage is over 100 PERCENT  for multiple-choice 
answers. 
 
Polling methodology: This survey was conducted across the nation on 
Aug. 31-Sept. 1 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random 
digit dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone 
numbers, those actually for household use with one or more eligible 
voters totaled 1,475. Answers were obtained from 1,027 people. 
 
(2) Post-election poll 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
September 2, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures are percentages, rounded off. Figures in parentheses denote 
the results of the last survey conducted Aug. 15-16.) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39 (32) 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 22 (20) 
New Komeito (NK) 6 (2) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3 (4) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1) 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1 (0) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 (0) 
Other political parties 1 (0) 
None 22 (24) 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 5 (6) 
 
Q: Which political party did you vote for in the general election 
held this time for the House of Representatives? 
 
DPJ 39 
LDP 22 
NK 10 
JCP 6 
SDP 3 
YP 3 
PNP 2 
NPN 1 
New Party Daichi (NPD or Shinto Daichi) 1 
RC 0 
Other political parties 1 
 
Q: As a result of the general election, the DPJ will take the reins 
of government. Do you think the change of government is good? 
 
Yes 69 
No 10 
 
Q: The DPJ garnered more than 300 seats. Do you think the DPJ's 
overwhelming victory is good? 
 
 
TOKYO 00002040  004 OF 011 
 
 
Yes 54 
No 25 
 
Q: Do you have high expectations for the incoming DPJ-led 
government? 
 
Yes 74 
No 17 
 
Q: Do you think the DPJ-led government will be able to change 
Japan's politics substantially? 
 
Yes 32 
No 46 
 
Q: DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama is certain to be elected as the new 
prime minister. Do you have high expectations for him? 
 
Yes 63 
No 29 
 
Q: Do you think the DPJ's overwhelming victory is attributable 
primarily to the public's desire for a change of government from the 
LDP? 
 
Yes 81 
No 12 
 
Q: Do you think the DPJ's overwhelming victory is attributable 
primarily to the public's support for its policies? 
 
Yes 38 
No 52 
 
Q: The DPJ has pledged to provide a monthly handout of 26,000 yen 
per child for each household. To compensate, the DPJ plans to 
abolish spouse and other tax deductions in order to fund the child 
allowance. Do you support this policy? 
 
Yes 31 
No 49 
 
Q: The DPJ has pledged to phase out expressway tolls and pay back 
the debts for expressways built in the past using tax money. Do you 
support this policy? 
 
Yes 20 
No 65 
 
Q: The LDP has lost a large number of seats and will become an 
opposition party. Would you like the LDP to recover as a party to 
vie with the DPJ? 
 
Yes 76 
No 17 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted from the late 
afternoon of Aug. 31 through the evening of Sept. 1 over the 
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. 
Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on 
a three-stage random-sampling basis. Households with one or more 
eligible voters totaled 1,855. Valid answers were obtained from 
 
TOKYO 00002040  005 OF 011 
 
 
1,104 people (60 PERCENT ). 
 
(3) Study of DPJ (Part 1): Emphasis on information disclosure since 
its founding; (fulfillment) of its duty to explain to be issue from 
now on 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
September 2, 2009 
 
Naoki Arima 
 
In his stump speech concluding the House of Representatives election 
campaign in Ikebukuro, Tokyo on August 29, Democratic Party of Japan 
(DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama said, "We will formulate policies 
together with you and give body and soul to establishing the 
first-ever democratic administration in Japan." He used the 
expression "together with you" several times. 
 
The DPJ's name derives from its slogan "the citizens play the 
central role." When the old Democratic Party of Japan was founded in 
1996, its basic philosophy was that the role of citizens is to "seek 
information, use their wisdom, propose alternatives, and get 
involved in creating public value on their own initiative; voting is 
just a small part of such action." 
 
The present DPJ has included child allowances, income subsidies for 
farming households, and toll free expressways in its manifesto 
(campaign pledges), which have been criticized as "pork," but the 
party's vision is a citizenry that is not just on the receiving end 
and that does not delegate everything to the powers that be. 
 
Proper disclosure of information relating to policy is indispensable 
for the citizens to make independent decisions and act on them. The 
DPJ has given emphasis to information disclosure from the time of 
its founding. 
 
Deputy President Naoto Kan became a sensation when he was health 
minister under the coalition government of the Liberal Democratic 
Party (LDP), the (defunct) Japan Socialist Party, and New Party 
Sakigake for "digging up" documents on AIDS contracted from 
contaminated blood products - documents which bureaucrats claimed 
did not exist. When the new DPJ was formed in 1998 by merging with 
the Good Governance Party, the New Fraternity Party, and other 
groups, it issued a document entitled "Basic Philosophy" (sic "Basic 
Policies"), which had a section on information disclosure. The 
document says, "We shall be thorough in the public disclosure of 
government information, for it is the starting point of any 
structural reform of politics, the economy, and society, and is the 
infrastructure for the citizens' self-reliance and participation." 
 
As an opposition party, information disclosure was a weapon to 
corner the government. The issue of the missing pension records 
exposed by Policy Research Committee Deputy Chairman Akira Nagatsuma 
and others became the prime mover behind the reversal of forces 
between the ruling and opposition parties in the 2007 House of 
Councillors election. Under the "twisted Diet" (where the ruling 
bloc controlled the Lower House, while the opposition controlled the 
Upper House), the DPJ threatened to invoke the Diet members' right 
to investigate government affairs in its questioning of the 
suspected use of fuel supplied in the Indian Ocean for other than 
authorized purposes. 
 
 
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When the DPJ merged with the Liberal Party led by Ichiro Ozawa in 
2003, there were concerns about a regression in information 
disclosure, because Ozawa was known for "not consulting with others, 
not explaining, and making no effort to persuade," in the words of a 
veteran DPJ Diet member. 
 
When Ozawa became DPJ president in 2006, he tried to give the 
impression that he had been "transformed." However, there is no 
denying that decision-making in the party under Ozawa was a top-down 
process. In November 2007, Ozawa gave the go ahead to a "grand 
coalition" with the LDP in a closed door meeting with Prime Minister 
Yasuo Fukuda, although this plan was later aborted due to opposition 
inside the party. 
 
Actually, Ozawa is not negative about information disclosure per se. 
In his book "Nihon Kaizo Keikaku (Blueprint for a New Japan)" 
published in 1993, he talked about the importance of information 
disclosure for "dispelling the people's distrust of politics." Last 
March, when a lawsuit was filed for the disclosure of the "secret 
agreement" on the return of Okinawa to Japanese administration, his 
comment as the DPJ's president was "If we take over the reins of 
government, we will disclose as much information as possible." 
 
With the birth of a DPJ administration, documents and agreements 
that had been kept secret under LDP rule may now be made public. 
However, information disclosure is not the only demand on the DPJ as 
a ruling party. Its fulfillment of its duty to explain (setsumei 
sekinin ) its policy decisions will also be important. 
 
The DPJ will now begin to implement the policies in its manifesto, 
but there is no denying that all policies have a negative side - for 
instance, the child allowance plan will actually mean an increase in 
the financial burden for households with no minor children. 
 
It is fine to eliminate thoroughly wasteful spending, but there will 
be people affected by budget cuts. There is also the possibility 
that policies may not be implemented due to budgetary constraints or 
the implementation of certain policies will have to rely on the 
issuance of additional government bonds. In such a case, will the 
DPJ be able to explain to the people honestly and meticulously? 
 
It is said that the term "setsumei sekinin" was made popular by Kan 
through his questioning of the administration during his long years 
in the opposition. Will the DPJ be able to practice information 
disclosure and meet the requirement of the duty to explain in a way 
different from the LDP? The true worth of the slogan "the citizens 
play the central role" will be put to the test. 
 
(4) Researching DPJ (Part 2): Groups may turn into factions; 
150-member Ozawa group boasts solid unity 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged slightly) 
September 3, 2009 
 
Kyohei Matsuda, Keiichi Kaneko 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has been ridiculed as a ragbag 
of politicians from vastly different political parties. If factions 
in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) are like athletic 
associations, groups in the DPJ are like (liberal arts) circles that 
do not apply strong pressure to their members. Many DPJ lawmakers 
belong to more than one group. Like the LDP, an inter-factional 
 
TOKYO 00002040  007 OF 011 
 
 
power struggle might break out in the DPJ, a gigantic party with 417 
lawmakers. 
 
The party's largest group led by Deputy President Ichiro Ozawa could 
be the eye of the storm. The group includes many first-term 
lawmakers who won seats in national elections that were conducted 
under Ozawa's command. The group's membership after the 2007 House 
of Councillors election was about 50. That number is expected to 
swell to about 150 after the latest House of Representative 
election. In the DPJ leadership race in May, the members gave their 
unanimous support to Yukio Hatoyama on Ozawa's instruction. The 
group boasts rock-solid unity. 
 
It is certain that Ozawa's wishes will sway the outcome of the DPJ 
presidential race that is carried out every two years. Ozawa may 
continue reigning over the DPJ as the "kingmaker." 
 
In the Ozawa group, there is a group called Isshin-kai, which is 
composed of first- to fourth-term Lower House members who meet once 
a week. It is a political organization registered at the Internal 
Affairs and Communications Ministry. A group of some 20 DPJ members 
who were first elected to the Upper House in 2007 when Ozawa was 
serving as party head also meet on an irregular basis. Veteran DPJ 
lawmakers, including Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Kenji Yamaoko 
of the now defunct Liberal Party, have always attended the annual 
New Year's party held at Ozawa's residence. 
 
The group's solidarity comes from Ozawa's well-calculated election 
strategy to back candidates. It is customary for some 20 secretaries 
to Ozawa to thoroughly conduct grassroots door-to-door election 
campaigns across the country. Ozawa also excels in raising funds. 
The Ozawa-style election strategy is changing the nature of the DPJ, 
which tends to cut corners in elections. 
 
The memberships of other groups have been 20 to 30. In order to run 
in a DPJ leadership race, one needs endorsements from at least 20 
people. LDP faction leaders have not aimed for the party presidency 
since the Koizumi administration. On the other hand, many DPJ group 
leaders are regarded as candidates for the DPJ presidency. 
 
The "group to realize a change of government," led by President 
Yukio Hatoyama, has consistently had about 30 members, including 
Yorihisa Matsuno and Sakihito Ozawa, close aides to Hatoyama. The 
Hatoyama and Ozawa groups ran a joint training course last summer. 
The two groups are close. 
 
The "group to study the new shape of Japan," which has about 20 
members, is led by Deputy President Naoto Kan. This group includes 
lawmakers of all ages from Upper House President Satsuki Eda to 
Lower House member Manabu Terada. 
 
When the DPJ was launched in 1996, the party had 50 lawmakers, 
including 29 former Japan Socialist Party members -- the largest 
group in the party. Currently the party has only about 20 former 
socialist party members. The group to discuss the new political 
situation includes former Lower House Vice-Speaker Takahiro 
Yokomichi and DPJ Upper House Caucus Chairman Koshiishi Azuma. The 
group shares Ozawa's UN-centered security policy. 
 
Former Vice President Tatsuo Kawabata belongs to the 25-member 
social democratic group composed mostly of former Social Democratic 
Party lawmakers. The group also includes such junior members as 
 
TOKYO 00002040  008 OF 011 
 
 
Taizo Mikazuki and Kaname Tajima, plus veteran Kansei Nakano, a 
former secretary general. 
 
What makes the DPJ unique is that groups composed of mid-ranking and 
junior lawmakers have a certain level of influence. Representing 
anti-Ozawa forces, they played a central role in fielding Katsuya 
Okada in the DPJ presidential race in May. 
 
Vice President Seiji Maehara's group, Ryoun-kai, has many former New 
Party Sakigake members, such as former Policy Research Committee 
Chairman Yukio Edano. Former New Frontier Party members dominate 
Kasei-kai headed by Deputy Secretary General Yoshihiko Noda. Noda 
ran in the 2002 DPJ presidential race. Maehara became DPJ president 
in 2005 but later resigned from the post due to a bogus email 
incident. 
 
Having lost their momentum, both Maehara and Noda are now 
non-mainstreamers. 
 
Meanwhile, Okada, who is regarded as a leading candidate to replace 
Hatoyama someday, does not belong to any group. He has been gaining 
power in the party through such activities as study meetings with 
mid-ranking members of all groups. 
 
(5) Request for new administration: Interview with Nippon Keidanren 
Chairman Fujio Mitarai by Takashi Iizuka: Hold policy-oriented 
dialogue with DPJ 
 
SANKEI (Page 11) (Full) 
September 3, 2009 
 
-- There are differences in the policies, including growth strategy, 
of the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren) and the 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). 
 
Mitarai: Stabilizing and improving the daily lives of people is a 
common purpose of political and business circles. So politics and 
economy are closely connected to each other based on policies. We 
will build a policy-centered relationship with the DPJ while holding 
dialogue with them. We take this policy approach not only to the 
coalition government of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and New 
Komeito, but also to a DPJ administration. The Nippon Keidanren and 
the DPJ have different views on some policies. We also had policies 
that differed from the LDP-New Komeito coalition government's 
policies. 
 
-- How will you handle the gaps between policies? 
 
Mitarai: We will often hold policy dialogue with the DPJ and explain 
the economic situation so that we can deepen mutual understanding. 
For the sake of developing the business community and the 
livelihoods of people, we will collect opinions from economic 
circles and hold dialogue with the DPJ government. At the stage of 
implementing policies, we will cooperate with the government as we 
have in the past. 
 
-- DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama is expected to attend the UN General 
Assembly, which will take place on Sept. 22. 
 
Mitarai: I don't know if he will announce at the international 
conference the DPJ's midterm goal of reducing (Japan's greenhouse 
gas emissions) by 25 PERCENT  from the 1990 level (30 PERCENT  from 
 
TOKYO 00002040  009 OF 011 
 
 
2005's level). I want the DPJ to scientifically study its midterm 
goal based on international standards, the validity of the public 
burden, and feasibility. I want the goal be discussed nationwide. I 
think that he should announce it at an international conference 
after it has been discussed nationwide. 
 
-- What is your prediction for the economic effects of the DPJ's 
manifesto (set of campaign pledges)? 
 
Mitarai: I think the DPJ will take the creation of demand in Asia 
into consideration for its growth strategy. Measures aimed at 
stimulating domestic demand through income redistribution are the 
main features of the DPJ's manifesto. However, there are limits to 
the effectiveness of measures aimed at stimulating domestic demand 
at a time when the labor force is shrinking because of the falling 
birthrate and the aging population. An economic policy that balances 
domestic and foreign demand is required. 
 
-- The DPJ has advocated a policy of abolishing corporate 
donations. 
 
Mitarai: The purpose of corporate donations is for private companies 
to make social contributions so that the public can support 
politics. Nippon Keidanren member companies make political donations 
according to the guidelines Nippon Keidanren devised based on its 
assessments of the policies of political parties. This system 
supports parliamentary democracy and increases the transparency of 
political donations. I hope we will be able to continue this system. 
 
 
-- The DPJ has criticized collusive ties among political, 
bureaucratic, and business interests. 
 
Mitarai: There is no such collusion. We strongly oppose collusion. A 
scandal occasionally occurs but it is a mistake to say that 
collusion is widespread in Japan. 
 
Fujio Mitarai  After graduating from the faculty of law of Chuo 
University in 1961, he entered Canon Camera (currently Canon). He 
became chairman of Canon in 2006 after serving as Canon U.S.A 
president and Canon president (in 1995). He assumed the chairmanship 
of Nippon Keidanren in 2006. He was born in Oita Prefecture. He is 
ΒΆ73. 
 
(Interviewer Takashi Iizuka) 
 
(6) State Department director urges Japan to abide by the agreement, 
saying U.S. force realignment was agreed upon by both states 
 
Kyodo, Washington 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan vowed in its manifesto (campaign 
pledges) that (a DPJ) administration will review the realignment of 
U.S. forces in Japan. Touching on this fact, State Department Office 
of Japanese Affairs Director Kevin Maher emphasized on Sept. 2 that 
there is no possibility of a review. "It was agreed upon by the two 
states," he said. "It is not an agreement with the Liberal 
Democratic Party." He applied pressure to Japan to advance the U.S. 
force realignment in accordance with the agreement even after (the 
DPJ) takes over the reins of government. He was speaking at a forum 
held in Washington, D.C. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002040  010 OF 011 
 
 
Maher also indicated that the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' 
Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture) will 
"dramatically reduce the burden on Okinawa." He also made it clear 
that the United States will not respond to the DPJ's call for a 
review of the plan to relocate the base to the coastal area of Camp 
Schwab in Nago. "Pushing ahead with the plan will serve the 
interests of all," he said. He maintained that the decision was made 
after studying other options, such as the DPJ's call to move the air 
station out of Okinawa. 
 
Furthermore, Maher indicated that after the Obama administration was 
launched in the United States this year, Japan and the United States 
held close talks and that the "transition went smoothly because a 
large portion of U.S. policy toward Japan was passed on (to the 
Obama administration.)" Additionally, taking into account the fact 
that the DPJ, which proposes building "equal Japan-U.S. relations," 
has been calling for putting an end to the Maritime Self-Defense 
Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, Maher expressed his 
hope for continued Japan-U.S. cooperation on a variety of issues, 
including the fight against terrorism, saying, "Leadership comes 
with responsibility." 
 
(7) New mayor of Yokosuka criticized for condoning port calls by 
nuclear-powered aircraft carriers 
 
AKAHATA (Page 13) (Full) 
September 3, 2009 
 
Mayor Yuto Yoshida (independent) of Yokosuka City, who defeated the 
incumbent mayor Ryoichi Kabaya (endorsed by the Liberal Democratic 
Party and New Komeito) and was elected last June, is under fire from 
citizens for making repeated statements condoning port calls by the 
U.S. forces' nuclear-powered aircraft carriers at Yokosuka. 
 
Kabaya was defeated in the mayoral race because he rejected the 
demand in a petition signed by over 50,000 citizens for legislating 
an ordinance on holding a referendum on whether to allow port calls 
by nuclear-powered aircraft carriers. Yoshida was elected under the 
platform of "change" and "breaking away from bureaucratic control," 
but he is taking the same position as the former mayor on allowing 
visits by nuclear-powered aircraft carriers. 
 
Yoshida had stated in his manifesto that, "The existence of 
nuclear-powered aircraft carriers and military bases should be 
accepted as reality, and measures to deal with the military bases 
will be promoted accordingly." At his regular news conference on 
August 11, Yoshida was asked to comment on the first anniversary of 
the U.S. military base in Yokosuka becoming the home port of the 
nuclear-powered aircraft carrier George Washington. He said 
repeatedly: "Reality should be accepted as reality." 
 
His comment on the port call on Yokosuka by the nuclear-powered 
aircraft carrier Nimitz from August 24-28 was: "I understand that 
this is based on an agreement between the Japanese and U.S. 
governments." (Kanagawa Shimbun, August 20) At a news conference on 
August 25, he further said that port calls by nuclear-powered 
aircraft carriers other than the George Washington "do not 
constitute a significant reinforcement of base functions," clearly 
indicating his acceptance of such port calls. 
 
The U.S. Navy asserts that the Nimitz's port call on Yokosuka was 
"an outward demonstration of U.S. commitment to the defense of Japan 
 
TOKYO 00002040  011 OF 011 
 
 
and to maintaining peace and stability throughout the entire East 
Asia region." (USS Nimitz Public Affairs; U.S. Navy homepage news, 
August 27, 2009). 
 
ROOS