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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 19 TOKYO 001917 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/19/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) What's New U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos like? A lawyer 
without experience in politics or diplomacy; President Obama trusts 
him -- "He can advise me" (Mainichi) 
(2) Poll: Aso cabinet, political parties (Asahi) 
(3) Poll on 2009 general election (Tokyo Shimbun) 
(4) DPJ "bullish" while LDP "defensive" in Lower House election, 
with DPJ fielding more candidates than LDP for the first time 
(Mainichi) 
(5) Part 1 of series "Choice in 2009 Election": Need for a vision 
for Japan's future (Yomiuri) 
(6) 27 former Lower House members retire from political community or 
decide not to run in Lower House election (Mainichi) 
(7) Start of official campaign for Lower House election: Urgent need 
for mid- and long-term strategy for mounting employment, fiscal 
issues; Relationship with bureaucrats to change (Mainichi) 
(8) Riding on tailwind, DPJ fields many neophytes, female candidates 
(Mainichi) 
(9) LDP, DPJ scurry to prepare candidate lists for proportional 
representation segment in upcoming Lower House election (Asahi) 
(10) Security policy debate essential during election campaigning 
(Sankei) 
(11) What became of the DPJ's philosophy on agricultural 
administration? (Foresight) 
(12) April-June real GDP grows 3.7% on rise in exports to Asia 
(Nikkei) 
(13) Futenma relocation: 344 people file case against Japanese 
Government today requesting another environmental assessment 
(Okinawa Times) 
(14) Okinawa Municipal Council for Military Land Conversion and Base 
Problems to request cancellation of live-fire drills - Okinawa 
Governor joins the council for first time to reveal stray bullet 
incident (Okinawa Times) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) What's New U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos like? A lawyer 
without experience in politics or diplomacy; President Obama trusts 
him -- "He can advise me" 
 
(Reporter Yoso Furumoto answers readers' questions about the new 
U.S. Ambassador.) 
 
Mainichi (Page 3) (Full) 
August 19, 2009 
 
Q: Mr. John Roos has been appointed the new U.S. Ambassador to 
Japan.  What is the responsibility of the U.S. ambassador to Japan? 
 
A: When there is a pending issue between Japan and the United 
States, past ambassadors have played an important role as mediator 
between Tokyo and Washington.  (The U.S.) Ambassador (to Japan) 
plays an active role when bureaucrats are unable to coordinate their 
views. Recently, there have been many occasions when an ambassador 
played a coordinator's role because of gaps in awareness and a 
difference of opinion over the deployment of the Self-Defense Forces 
to Iraq and policy toward North Korea. 
 
Q: U.S. President Barack Obama introduced Mr. Roos as "a man who can 
advise me directly." What about past ambassadors? 
 
 
TOKYO 00001917  002 OF 019 
 
 
A: Many political heavyweights have served as U.S. Ambassador to 
Japan. Mr. Howard Baker, the U.S. Ambassador to Japan 2001 - 2005, 
was leader of the Senate. Mr. Thomas Foley (1997 - 2001) was leader 
of the House, and Mr. Walter Mondale 
(1993 - 1996) was vice president.  In Japan there was concern over 
Mr. Roos because he is not a politician and is not well known here. 
That is why President Obama introduced Mr. Roos as someone he 
trusts. It was President Obama's message to Japan that "there is no 
need to worry." 
 
Q: I heard that Mr. Roos does not have experience in diplomacy. 
 
A: Certainly, it is unusual that someone without experience in 
politics or diplomacy is named (U.S.) ambassador (to Japan).  Like 
Mr. Roos, former Ambassador to Japan Thomas Schieffer, a longtime 
friend of former U.S. President George Bush, has a background in 
business. However, Mr. Schieffer was a Texas state legislator and 
had been U.S. Ambassador to Australia before becoming his country's 
ambassador to Japan. 
 
Q: What challenges will Ambassador Roos face? 
 
A: A government led by the Democratic Party of Japan will likely 
take power after the general election. If that happens, his first 
task would be to meet with the leaders of the new government, 
accurately ascertain their thinking with regard to the U.S.-Japan 
relationship, and convey their views to the President. Mr. Roos 
worked as a lawyer in Silicon Valley, California, where companies at 
the cutting edge (of technology) are concentrated. According to 
people who have recently been in contact with him, he has a keen 
interest in the development of new energy and other advanced 
technologies. He appears to have specific ideas for fresh U.S.-Japan 
cooperation in this area. As for security, he has stressed the 
importance of the Japan-U.S. alliance, so there is unlikely to be a 
big policy shift. 
 
(2) Poll: Aso cabinet, political parties 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged) 
August 18, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures are percentages, rounded off. Figures in the four columns, 
from left to right, are the results of previous surveys conducted 
July 4-5, July 18-19, Aug. 1-2, and Aug. 15-16.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? 
 
Yes 20 17 18 19 
No 68 69 63 65 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 24 20 24 20 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 25 31 26 32 
New Komeito (NK) 3 3 4 2 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 2 2 4 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 1 1 1 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 0 0 0 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) -- -- -- 0 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 0 0 0 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 0 0 0 
 
TOKYO 00001917  003 OF 019 
 
 
Other political parties 0 0 0 0 
None 39 35 30 34 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 6 8 13 6 
 
Q: To what extent are you interested in the upcoming general 
election for the House of Representatives? (One choice only) 
 
Very interested 38 43 49 49 
Somewhat interested 36 38 35 38 
Not very interested 20 13 11 12 
Not interested at all 6 5 4 1 
 
Q: If you were to vote now in the general election, which political 
party would you like to vote for in your proportional representation 
bloc? 
 
LDP 22 19 22 21 
DPJ 37 42 39 40 
NK 4 4 5 4 
JCP 4 4 3 5 
SDP 1 1 1 2 
PNP 0 1 0 1 
YP -- -- -- 0 
RC 0 0 0 0 
NPN 0 0 0 0 
Other political parties 1 1 1 0 
N/A+D/K 31 28 29 27 
 
Q: Which political party's candidate would you like to vote for in 
your single-seat constituency? 
 
LDP 22 20 22 21 
DPJ 32 37 37 40 
NK 3 3 2 2 
JCP 2 2 2 3 
SDP 1 1 1 1 
PNP 0 0 0 0 
YP -- -- -- 0 
RC 0 0 0 0 
NPN 0 0 0 0 
Other political parties 0 0 0 2 
Independent candidate 2 0 1 1 
N/A+D/K 39 37 35 29 
 
Q: Would you like the current LDP-led coalition government to 
continue, or would you otherwise like it to be replaced with a 
DPJ-led coalition government? 
 
LDP-led coalition 24 22 24 21 
DPJ-led coalition 47 49 46 49 
 
Q: Who do you think is more appropriate for prime minister, Prime 
Minister Aso or DPJ President Hatoyama? 
 
Mr. Aso 22 21 20 20 
Mr. Hatoyama 42 42 40 41 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Aug. 15-16 over the 
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. 
Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on 
a three-stage random-sampling basis. Households with one or more 
eligible voters totaled 1,730. Valid answers were obtained from 
 
TOKYO 00001917  004 OF 019 
 
 
1,011 people (58%). 
 
(3) Poll on 2009 general election 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 12) (Abridged) 
August 18, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures are percentages) 
 
Q: Are you interested in the upcoming general election for the House 
of Representatives? 
 
Yes 56.4 
Yes to a certain extent 31.7 
Not very interested 8.9 
No 2.9 
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 0.1 
 
Q: What do you weigh the most in the general election? Pick only 
one. 
 
Social security, such as pension and healthcare 38.3 
Economic policy 29.0 
Job security 10.7 
Fiscal reconstruction 7.8 
Education reform 6.4 
Public security 0.7 
Foreign relations, national security 2.2 
Constitution reform 1.7 
Other answers (O/A) 1.4 
D/K+N/A 1.8 
 
Q: To what degree have you seen and compared the manifestos 
(campaign pledges) of various political parties for the upcoming 
general election? 
 
I have their manifestos or pamphlets and read them 4.7 
I check their manifestos in the newspaper or on the internet 20.4 
I try to watch or listen to media reports  54.1 
I only know something from media reports 15.0 
I'm not interested in their manifestos 5.4 
D/K+N/A 0.5 
 
Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? 
 
Yes 21.7 
No 70.1 
D/K+N/A 8.3 
 
Q: When comparing Prime Minister Taro Aso and Democratic Party of 
Japan President Yukio Hatoyama, who do you think is more appropriate 
for prime minister? 
 
Taro Aso 25.2 
Yukio Hatoyama 45.9 
D/K+N/A 28.9 
 
Q: Do you think the Democratic Party of Japan is competent to run 
the government? 
 
Yes 41.2 
 
TOKYO 00001917  005 OF 019 
 
 
No 43.8 
D/K+N/A 15.0 
 
Q: Are you going to vote in the upcoming general election for the 
House of Representatives? 
 
Yes for sure 76.3 
Probably yes 18.6 
Probably no 3.0 
No 1.6 
D/K+N/A 0.5 
 
Q: Which political party's candidate are you going to vote for in 
your single-seat constituency? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 18.7 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 35.8 
New Komeito (NK) 3.1 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.4 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.3 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.3 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 0.3 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0.0 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.1 
Other political parties 0.2 
Independent 0.6 
Undecided 34.4 
D/K+N/A 2.8 
 
Q: Which political party are you going to vote for in your 
proportional representation bloc? 
 
LDP 16.2 
DPJ 34.6 
NK 5.2 
JCP 3.3 
SDP 1.8 
PNP 0.7 
YP 0.6 
RC 0.0 
NPN 0.2 
Other political parties 0.3 
Undecided 33.7 
D/K+N/A 3.5 
 
Q: What do you think is the desirable form of government? 
 
LDP's single-party government 5.7 
LDP-led coalition government 14.3 
DPJ's single-party government 8.8 
DPJ-led coalition government 25.8 
LDP-DPJ grand coalition 16.5 
New framework through political realignment 20.1 
D/K+N/A 8.8 
 
Q: Aside from the election, which political party do you usually 
support? 
 
LDP 28.5 
DPJ 18.5 
NK 4.2 
JCP 2.6 
 
TOKYO 00001917  006 OF 019 
 
 
SDP 1.5 
PNP 0.1 
YP 0.1 
RC 0.0 
NPN 0.1 
Happiness Realization Party (HRP or Kofuku Jitsugento) 0.1 
Other political parties 0.0 
None 43.3 
D/K+N/A 1.1 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted by the Tokyo Shimbun 
over a period of four days from Aug. 13 on a computer-aided random 
digit dialing (RDD) basis. For the survey, a total of 3,600 persons 
were sampled from among the nation's voting population at 300 
locations on a weighted average basis. 
 
(4) DPJ "bullish" while LDP "defensive" in Lower House election, 
with DPJ fielding more candidates than LDP for the first time 
 
MAINICHI (Top play) (Full) 
August 19, 2009 
 
Atsushi Nakamura, Nakae Ueno 
 
The official start of campaigning for the 45h House of 
Representatives election was announced on August 18, and the battle 
for the election to "choose the administration" on August 30 has 
begun. This will be the first general election after the opposition 
parties came to control the House of Councillors in light of the 
crushing defeat of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in the 2007 
Upper House election. The formation of a DPJ-led coalition 
administration after this election is becoming a real possibility. 
This is also the first time that the DPJ is fielding more candidates 
than the LDP. The bullishness of the DPJ, which is fielding three 
times as many candidates as the original number of seats it held 
before this election, is evident. The ruling parties' fierce attack 
on the opposition DPJ in stump speeches also gives the impression of 
a reversal of the position of the ruling and opposition parties. 
 
In Hachioji City, Tokyo, on August 18 Prime Minister Taro Aso (LDP 
president) gave a speech in which he criticized the DPJ. "Does the 
DPJ manifesto have an economic growth strategy?" he asked. "You have 
to decide based on policies." On the other hand, DPJ President Yukio 
Hatoyama promised to implement the party's manifesto (campaign 
pledges) in Osaka City and elsewhere and appealed for support to 
"bring about a change of administration in order to create new 
politics." 
 
The LDP is fielding 37 candidates on its proportional representation 
ticket, which is the smallest number ever. It is fighting a 
"defensive" battle focusing on making sure that candidates who lose 
in the single-seat constituencies are salvaged through the 
proportional representation ticket. 
 
In contrast, the DPJ is fielding 59 candidates who are running only 
on the proportional representation ticket, breaking its record of 20 
candidates in 2000. Its total number of candidates, together with 
candidates running in the single-seat districts, surpasses that of 
the LDP. 
 
The offensive and defensive postures are also reflected in senior 
party officials' campaign methods. 
 
TOKYO 00001917  007 OF 019 
 
 
 
In an unusual phenomenon, LDP faction leaders are now staying close 
to their own constituencies, while the DPJ's Hatoyama, Secretary 
General Katsuya Okada, and other executives have been stumping all 
over the country even before the start of the official campaign 
period. On August 18, Deputy President Ichiro Ozawa declared in the 
fifth district of Hokkaido, the constituency of the LDP's former 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura, that "this constituency 
symbolizes the change of administration." 
 
(5) Part 1 of series "Choice in 2009 Election": Need for a vision 
for Japan's future 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Slightly abridged) 
August 19, 2009 
 
Akitoshi Muraoka, political editor 
 
The main issue in the upcoming House of Representatives election, 
the first in the last four years, is whether the coalition 
government of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and New Komeito 
should continue or whether a new administration led by the 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) should be formed. 
 
Yomiuri Shimbun's readers' center has been receiving an 
unprecedented number of comments on the Lower House election. Nearly 
half of them are about the manifestos (campaign pledges). 
 
A man from Tokyo wrote: "There is no indication at all of where they 
are taking this country." Another man in Fukuoka Prefecture asked: 
"What is the guarantee that the pledges will be implemented?" 
 
The manifestos are "contracts" with the voters. Policies that will 
be implemented if the party is voted into power are listed there. 
This time, all the parties have put a lot of efforts into drawing up 
the manifestos and the election is regarded as a manifesto-based 
election. Yet, the voters are still anxious and fretful. 
 
In his speech that kicked off the official campaign on August 18, 
DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama called for "bringing about new politics 
not relying on bureaucrats." In order to change the policymaking 
process from the "bureaucratic cabinet system" to politician-led 
decision-making, the DPJ proposes in its manifesto to abolish the 
administrative vice ministers' meeting and create a "national 
strategy bureau" reporting directly to the prime minister. However, 
it is unclear what impact this will have on policy and how this will 
benefit the people's lives. 
 
At the party leaders' debate, Prime Minister Taro Aso said that an 
increase in the consumption tax rate "will be possible as soon as 
the economic growth rate reaches 2 percent." However, it is unclear 
what improvements in pensions, medical and nursing services, and 
employment will be made using the extra revenue from the consumption 
tax. The whole picture of social security policy has not been 
presented. 
 
What will Japan's foreign and security policies be in a turbulent 
international community and what responsibilities will Japan carry 
out? The Lower House election is a critical opportunity to put 
forward the basic national policies to the voters and ask them to 
choose. However, both the LDP and the DPJ lack an overall political 
ideology or philosophy transcending the manifesto. 
 
TOKYO 00001917  008 OF 019 
 
 
 
Without a blueprint for the future of the country and society, a 
manifesto that contains only a spending list of rosy policies to 
please the voters and numerical targets and roadmaps for such is not 
a true manifesto. That is probably why the voters are anxious. If 
they were presented with a blueprint for Japan's future, they would 
be able to understand where this country is going and how their 
lives are going to change. 
 
Only 11 days are left in the campaign period before the election. We 
would like to see all parties engage in comprehensive and 
enthusiastic debates on their visions for this country if they take 
over the reins of government. 
 
(6) 27 former Lower House members retire from political community or 
decide not to run in Lower House election 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
August 19, 2009 
 
A total of 27 former House of Representatives members, including 
former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and former Lower House 
Speaker Yohei Kono, have announced their intentions to retire from 
the political community or not to run in the Aug. 30 general 
election. This 27 includes 20 members of the Liberal Democratic 
Party (LDP), the largest number, three independents, two Democratic 
Party of Japan (DPJ) members, and one each from the New Komeito and 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP). 
 
Former Chief Cabinet Secretary Mayumi Moriyama, an LDP member, was 
forced to give up running in the Aug. 30 election although she once 
had been picked as a rival candidate for former Administrative 
Reform Minister Yoshimi Watanabe, the leader of Your Party. 
 
Taizo Sugimura, one of the so-called Koizumi children who were 
elected in the 2005 Lower House election, gave up on running in the 
election because he failed to get LDP endorsement as a candidate for 
the Hokkaido No. 1 district seat. Kuniko Inoguchi, former state 
minister in charge of declining birthrate, who won her Lower House 
seat in 2005 when she was at the top of the LDP's list for the Tokyo 
proportional representation portion of the ballot, turned down the 
LDP's offer because she was listed at a lower rank in the party's 
list. 
 
Former DPJ Vice President Tetsundo Iwakuni will retire from the 
political community. Former Finance Minister Hirohisa Fujii, who had 
once decided not to run in the race, is running as a candidate in 
the South Kanto proportional representation bloc of the ballot. 
 
(7) Start of official campaign for Lower House election: Urgent need 
for mid- and long-term strategy for mounting employment, fiscal 
issues; Relationship with bureaucrats to change 
 
MAINICHI (Page 4) (Full) 
August 19, 2009 
 
Osamu Hiraji 
 
In the upcoming House of Representatives election, for which the 
official campaign started on August 18, the political parties will 
be put to test on how they will grapple with the mounting economic 
issues, including their strategies to consolidate the economic 
 
TOKYO 00001917  009 OF 019 
 
 
recovery and put the Japanese economy on track for stable growth. A 
review of the relationship of politicians with the central 
government bureaucrats in Kasumigaseki and civil service reform is 
also an issue in this election. This may become the turning point 
for a drastic change in the government's policymaking mechanism. 
 
The Japanese economy, which has contracted by over 10 percent since 
last fall due to the worldwide financial and economic crisis, is 
finally showing signs of recovery. The real GDP rose at an 
annualized rate of 3.7 percent in the April-June quarter. However, 
this was largely a result of the government's fiscal spending. The 
risks for another downturn due to such factors as instability in the 
international economy are still considerable. The economy is now at 
a critical crossroads of whether the recovery will continue. The new 
administration formed after this election will have to manage 
economic policies to prevent another round of economic recession. 
 
The employment situation in particular is deteriorating. The 
unemployment rate was 5.4 percent in June, and the worst rate on 
record of 5.5 percent is very likely to be surpassed. All parties 
propose in their manifestoes (campaign pledges) to tighten 
regulations on temporary workers, but the creation of new jobs will 
also be an important issue. 
 
Toward this end, a mid- and long-term strategy for the growth of 
Japan's economy will be necessary. In the wake of the financial 
crisis, the global economic environment has changed drastically. 
There is now a strong opinion that "a return to the previous state 
of all countries relying on excessive consumption in the United 
States is unlikely." (securities firm analyst). The Japanese 
economy, which has continued to grow relying on foreign demand, will 
now need a new growth strategy, such as expansion of domestic 
demand. 
 
Various parties cite environment, medical and nursing services, 
agriculture, forestry, and fisheries as the potential growth areas. 
Bold shifts in existing policies, including agricultural 
administration reforms, will be necessary to enhance the 
competitiveness of these industries and make them into an engine for 
growth. 
 
On the other hand, fiscal health is deteriorating due to the 
repeated economic pump priming packages and other factors. The 
combined debts of the national and local governments will reach 800 
trillion yen by the end of FY09, which is the worst among the 
industrialized countries. Passing on the burden to future 
generations will not only hinder mid- and long-term growth, but poor 
fiscal health may also cause a tumble in government bond prices and 
a sharp increase in long-term interest rates, thus applying brakes 
on the economy. 
 
The new administration will have to steer a delicate course between 
securing funding for the ever increasing social security expenses 
and economic stimulation measures and working toward fiscal 
restructuring. While all parties agree on eliminating wasteful 
spending in their manifestoes, they are divided on whether to use an 
increase in the consumption tax as a stable source of revenue. The 
ruling and opposition parties need to discuss how to deal with the 
burden on the people across party lines. 
 
Politicians to lead policymaking 
 
 
TOKYO 00001917  010 OF 019 
 
 
The manifestoes of the political parties all talk about civil 
service reforms, such as "unified management of senior bureaucrats 
in the ministries by the cabinet" or "eradication of amakudari 
(golden parachutes)." All parties agree unanimously on changing from 
"bureaucrat-led" to "politician-led" policymaking. 
 
Under the LDP administration, the government has needed prior 
approval from the party's policy divisions or the General Council in 
the process of policymaking or drafting of laws. The bureaucrats 
have played a leading role under this "dual structure" consisting of 
the government and the LDP since they were responsible for 
coordination with the party on policymaking. 
 
However, the wishes of some zoku giin (Diet members lobbying for 
special interests) and the concerned ministries and agencies tended 
to be reflected heavily in policies. This system has been faulted 
for preventing radical reforms due to old bonds with the zoku giin 
or sectarian administration, which puts bureaucratic interest before 
anything else. 
 
The relationship between politicians and bureaucrats may change 
dramatically after this election. The DPJ pledges to create a 
"national strategy bureau" reporting directly to the prime minister 
and implement bold reorganization to break away from bureaucratic 
control. Even budget formulation, which is fundamental to public 
administration, will be under political supervision, specifically by 
the national strategy bureau. Meanwhile, the ruling parties, the LDP 
and New Komeito, also pledge to "strengthen political leadership." 
 
Furthermore, all major political parties pledge to abolish 
amakudari. At present, all ministries have a "pyramid structure" and 
officials are urged to resign ahead of their retirement age. It is 
likely that the personnel system in central government offices will 
be changed to enable officials to work until retirement age. 
 
(8) Riding on tailwind, DPJ fields many neophytes, female 
candidates 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
August 19, 2009 
 
Takuji Nakata 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) fielded 164 neophyte candidates 
in the forthcoming House of Representatives election, which is about 
the same number as former Diet members (166). If this party becomes 
the number one party after the election, it is possible that a 
phenomenon similar to the "Koizumi children" of the Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP), which won a landslide victory in the 2005 
election, may occur. We analyzed the characteristics of the DPJ's 
new candidates in order to project possible changes after the 
election and found out that they are similar to the Koizumi 
children. 
 
The average age of the Koizumi children was 44.8 years (at the time 
of their election), while the average age of the DPJ neophytes is 46 
years, a bit older than the Koizumi children. Nineteen percent of 
the Koizumi children were women, while there are 32 women (20%) 
among the DPJ's new candidates. At this point, the ratio of women is 
almost the same as the Koizumi children. 
 
Similar trends can be found in their career backgrounds. According 
 
TOKYO 00001917  011 OF 019 
 
 
to Mainichi Shimbun's classification, the Koizumi children consisted 
of (1) 20 local politicians 
(24 %); (2) 10 each of bureaucrats and business people (12% each); 
and (3) 9 secretaries of Diet members (11%). The data for the DPJ 
neophytes is (1) 39 local politicians (24 %); (2) 16 each of 
bureaucrats and secretaries of Diet members (10% each); and (3) 13 
business people (8%). The two parties seem to be similar also with 
regard to where they recruit their candidates, despite the slight 
difference in percentages. 
 
Among the Koizumi children, 36 were elected in the single-seat 
districts, 33 lost in the single-seat districts but came to win 
their seats on the proportional representation ticket, while 14 won 
their seats solely on the proportional representation ticket. 
 
On the other hand, 114 of the DPJ neophytes are running in the 
single-seat districts, while 50 are running solely on the 
proportional representation ticket. 
 
Comparing all the LDP and DPJ candidates, the average age for the 
LDP is 55.5 years, compared to 49.3 years for the DPJ. Fourteen 
percent of DPJ candidates are women, while the figure is only 8% for 
the LDP. The DPJ has actively fielded more women. 
 
In terms of former bureaucrats running in the election, the ratio is 
17% for the LDP and 12% for the DPJ. Overall, although a growing 
number of former bureaucrats are becoming DPJ candidates, there are 
still more bureaucrats-turned-politicians running on the LDP ticket, 
since the LDP has been in power for many, many years. 
 
(9) LDP, DPJ scurry to prepare candidate lists for proportional 
representation segment in upcoming Lower House election 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
August 18, 2009 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has no showcase candidates for 
the upcoming House of Representatives election. However, the 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) is going to field many such 
candidates. There was a clear difference in the two parties' 
candidate lists for the proportional representation section of the 
ballot. The official campaign for the Lower House election will kick 
off today. The LDP decided not to give special treatment to the 
so-called Koizumi children, who were elected in the 2005 Lower House 
election for the first time to the Diet. The DPJ's decision to field 
many former lawmakers and newcomers as its candidates led to a delay 
in coordination on its candidate lists. 
 
LDP fails to field showcase candidates 
 
"I can't do that," Health, Labor, and Welfare Minister Yoichi 
Masuzoe told a senior LDP member who telephoned him on Aug. 16, a 
day before the LDP revealed its candidate list for the upcoming 
general election. He was urged to leave his Upper House seat and run 
in the upcoming Lower House election at the top of the LDP's list 
for the Tokyo proportional representation portion of the ballot. 
Many LDP members expected him to run in the election, thinking that 
in order to prevent their party's clashing defeat there would be no 
other choice but to field Masuzoe. 
 
There is also a move in the LDP to field Masuzoe as a candidate for 
the party's presidential race scheduled for September. 
 
TOKYO 00001917  012 OF 019 
 
 
 
However, Masuzoe had not heard a word from the LDP executive until 
Aug. 16. A cabinet minister deplored: "This shows the lack of the 
party's governing ability." 
 
Following the failure to field Miyazaki Governor Hideo 
Higashikokubaru, the LDP was unable to file a showcase candidate in 
the general election. As a result, no newcomers are filed at the top 
of the LDP's list for proportional representation section of the 
ballot. 
 
Satsuki Katayama and Yukari Sato, who ran in the 2005 election as 
assassins against candidates opposing postal privatization and who 
were at the top of the LDP's lists for the proportional 
representation blocs, were listed at the same ranks as candidates 
running for both district seats and proportional representation 
segment. It was difficult to decide on the treatment of Kuniko 
Inoguchi (Tokyo bloc), Tadayoshi Nagashima (Hokuriku-Shinetsu bloc), 
and Mitsue Kondo (Kinki bloc) because the then LDP executive had 
promised to give them special treatment twice. 
 
As a result, Inoguchi decided not to run in the election because she 
was listed at the 23rd rank at the LDP's list for the Tokyo 
proportional representation bloc of the ballot. Nagashima and Kondo 
were at the top of the lists. 
 
DPJ experiences difficulties up to last minute 
 
"We haven't decided yet," said DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama on the 
afternoon of Aug. 17 as he was leaving party headquarters after a 
two-hour meeting with Secretary General Katsuya Okada and other 
party leaders on the party's lists of candidates for the 
proportional representation segment. Only Deputy President Ichiro 
Ozawa remained in Tokyo and continued to work on drafting the 
candidate lists. 
 
The reason for the delay in coordination was the political wind 
blowing in the DPJ's favor. Another reason is that Ozawa and other 
DPJ leaders decided immediately before the start of official 
campaign to substantially increase the number of candidates running 
only for the proportional representation race. 
 
(10) Security policy debate essential during election campaigning 
 
SANKEI (Page 7) (Abridged) 
August 19, 2009 
 
Hisahiko Okazaki, former ambassador to Thailand 
 
Both the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the main 
opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) have unveiled their 
manifestos (campaign pledges). 
 
In this essay, I will compare some points of the foreign and 
security policies included in the two parties' manifestos. 
 
Frankly speaking, the DPJ manifesto has no substance. "We will 
positively undertake Japan's responsibilities," it reads, "while 
sharing roles with the United States upon the foundation of an 
independent diplomatic strategy in order to build close and equal 
relations with the United States as the basis of Japan's foreign 
policy." 
 
TOKYO 00001917  013 OF 019 
 
 
 
If "equal" relations means equal defense efforts by the two 
countries, I can give the manifesto a high assessment as showing a 
positive stance. But if it embodies the intention to act big in 
dealing with the United States, that will do more harm than good. 
 
Additionally, it is totally unclear what such words as "close," 
"independent" and "positive" actually mean. 
 
There is only one point that is concrete: revision of the Status of 
Forces Agreement (SOFA). But again, the DPJ manifesto stops short of 
specifying where and how the pact should be revised. After all, the 
SOFA with Japan is more favorable to the host nation with regard to 
criminal court proceedings than are the SOFAs with South Korea and 
Germany. That is why opposition in Japan has taken the form of a 
battle against the U.S. bases themselves. But a battle against the 
U.S. bases is incompatible with the DPJ's vow to build close 
relations with the United States and to positively undertake Japan's 
responsibilities. 
 
In contrast, the LDP's manifesto is well-composed. 
 
As a person who has been seeking a solution to the question of the 
right to collective self-defense, I am particularly impressed by the 
party's handling of this. 
 
The notion of the right to collective self-defense is hard for the 
general public to understand. The matter has often resulted in a 
call for amendments to the 
Constitution -- an approach unfeasible in the near future -- instead 
of altering the government's interpretation of the Constitution. 
 
The LDP manifesto is designed to allow Japan to intercept a missile 
targeting Guam, Hawaii, or the continental United States, adding 
that it is natural for U.S. and Japanese warships rush to the 
defense of one another when they come under attack while conducting 
missile-interception operations. If these two scenarios gain 
acceptance, the root of the issue will be solved. 
 
The Council on Security and Defense Capabilities recently produced a 
report whose contents will likely be reflected in the new National 
Defense Program Guidelines to be formulated this fall. Missile 
interception, defense of U.S. warships, and a review of the three 
principles on arms exports are all specified in the report. 
 
If the LDP wins the upcoming election, all these proposals will 
become an LDP government's policies thanks to the ongoing policy 
debate. Now that the matter is open for discussion, if the DPJ wins 
the election, is certain to find it difficult to adhere to its past 
policy line in the face of criticism from the LDP, which would then 
be the opposition party. 
 
I hope the ongoing policy debate ignites a supra-partisan effort to 
fundamentally reexamine security policy. Since the DPJ manifesto 
vows nothing concrete, there is ample room for the party to take a 
flexible stance. Further, the party will be relieved of heavy 
restrictions if it believes the issue of the right to collective 
self-defense is not a constitutional matter. 
 
(11) What became of the DPJ's philosophy on agricultural 
administration? 
 
 
TOKYO 00001917  014 OF 019 
 
 
FORESIGHT (Pages 90-91) (Slightly abridged) 
September 2009 
 
Haruhito Ichinokuchi, journalist 
 
Early this spring, the Central Union of Agricultural Cooperatives 
(Zenchu), the headquarters of Japan's agricultural cooperatives 
(JA), "banned a book," telling the cooperatives to "prevent" their 
members from reading this book "to the extent possible." The book is 
"Nokyo no Daizai (Serious Crimes of the Agricultural Cooperatives)," 
which was published in January. It was written by Kazuhito 
Yamashita, who had just retired from the Ministry of Agriculture, 
Forestry, and Fisheries (MAFF) in 2008. Since he knows about 
agricultural administration inside and out, the book contains sharp 
criticisms of the "triangle of agricultural administration" -- the 
collusion among MAFF bureaucrats, JA, and the Liberal Democratic 
Party (LDP) politicians specializing in agricultural issues (norin 
zoku). The JA is especially taken to task for selling overpriced 
fertilizers, pesticides, and equipment to farmers and giving top 
priority to its organizational interests rather than to the cause of 
strengthening Japan's agriculture. 
 
Zenchu is acting childishly in its attempt to "censor" the book, but 
the three sides of the triangle equally share the blame. 
Subsequently, the MAFF was plagued by the scandal over officials 
doing labor union work during their official working hours, while 
the LDP norin zoku have become busy campaigning for the general 
election. The three sides of the triangle are desperately trying to 
protect their own organizations and have forgotten all about 
policies. 
 
Crisis to surface right after new administration is inaugurated? 
 
A crisis is looming for Japan's agriculture. It will be triggered by 
the outcome of the new round of multilateral trade talks (Doha 
Round) at the World Trade Organization (WTO). Since the financial 
crisis last fall, many countries have begun to take protectionist 
measures. The United States, for example, put forward economic 
stimulation measures containing "buy America" clauses. In addition, 
the Obama administration was elected under a pledge to review the 
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). It is widely believed 
that now is not the time for further trade liberalization, and it 
will be difficult to reach an agreement in the Doha Round at an 
early date. 
 
However, the first G-8 joint communiqu issued with China, India and 
other newly emerging economies at the summit in Italy from July 8 
declared that a ministerial conference for the new round will be 
held in September, aiming at reaching an agreement in 2010. 
Therefore, there might be significant moves in the new round at a 
time when Japan is still fragile following the inauguration of a new 
administration. 
 
"The talks almost reached an agreement in July 2008," reveals a 
source knowledgeable about the negotiations. "The sticking point was 
non-agricultural products. The rest was up to the U.S." Shinji 
Hattori, former dean of Toyo University's Faculty of Economics who 
is familiar with the WTO negotiations, has published a study 
attesting to this. 
 
According to the book "Steep Price Increase: The WTO and the 2008 
U.S. Farm Bill (Kakaku Koto WTO to Amerika 2008 nen Nogyoho)" (Norin 
 
TOKYO 00001917  015 OF 019 
 
 
Tokei Shuppan), the United States' main interest is no longer the 
agricultural sector. The key issues have shifted to reduction of 
tariffs on mining and industrial products in developing countries, 
particularly the liberalization of the market for industrial 
machinery and electronic products. While China, India, Brazil, and 
other emerging economies are "not obliged" to participate in the 
negotiations, the U.S. is strongly demanding their participation, 
thus coming into conflict with them. 
 
However, China and the emerging economies have come to have a 
stronger voice after the financial crisis. The U.S. may be at a 
disadvantage if the negotiations drag on much longer. It is fully 
possible that the Obama administration, which has so far given 
priority to massive fiscal spending and monetary easing to deal with 
the economic crisis, may aim for a quick conclusion to the Doha 
Round in order to expand world trade as the second phase of its 
economic stimulation policies. 
 
The most important thing is that an agreement has virtually been 
reached in agriculture. The Falconer Draft Text presented by the 
chair of the WTO negotiating group on agriculture last year was very 
tough on Japan's agriculture. With regard to rice, Japan will have 
to accept either a major cut in tariff or a substantial expansion of 
minimum access. If this is incorporated into the final new round 
agreement without modification, Japan will face an excess supply of 
rice and, therefore, a sharp decline in prices. 
 
For sure, the Japanese government is not just sitting idly. In 
anticipation of this situation, the MAFF under the Koizumi 
administration engaged in repeated discussions and came up with the 
"outline of rice policy reform" in December 2002 and the "basic 
program for food, agriculture, and rural villages" of March 2005. 
These were followed by such concrete legislative actions as the 
amendment of the Staple Food Law of July 2003 and the introduction 
of the "Sector-wide Farm Income Stabilization Program" in April 
¶2007. 
 
The essence of Koizumi's reform of agricultural administration was 
the "privatization" of the virtually "nationalized" rice production 
by the national government, the JA, and the farmers. The idea was 
for the government to provide support only to "motivated and capable 
farmers" while gradually reducing its involvement in production 
adjustment, in order to cultivate farmers capable of surviving 
international competition. A transition to autonomous production 
adjustment by the producers, i.e. the JA, was supposed to take 
place. However, with the ruling parties' crushing defeat in the July 
2007 House of Councillors election, the policy of strengthening 
government involvement has been "restored," as this magazine has 
pointed out repeatedly. 
 
While the politicians all talk about giving importance to 
agriculture, they only think of their own election. The bureaucrats 
could not care less whether policies make sense; they only care 
about protecting their own organizations. Professor Emeritus Naomi 
Saeki of Tokyo University, an authority on agronomics who has been 
deeply involved with agricultural administration from the standpoint 
of a scholar, expresses his indignation in his book "Kome Seisaku no 
Shuen (The Demise of Rice Policy)" (Norin Tokei Shuppan), published 
last April. He laments that rice has been transformed from a 
politicized crop in the struggle over rice prices to a crop used for 
political maneuvering. He points out that voluntary production 
adjustment under the rice acreage reduction (gentan) program is 
 
TOKYO 00001917  016 OF 019 
 
 
actually the first step toward the abolition of production 
adjustment. He fiercely opposes optional gentan as backsliding. 
 
Such disappointment is common among scholars who have been watching 
agricultural administration for many years. In his book "Nihon no 
Nogyo wa Seicho Sangyo ni Kaerareru (Japan's Agriculture Can be 
Changed Into a Growth Industry)" (Yosensha) published in June, Ikkan 
Oizumi, vice president of Miyagi University, also laments the 
straying of agricultural administration, blaming this on "the barter 
of votes and rice" under a cabinet system consisting of zoku giin 
(Diet members lobbying for special interests) 
 
LDP "reversion" 
 
In order not to repeat the above mistakes, researchers all point to 
the need to dismantle the "triangle of agricultural administration" 
and engage in a thoroughgoing policy debate on the ideology and 
future of agricultural administration in the forthcoming general 
election. 
 
However, the LDP's manifesto (campaign pledges) shows no signs of 
such an ideology. It is so sweeping that one can only conclude the 
party is desperate. If one searches for policy direction in the 
pledges, the distinguishing feature is a degree of "reversion" to 
old policies worse than what Saeki fears. For example, the LDP is 
"removing acreage and age requirements and offering aid to all 
motivated farmers," putting an end to Koizumi's agricultural 
administration reforms. The LDP also proposes to "enhance measures" 
for rice production adjustment, moving in the direction of boosting 
gentan. 
 
In comparison, the Democratic Party of Japan's policy was once 
underpinned by a philosophy. I say "once" because its manifesto 
represents an obvious regression from its "Policy Index 2009, the 
basis of the manifesto. 
 
For example, the Index's proposal for "creating the conditions for 
active formation of agricultural cooperative organizations" is 
absent from the manifesto. This is supposed to be a policy allowing 
the formation of specialized agricultural cooperatives of 
large-scale farmers to compete with the monopolistic regional JAs, 
in order to dismantle the "triangle" and let the JAs once again 
dedicate themselves to their original objective of agricultural 
development. Such is also Yamashita's longstanding recommendation, 
but this has probably been removed from the manifesto because of the 
anticipated opposition of JA. 
 
Furthermore, the original manifesto entry on "concluding a free 
trade agreement (FTA) with the U.S. and promoting the liberalization 
of trade and investment" was changed to "promoting" (negotiations 
for) an FTA owing to strong opposition from the rural 
constituencies. While Tatsuo Hirano, deputy secretary general of the 
DPJ's headquarters for the revival of agriculture, forestry, and 
fisheries, explains that "rice, livestock and dairy products, and 
other key products will be treated as exceptions in the negotiations 
with the U.S.," it is unlikely that the U.S. will agree to FTA 
negotiations with so many exceptions. 
 
Even if the U.S. accepts rice and other products as "exceptions," 
FTAs normally allow "exceptions" only up to 10 percent of trade 
items, which means exceptions will be limited by both trade volume 
and tariff line calculations. Too many exceptions will constitute a 
 
TOKYO 00001917  017 OF 019 
 
 
violation of WTO rules, so negotiations are going to be really 
tough. As it is about to capture political power, the DPJ's 
manifesto is beginning to lose its philosophical base. 
 
On the other hand, the DPJ's manifesto also calls for "raising the 
food self-sufficiency ratio." Is this compatible with a Japan-U.S. 
FTA? Does this not mean giving up on the viability of Japanese 
agriculture as an "industry"? If a sharp decline in the prices of 
agricultural products is allowed while paying income subsidies to 
farmers in the red, consumers will indeed enjoy cheaper food prices 
in the short term. However, the fiscal burden will be in the 
vicinity of 3 trillion yen, which is equivalent to the current value 
of the total domestic production of all major crops. This will not 
be acceptable to the taxpayers unless Japan follows the Swiss 
example, separating agriculture from ordinary industries and 
redefining it as "regional development." 
 
Agricultural administration is in a state of extreme confusion, and 
Japan is directly facing external pressure for trade liberalization. 
As the media outlets occupy themselves with reporting scandals and 
the election, books by researchers expressing a strong sense of 
crisis are pointing the right direction for agricultural 
administration. The question is whether the political authorities 
will be able to implement the proposals. 
 
(12) April-June real GDP grows 3.7% on rise in exports to Asia 
 
NIKKEI (Top Play) (Excerpts) 
August 17, 2009 
 
The nation's gross domestic product (GDP) expanded by a 
price-adjusted 0.9% and an annualized 3.7% in the April-June quarter 
in real terms from the previous quarter, marking the first growth in 
five quarters, according to preliminary data released by the Cabinet 
Office today. The positive growth is attributed to a pickup in 
exports and public investment in addition to the government's 
additional economic stimulus measures. Consumer spending also grew 
for the first time in three quarters thanks to tax breaks for 
eco-friendly car owners and other measures. This figure, however, is 
7.5% less than the highest ever growth rate recorded in the 
January-March period of last year. Given this, it will take more 
time until the economy emerges from its worst period in the postwar 
period. 
 
Economic measures contribute to boosting public investment, consumer 
spending 
 
The growth rate in the April-June period was far larger than the 
nation's potential growth rate of about 1%. According to the average 
estimate of private-sector research institutions surveyed by QUICK 
Corp, the economy likely expanded at an annualized rate of 3.4%. The 
real growth rate was 0.3 points more than this estimate. But the 
nominal growth figure shrank 0.2% (an annualized negative 0.7% 
growth rate), marking the fifth consecutive quarterly drop. 
 
The Cabinet Office also revised upward the growth rate for last 
year. As a result, the post-war worst record of GDP growth is a 
minus 3.5% growth, a record slump of 13.5 percentage points, in the 
October-December period in 2008, followed by a 13.1% contraction in 
the January-March period in 1974 and an 11.7% drop in the 
January-March period in 2009. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001917  018 OF 019 
 
 
The GDP rise in the April-June period was largely due to an upturn 
in overseas demand. Exports of electronic parts and other products 
to China climbed by 6.3% from the same period a year ago although in 
the January-March quarter, such shipments posted a 22.5% yearly 
drop. Foreign demand pushed up overall growth 1.6 percentage 
points. 
 
Expanded investment by the central and local governments also served 
to buoy quarter-to-quarter growth. Public investment was up 8.1%, 
marking the highest record after a rise of 10.3% was recorded in the 
October-December period in 1998. Government spending was down just 
0.3% as the number of civil servants was reduced, but an increase in 
spending by all government agencies pushed up the growth figure 0.3 
percentage points. 
 
Consumer spending, which accounts for less than 60% of the nation's 
GDP, increased 0.8%, marking the first positive growth since the 
July-September quarter in 2008. Consumption of durable goods such as 
automobiles and televisions grew 6.6%, pushing up the growth rate by 
0.3 percentage points. But it is certainly true that drops in 
commodity prices boosted GDP growth, and so the nominal growth of 
consumption stayed at only 0.3%. 
 
Meanwhile, capital investment declined 4.3% from the same period a 
year ago, marking the fifth consecutive quarterly drop. Housing 
investment deteriorated 9.5% as housing starts for condominiums fell 
sharply, the second consecutive quarter of decline. The drops in 
these sectors had a downward impact of 1.0 percentage points. 
 
The GDP deflator increased for the third consecutive quarter, 
posting a 0.5% growth. But the domestic demand deflator showed a 
1.7% decline, a further drop from the previous quarter. 
 
(13) Futenma relocation: 344 people file case against Japanese 
Government today requesting another environmental assessment 
 
Okinawa Times (Page 29) (Full) 
August 19, 2009 
 
Regarding the environmental assessment associated with the 
construction of a replacement facility for the U.S. military's 
Futenma Air Station, 344 plaintiffs from inside and outside Okinawa 
Prefecture will file a case against the Japanese Government on 
August 19 claiming that the Okinawa Defense Bureau, which was the 
implementing organization (of the assessment) did not follow the 
legal process in preparing documents describing methods and 
preparation. The plaintiffs will demand a confirmation of the 
Japanese Government's obligation to do another assessment procedure 
and compensation for damage. 
 
The current assessment law does not include provisions on the legal 
process for making complaints on flaws in the procedure.  The 
plaintiffs, therefore, based their appeal on the "action on 
confirmation" stipulated in the Administrative Case Litigation Act. 
According to the defense group, it is the first appeal in Japan to 
condemn a flaw in the procedure while an assessment is still in 
progress. 
 
(14) Okinawa Municipal Council for Military Land Conversion and Base 
Problems to request cancellation of live-fire drills - Okinawa 
Governor joins the council for first time to reveal stray bullet 
incident 
 
TOKYO 00001917  019 OF 019 
 
 
 
Okinawa Times (Page 2) (Full) 
August 19, 2009 
 
Okinawa Municipal Council for Military Land Conversion and Base 
Problems (chaired by Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima), which is 
comprised of leaders of municipalities hosting U.S. military bases 
in Okinawa Prefecture, held an ordinary general meeting for 2009 in 
Naha City on August 18.  In response to a request from Kin Town and 
Uruma Town, the council decided to request the Governments of Japan 
and the United States to provide full disclosure of the stray bullet 
incident that took place in Igei district, Kin Town, and the 
suspension of live-fire training at Camp Hansen until the incident 
is fully disclosed and investigated. The council will also request 
the cancellation of parachute drop training at Tsuken Jima Training 
Area (Uruma City). 
 
Moreover, Okinawa City and Naha City requested management of dogs 
owned by U.S. military-related personnel and putting flight 
restrictions on U.S. military aircraft over crowded residential 
areas. The council decided to coordinate it efforts before making 
requests. 
 
Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima participated in the general 
meeting for the first time at the request of municipal leaders. It 
was decided that the governor will accompany the council when it 
makes petitions to the Government of Japan and the United States. 
Governor Nakaima commented on making requests to the government, 
saying, "It (requests) goes in (government's) ear and out the other. 
Can't we influence the government in a way that the government will 
have no choice but respond? We should better set up a strategy 
committee. It is okay to open a Pandora's Box." 
 
The council confirmed that it will make an eight-point request 
including the return of firing ranges in Tori Shima and Kume Jima 
(in Kume Jima Town). "A request to promote the settlement of various 
issues stemming from (U.S.) military bases," which the council 
delivers to the Government of Japan and the United States annually, 
will be included in the request. 
 
The council usually makes petition visits to offices and 
organizations related to the governments of Japan and the United 
States within and outside Okinawa Prefecture in around August to 
September. This year the council plans to make petition visits after 
mid-October, taking the general election and local assembly 
schedules into consideration. The council is also considering 
visiting U.S. Military's Futenma Air Station and Iwakuni Air Station 
after November. 
 
The board of trustees comprised of some council members has been 
abolished. Naha Mayor Takeshi Onaga was elected as the vice chairman 
(of the council) to replace former Uruma City Mayor Tsuneo Chinen, 
who retired voluntarily. 
 
ZUMWALT