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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 001998 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/31/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Attention focused on "equal Japan-U.S. alliance" in DPJ foreign 
policy; priority might be given to Asia (Mainichi) 
 
(2) New era is about to start in Japan following general election 
(Mainichi) 
 
(3) Ozawa likely to be in charge of DPJ strategy for next year's 
Upper House election, Okada expected to remain as secretary general 
(Mainichi) 
 
(4) LDP's support base collapses, floating voters back DPJ (Sankei) 
 
 
(5) Exit poll: 30 PERCENT  of LDP supporters vote for DPJ, 60 
PERCENT  of floating votes cast for DPJ (Mainichi) 
 
(6) LDP, New Komeito's Fall (Part 1): Flabbergasted, speechless, 
feeling of despair in the air; further confusion in LDP possible 
after Aso; New Komeito leader, secretary general's resignation 
inevitable (Sankei) 
 
(7) TOP HEADLINES 
 
(8) EDITORIALS 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Attention focused on "equal Japan-U.S. alliance" in DPJ foreign 
policy; priority might be given to Asia 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) 
August 31, 2009 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which will assume political 
power shortly, included in its policy manifesto for the House of 
Representatives election "an equal Japan-U.S. alliance" as a 
catchphrase for its foreign policy. President Yukio Hatoyama has 
proposed building an East Asia joint community, a concept 
prioritizing relations between Japan, China and South Korea. The 
party, however, has presented no roadmaps for these proposals. 
 
The DPJ has changed its initial policy stance regarding the Maritime 
Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean as 
assistance in the war on terror; host-nation support; U.S. force 
realignment including the transfer of the Futenma Air Station; and 
the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). These are issues 
that necessarily have an impact on the fundamental Japan-U.S. 
alliance. 
 
The DPJ in its manifesto removed the wording "suspension of the 
refueling mission" and toned down the wording calling for a review 
of the SOFA. "It would not be wise for the party to have friction 
with the U.S. right after taking political power and to allow 
internal politics to be affected by it," commented a senior member 
of the party's Policy Research Council. However, arrangements are 
being made for a meeting between Hatoyama and U.S. President Barack 
Obama when Hatoyama visits the U.S. in late September and for the 
first visit to Japan by Obama in November. The DPJ must make its 
position clear prior to these diplomatic events. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001998  002 OF 009 
 
 
Besides the East Asia community concept, Hatoyama has also proposed 
introducing a common currency in Asia. These proposals apparently 
reflect his attention to China on account of its rapid growth on 
both economic and military fronts. Former DPJ president Ichiro Ozawa 
has visited China and met President Hu Jintao. China has also 
favorably taken to the DPJ, which has said that the prime minister 
will not worship at Yasukuni Shrine if the party takes over the 
reins of government. 
 
(2) New era is about to start in Japan following general election 
 
MAINICHI (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
August 31, 2009 
 
By Hiroto Kosuge, political news editor 
 
A number of veteran lawmakers with records of achievement were 
defeated by first-time candidates backed by the Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ) in yesterday's Lower House election. Even a former prime 
minister failed to win election. This situation is indisputably 
"revolutionary," as described by DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama. 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) enjoyed a landslide victory in 
the Lower House election four years ago whose main issue was postal 
reform. During the period between the two elections, however, the 
problem of a gap in income with the risk of creating widespread 
homelessness became more serious, and the public began to be 
critical of the ruling parties for their policies. 
 
In a crucial moment when the government had to address the downside 
of reform, two prime ministers relinquished their duties mid-term in 
succession. Some critics pointed out that the government is no 
longer capable of governing. 
 
It would be more accurate, however, to conclude that the LDP had to 
postpone the general election until just before the expiration of 
the lawmakers' terms of office not because Prime Minister Taro Aso 
was indecisive but because the LDP was unable to face the people for 
its inability to complete its structural reforms. 
 
Meanwhile, the DPJ won an overwhelming victory in the House of 
Councillors election in 2007. The main opposition party succeeded, 
if only briefly, in turning its proposals for suspending the 
Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean 
and bringing down the prices of gasoline into reality. The party 
showed that changes could occur even in basic policies and steadily 
pushed ahead with preparations for a change of government. 
 
Aso underscored his government's conservative credentials and 
demonstrated its past achievements. "It may not be what it once was, 
but it is still first-class." This saying used to be applied to the 
LDP, but people now see the LDP as "rotten." 
 
Judging that the nation could no longer bear leadership passing from 
one person to another in the LDP, voters opted for a full-scale 
change of government. Among the industrialized countries Japan had 
been the only one that heretofore had not changed regime. 
 
The new administration is tasked with building a new type of 
government and carrying out the policy measures in its manifesto. 
 
The DPJ must maintain unity in the party under executive members' 
 
TOKYO 00001998  003 OF 009 
 
 
determination to carry out reform plans. The key to its success lies 
in this point. 
 
Defects caused by the party's being a hodge-podge of groups have 
been left unsettled. In addition, the party now includes a number of 
new faces who do not know the ways of the Diet. It will not be easy 
to manage the party under such a situation. 
 
Now that the party has achieved its goal of seizing political power, 
there is a request for Ichiro Ozawa, who greatly contributed to the 
party's victory. He will surely increase his clout over the party, 
against the backdrop of the new Ozawa group including new Ozawa 
children (Ozawa-backed first-time candidates) born in the election 
yesterday. But Ozawa should devote himself to promoting reforms to 
the last, instead of trying to exert his influence over them. 
 
The new administration will unavoidably have a difficult time in the 
face of resistance from bureaucrats and those who are expected to 
lose their vested rights. If the DPJ just pays lip service to 
change, with an eye to the Upper House election next year, its 
pledges will prove hollow. 
 
The voters cast ballots for a switch in power with full knowledge of 
the possible risks of a regime change. It therefore might be 
necessary for the people to watch the debut of the new 
administration patiently from a long-term perspective. 
 
(3) Ozawa likely to be in charge of DPJ strategy for next year's 
Upper House election, Okada expected to remain as secretary general 
 
MAINICHI (Page 1) (Abridged) 
August 31, 2009 
 
Hisae Ueno 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan has begun making preparations for the 
transfer of power. With an eye on next year's House of Councillors 
election, Deputy President Ichiro Ozawa is likely to remain chief 
election strategist without joining a DPJ cabinet. 
 
Also aiming to launch a Hatoyama administration in mid-September, 
the DPJ will urge on Aug. 31 or later the Social Democratic Party 
(SDP) and the People's New Party (PNP) join talks on forming a 
coalition government. 
 
When the DPJ became certain to garner over 300 seats before dawn on 
Aug. 31, DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama held a press conference at a 
vote-counting center in Tokyo's Roppongi district. Hatoyama 
indicated that the top three party executives will continue to play 
the main roles in launching a DPJ administration. This means the 
current DPJ leadership, including Secretary General Katsuya Okada, 
will hold talks with the Aso cabinet for the transfer of power. 
 
The DPJ had originally considered forming a transition team composed 
of party executives and prospective key cabinet ministers. But at 
the news conference, Hatoyama ruled out the idea of appointing some 
cabinet ministers first, indicating that he will name his cabinet 
ministers all at once after he is elected prime minister. 
 
Hatoyama also indicated during an NHK program last night that he 
will allow Ozawa to keep his current post with an eye on next year's 
Upper House election. If Ozawa takes charge of the DPJ's campaign 
 
TOKYO 00001998  004 OF 009 
 
 
for the Upper House election following yesterday's Lower House 
election, his influence in the party is certain to increase. Okada 
also explicitly said on an NHK program last night that Ozawa will 
not fill a cabinet post. 
 
(4) LDP's support base collapses, floating voters back DPJ 
 
SANKEI (Page 4) (Abridged) 
August 31, 2009 
 
The Sankei Shimbun yesterday conducted an exit poll of voters who 
voted in the election this time for the House of Representatives to 
ask the name of a candidate and the name of a political party they 
voted for. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) gathered support from 
more than 50 PERCENT  of floating or unaffiliated voters who do not 
support any particular political party, a major factor of the DPJ's 
great strides. The DPJ made inroads also into the population of 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) supporters and won support from 
nearly 30 PERCENT  of LDP supporters. Among LDP supporters, however, 
those who voted for the LDP accounted for 50 PERCENT  or so. It may 
safely be said that voters dissatisfied with the LDP government 
voted for the DPJ. 
 
Among floating voters, 51.6 PERCENT  voted for the DPJ in their 
proportional representation blocs. 
 
At the time of the last election for the House of Representatives in 
2005, the DPJ gathered support from 38.2 PERCENT  of floating voters 
for proportional representation, with the LDP at 32.6 PERCENT . 
Among floating voters, the DPJ topped all other parties. Even so, 
the DPJ was utterly defeated with a total of 113 seats while the LDP 
garnered 296 seats. 
 
After that, at the time of the election for the House of Councillors 
in 2007, the DPJ garnered votes from 51.2 PERCENT  of floating 
voters. The DPJ then garnered a substantially large number of seats 
and became the largest part in the Diet's upper chamber. This time 
as well, the DPJ gathered support from more floating voters than in 
the election for the House of Councillors. The DPJ campaigned for a 
"change of government." This simple catchphrase seems to have 
penetrated the public. 
 
In addition, the DPJ also garnered votes from 81.6 PERCENT  of its 
supporters, up 4.0 points from 77.6 PERCENT  in the last election. 
As seen from this figure, the DPJ consolidated its support base. 
Even in single-seat constituencies where the Japanese Communist 
Party (JCP) fielded candidates, 22.1 PERCENT  of JCP supporters cast 
their votes for DPJ candidates. This shows that the DPJ was strong 
enough to gather wide-ranging support. 
 
Meanwhile, the LDP won a landslide victory in the last election for 
the House of Representatives in 2005, focusing on the privatization 
of state-run postal services. In the election this time, the LDP's 
support from floating voters for proportional representation 
remained low at 15.6 PERCENT . This figure is 17.0 points lower than 
that in the last election. This means that the LDP's support from 
floating voters fell to almost a half. This time around, the 
tailwind blew for the DPJ unlike four years ago. 
 
Seriously enough, the LDP failed to lock on votes from its 
supporters. The LDP garnered votes from 53.7 PERCENT  of its 
supporters. This means that almost half of LDP supporters cast their 
 
TOKYO 00001998  005 OF 009 
 
 
votes for other parties. Among them, those who support the LDP but 
voted for the DPJ accounted for 29.4 PERCENT . This fact clearly 
shows that the LDP's support base has collapsed. 
 
A similar trend was seen in the nation's single-seat constituencies. 
Among LDP supporters, 59.8 PERCENT  voted for LDP candidates, while 
30.9 PERCENT  cast their votes for the DPJ. 
 
The LDP has so far formed a coalition government with the New 
Komeito party for 10 years. In the election campaign this time, 
however, their cooperation was eclipsed. 
 
Among New Komeito supporters, 67.7 PERCENT  on average in the 
nation's 300 single-seat constituencies voted for LDP candidates. 
This figure decreased from the last election (72.3 PERCENT ). 
Meanwhile, 16.6 PERCENT  of New Komeito supporters cast their votes 
for DPJ candidates, up from 11.5 PERCENT  in the last election. Even 
New Komeito supporters voted for the DPJ. 
 
Meanwhile, among LDP supporters, those who voted for the New Komeito 
in their proportional representation blocs accounted for only 6.1 
PERCENT . In past elections for the House of Representatives under 
the LDP-Komeito coalition, LDP candidates used to campaign for the 
New Komeito in proportional representation blocs. However, the LDP 
was expected to sustain a disastrous defeat in history in the 
election this time. So it seems that LDP supporters could not afford 
to cast their votes for the New Komeito in their proportional 
representation blocs. 
 
(5) Exit poll: 30 PERCENT  of LDP supporters vote for DPJ, 60 
PERCENT  of floating votes cast for DPJ 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged) 
August 31, 2009 
 
The Mainichi Shimbun yesterday conducted an exit poll of about 
280,000 voters at polling stations throughout the country who cast 
their votes in the general election for the House of 
Representatives. In the exit poll, voters were asked which political 
party's candidate and which political party they voted for. Among 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) supporters, 60 PERCENT  answered that 
they voted for the LDP's candidate in their single-seat 
constituencies. However, 31 PERCENT  of them gave the name of a 
candidate who ran from the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). Also in 
the nation's proportional representation blocs, 29 PERCENT  of LDP 
supporters answered that they voted for the DPJ. It may safely be 
said that LDP supporters' dissatisfaction with the LDP helped the 
DPJ achieve a change of government. 
 
Among those who voted in the general election, 36 PERCENT  supported 
the LDP, 28 PERCENT  the DPJ, 5 PERCENT  the New Komeito, 4 PERCENT 
the Japanese Communist Party, and 2 PERCENT  the Social Democratic 
Party. Those who answered "none," or floating voters with no 
particular party affiliation, accounted for 23 PERCENT . 
 
LDP supporters cast their votes for DPJ candidates in the nation's 
single-seat constituencies. Among DPJ supporters, however, 84 
PERCENT  answered that they cast their votes for the DPJ. Among New 
Komeito party supporters, 68 PERCENT  gave the name of an LDP 
candidate, but 17 PERCENT  gave the name of a DPJ candidate. Among 
floating or unaffiliated voters, 59 PERCENT  voted for the DPJ's 
candidate, with 23 PERCENT  casting their votes for the LDP's 
 
TOKYO 00001998  006 OF 009 
 
 
candidate. This time around, the DPJ outdistanced the LDP among 
floating voters. 
 
Among LDP supporters, 54 PERCENT  answered that they cast their 
votes for the LDP in their proportional representation blocs, with 
29 PERCENT  saying they voted for the DPJ. This clearly shows that 
LDP supporters distanced themselves from the LDP in the nation's 
proportional representation blocs as well. Among DPJ supporters, 82 
PERCENT  answered that they voted for the DPJ in their proportional 
representation blocs. Among floating or unaffiliated voters, 52 
PERCENT  voted for the DPJ and 16 PERCENT  for the LDP. The gap was 
wider than that of an exit poll during the 2005 election for the 
House of Representatives (38 PERCENT  for the DPJ, 32 PERCENT  for 
the LDP). 
 
(6) LDP, New Komeito's Fall (Part 1): Flabbergasted, speechless, 
feeling of despair in the air; further confusion in LDP possible 
after Aso; New Komeito leader, secretary general's resignation 
inevitable 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
August 31, 2009 
 
Fumito Ishibashi 
 
Four years after its record victory in the election over postal 
privatization, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has now fallen on 
hard times. Former Prime Minister Koizumi's promise to "destroy the 
LDP" was fulfilled after eight years. This crushing defeat has 
rendered the party's leadership flabbergasted, and it appears that 
they will take time to start moving toward the regeneration of the 
party. The giant party that had practically monopolized political 
administration over a half a century has crumbled phenomenally. 
 
Prime Minister Taro Aso appeared at the press room on the fourth 
floor of the LDP headquarters at 10:14 p.m. "We must seriously 
accept the people's verdict and start anew based on a reflection of 
what happened," he said. "All the candidates did everything in their 
power, and I strongly feel my own inadequacy that led to this 
outcome. I am really sad that economic recovery is still half 
accomplished... (ellipsis in original)" 
 
"The next president should be selected promptly through a 
presidential election," he said, announcing his resignation. "From 
now I would like to contribute to the regeneration of the party as a 
member." 
 
He appeared to be surprisingly relieved. He analyzed the defeat as 
follows: "We were unable to dispel the long years of distrust and 
discontent against the LDP." However, when asked if his postponement 
of the dissolution of the Diet last fall was an underlying cause of 
the debacle, he disagreed: "Faced with an economic crisis, it was 
not wrong to give priority to policies over political maneuvering," 
he said. "The economic measures we implemented for the people's 
livelihood were absolutely right." 
 
"Is this reality?" 
 
An eerie silence prevailed at the LDP headquarters during the 
daytime on August 30. A whiteboard listing the names of the LDP's 
official candidates hung on the wall of the press room. Hardly any 
Diet members were in the room; only the party's employees were busy 
 
TOKYO 00001998  007 OF 009 
 
 
going in and out. In the afternoon, after the results of the media 
outlets' exit polls became known, the atmosphere became even more 
ominous. 
 
At 7:00 p.m. Secretary General Hiroyuki Hosoda arrived at the party 
headquarters wearing a grim expression. He told reporters, "I have 
nothing to say until the results are known," and then hurried into 
his office. Forty-five minutes later, Hosoda secretly left the party 
headquarters through the backdoor. He went to the prime minister's 
official living quarters to convey his desire to resign. 
 
Voting ended at 8:00 p.m. but the only person who appeared at the 
press room was Election Strategy Council Vice Chairman Yoshihide 
Suga. When the TV stations reported that exit polls showed that the 
LDP had suffered a crushing defeat, Suga was flabbergasted: "I had 
thought that this would not be possible, but is this reality? It 
seems that an invisible force has shaken things up. Were we too much 
removed from the viewpoint of the people?" 
 
Hosoda returned to the party headquarters from the prime minister's 
official quarters some time past 8:30 p.m. He entered the press room 
with a stern expression and began to put away the red ribbons on the 
whiteboard where election results were shown. He was greeted by 
brief and scattered applause from party officials, but then the room 
once again became as quiet as a wake. 
 
The situation was similar for New Komeito, the LDP's coalition 
partner for 10 years. A somber mood prevailed at the party 
headquarters in Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo, the location of its election 
center. 
 
Party leader Akihiro Ota gave the following analysis of why the 
party lost: "The achievements of our party were not fully conveyed 
to the voters. I would like to thank the party members and 
supporters and members of the Soka Gakkai who supported us amid the 
adverse wind." 
 
Ota is not the only senior New Komeito official who failed to get 
elected. Secretary General Kazuo Kitagawa and former Secretary 
General Tetsuzo Fuyushiba, likewise, lost. The party has suffered 
its worst defeat in history, winning far fewer than the 31 seats it 
held before the election. While Ota says that the party will "value 
its long years of a relationship of trust with the LDP," Deputy 
Secretary General Yosuke Takagi indicated the relationship with the 
new administration will be on an "issue-by-issue basis" in order to 
realize the party's own policies. Since a "coalition of opposition 
parties" is improbable, the honeymoon between the LDP and New 
Komeito is no longer possible. 
 
When Ota, following an appearance on a TV program, was told by 
reporters that he lost his Diet seat, he listlessly said "oh," and 
nothing more. Tears welled up in his eyes. 
 
Potential for disintegration 
 
Many former prime ministers, former secretaries general, faction 
leaders, and other LDP heavyweights lost their Diet seats. The party 
has now fallen into a state where even prospects for its managing 
itself are unclear, much less setting a course for the its 
regeneration. 
 
The prime minister has announced his resignation as party president, 
 
TOKYO 00001998  008 OF 009 
 
 
but with his term of office expiring by the end of September, the 
LDP is in no position to hold a major presidential election. If it 
is unable to hold an election before the special Diet session is 
convened, it is fully possible that LDP Diet members will have to 
vote for Aso, who has announced his resignation as party president, 
for prime minister. There is as yet no obvious successor to Aso, 
while there is persistent serious conflict between the liberals and 
the conservatives in the party. If the presidential election results 
in confusion, this may potentially cause the LDP's disintegration. 
 
Will the LDP be able to unite as an opposition party to confront the 
new administration? When the prime minister, who is now a "defeated 
general," was asked about the path to the LDP's regeneration, he 
replied: "The LDP is a conservative political party. We will 
preserve what needs to be preserved and change what needs to be 
changed. Protecting the family, the local community, and the country 
- conservatism is the foundation on which Japan is built. We must 
take this to heart." 
 
Will the LDP be able to make a new start as a conservative party? 
The party is at a crossroads. 
 
(7) and (8) are corrected copies from today's Morning Highlights 
 
 (7) TOP HEADLINES 
 
Asahi: 
DPJ wins 308 seats, change of administration: Hatoyama to become 
prime minister 
 
Mainichi: 
DPJ wins 308 seats, captures political power; PM Hatoyama to be 
elected at Lower House; First full-fledged change of administration 
in history 
 
Yomiuri: 
DPJ wins 308 seats, change of administration; LDP wins only 119 
seats, suffers historic defeat 
 
Nikkei: 
DPJ wins 308 seats, change of administration; Hatoyama cabinet to be 
formed mid-September; LDP suffers historic defeat 
 
Sankei: 
The day that changed history: DPJ wins landslide history; LDP 
suffers crushing defeat 
 
Tokyo Shimbun: 
DPJ wins 308 seats, change of administration; LDP wins only 119 
seats, suffering unprecedented defeat 
 
Akahata: 
LDP, New Komeito suffer historic defeat; People pronounce their 
verdict 
 
(8) EDITORIALS 
 
Asahi: 
(1) Landslide victory for DPJ, change of administration: Respond to 
the overwhelming popular will 
 
Mainichi: 
 
TOKYO 00001998  009 OF 009 
 
 
(1) The people changed Japan: A change of administration in the 
spirit of the Meiji Restoration 
 
Yomiuri: 
(1) DPJ administration now a reality: Meet the expectations for 
change and shoulder the heavy responsibility 
 
Nikkei: 
(1) The people bet on a DPJ administration under Hatoyama 
 
Sankei: 
(1) DPJ administration: Protect national interest with a pragmatic 
line; conservative revival is LDP's path to survival 
 
Tokyo Shimbun: 
(1) The wheel of history turned: DPJ wins landslide victory; LDP 
defeated 
 
Akahata: 
(1) Historic verdict: the LDP-New Komeito administration forced to 
step down 
 
ROOS