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RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 6644

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 001819 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/10/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Roos confirmed as U.S. ambassador to Japan: The key is 
cooperation with new administration [Nikkei] 
(2) Approaches of LDP, DPJ to Japan-U.S. alliance outlined in 
manifestos [Nikkei] 
(3) Joint coast guard to be established to cover three countries, 
including Palau: Japan, U.S., Australia to take part in 
establishment meeting [Tokyo Shimbun] 
(4) DPJ revises campaign pledges on Japan-U.S. FTA, growth strategy, 
decentralization of power [Asahi] 
(5) DPJ blueprint for new administration calls for immediate 
creation of National Strategy Bureau, cutting supplementary budget 
by 3 trillion yen [Asahi] 
(6) New adviser to defense minister, Takushoku University Professor 
Satoshi Morimoto: Impossible to cut defense spending [Yomiuri] 
(7) Editorial: Future of ODA - Budget increase necessary [Mainichi] 
 
(8) Interview with former Komeito Secretary General Yuichi Ichikawa 
on secret pact on nuclear introduction: "Historic verification" 
imperative [Nikkei] 
(9) TOP HEADLINES 
(10) EDITORIALS 9 
(11) Prime Minister's schedule 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Roos confirmed as U.S. ambassador to Japan: The key is 
cooperation with new administration 
 
NIKKEI (Page 5) (Full) 
August 9, 2009 
 
Hiroshi Maruya, Washington 
 
John Roos, 54, has been confirmed as the U.S. ambassador to Japan. 
Roos, who is a long-time supporter of the Democratic Party and who 
has personal links with President Barack Obama, will be coming to 
Japan in the middle of a general election in which the voters will 
make their choice of administration. The first task of the new 
ambassador will be to build a relationship with the "new 
administration." 
 
"Ever since I served as an intern in the White House while in law 
school," Roos said during the Senate confirmation hearing, "I have 
dreamed of one day re-entering public service and giving something 
back to my country." His remark was indicative of his great 
enthusiasm for the job of ambassador to Japan. Even before the 
confirmation hearing, Roos had been receiving "lectures" from 
experts and scholars on Japan to prepare himself. 
 
Measured by traditional yardsticks, Roos, who has no experience in 
diplomacy and public service, raises concerns in Japan. But a senior 
Japanese government official says, "What we want most from the new 
ambassador is the ability to talk directly to the White House." This 
is because the more complicated the issues are, the more important 
are the decisions of the President and his close aides. 
 
The Obama administration is keeping the conduct of diplomacy under 
the direct control of the White House. Senior Adviser David Axelrod, 
White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel, and others are involved in 
all foreign and domestic policy issues. In the present situation, 
 
TOKYO 00001819  002 OF 011 
 
 
making contact [with the White House] through traditional diplomatic 
channels would be difficult. 
 
There are many pending issues between Japan and America, including 
realignment of U.S. forces in Japan and dealing with the North 
Korean nuclear issue, that will ultimately require decisions at the 
political level. If the ambassador has a personal relationship with 
the President, it will be easier to contact the nerve center of the 
White House. 
 
Japan will be experiencing a period of political upheaval between 
the House of Representatives election on August 30 and the House of 
Councillors election in the summer of 2010. President Obama is 
scheduled to visit Japan in November. The new ambassador's role in 
mediating between the new administration in Japan and the U.S. 
government will be very important. 
 
But there is the example of Junichiro Koizumi. The former prime 
minister had virtually no diplomatic experience and did not know any 
Japan experts in the U.S. Nevertheless, he was instrumental in 
building with former President George Bush what is described as the 
best Japan-U.S. relationship after World War II. Japan pins its 
hopes on Roos's ability. 
 
(2) Approaches of LDP, DPJ to Japan-U.S. alliance outlined in 
manifestos 
 
NIKKEI (Page 3) (Full) 
August 8, 2009 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Democratic Party of Japan 
(DPJ) both define the Japan-U.S. alliance as the cornerstone of the 
nation's foreign policy in their campaign pledges (manifestos) for 
the upcoming House of Representatives election. When it comes to how 
they are going to manage the alliance, however, there is a 
significant difference. 
 
The DPJ's manifesto includes such goals as "an equal Japan-U.S. 
alliance" and "an active diplomatic strategy." It takes the stance 
of distancing itself from the U.S. to some extent while maintaining 
the alliance. Criticizing the diplomatic stance of the government 
and the ruling coalition as "blindly following the U.S.", the 
manifesto underscores differences in the two sides' diplomatic 
stances. 
 
The DPJ calls for reviewing the U.S. force realignment plan agreed 
on between Japan and the U.S., including a plan to relocate the U.S. 
Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, Okinawa 
Prefecture). Their manifesto suggests that the facility should be 
transferred to somewhere outside the prefecture. It also proposes a 
revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement. But the U.S. 
is unlikely to accept these proposals. In the earlier Diet session 
under the Aso administration, Japan endorsed an accord requiring 
Japan to steadily implement the U.S. force realignment agreement. 
Taking advantage of this accord, the U.S. intends to ask Japan to 
implement the realignment plan, showing no signs of responding to a 
call for reviewing the agreement. 
 
But with an eye on seizing political power, the DPJ manifesto also 
lays out pragmatic plans, such as the inspection of cargo on ships 
traveling to and from North Korea and anti-piracy measures in waters 
off Somalia. The DPJ, however, stops short of mentioning the 
 
TOKYO 00001819  003 OF 011 
 
 
Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, 
which it once criticized as violating the Constitution. The party 
intends to approve the mission until its expiration next January, 
but not beyond that. 
 
Meanwhile, the LDP's manifesto pledges to strengthen the Japan-U.S. 
alliance. It includes measures to promote the ballistic missile 
defense (BMD) system and steadily implement the U.S. force 
realignment plan. Bearing in mind even the possibility of allowing 
the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) to invoke the right to collective 
self-defense, the manifesto also includes measures to enable the SDF 
to intercept ballistic missiles heading toward the U.S. and to 
defend U.S. warships. It also calls for permanent legislation to 
enable the dispatch of SDF personnel overseas as needed. 
 
The LDP, however, gives no specifics on how to implement these 
measures. A huge amount of money will be needed to promote the BMD 
system. For SDF overseas operations, new equipment and training will 
become necessary. The nation's defense budget has been on the 
decline. To carry out these measures, securing fiscal resources is 
vital. 
 
Although the LDP in its draft manifesto proposed a review of the 
government's interpretation of the Constitution to enable the SDF to 
invoke the right to collective self-defense, the party deleted the 
proposal in the final version, reflecting cautious views in its 
coalition partner, the New Komeito. 
 
(3) Joint coast guard to be established to cover three countries, 
including Palau: Japan, U.S., Australia to take part in 
establishment meeting 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Top Play) (Full) 
Evening, August 8, 2009 
 
It has been decided that a meeting will be held to discuss the 
establishment of a coast guard covering three Pacific-Micronesian 
countries. This is in response to the formal inclusion of a request 
to hold a meeting on the matter in the joint statement of the three 
nations' summit in July. The U.S. will likely join the move to 
assist the three nations establish a coast guard. It is unusual to 
set up a coast guard under the initiative of the private sector. 
This is also the first attempt for several countries to set up a 
joint coast guard in cooperation. 
 
This area is a key water route connecting the Lombok Strait in 
Indonesia, used when Malacca Strait cannot be used, to Japan. It can 
be said that this strait is the second lifeline for East Asian 
countries, following the Malacca Strait. 
 
The planned joint coast guard will be established by the Federated 
States of Micronesia, the Republic of Marshall Islands, and the 
Republic of Palau. 
 
The Tokyo-based Sasakawa Peace Foundation, which is promoting the 
dissemination of satellite-based remote teaching in various Pacific 
nations, will press ahead with the plan as private-sector led 
diplomacy at the request of the three countries made last year. 
 
The foundation carried out a field survey of poaching by foreign 
vessels and marine pollution and compiled a report on such 
challenges as establishing a coast guard and shortages of fuel and 
 
TOKYO 00001819  004 OF 011 
 
 
waste disposal facilities. Former deputy vice minister for the Land, 
Infrastructure and Transport Ministry Jiro Habu, the Chairman of the 
federation, then visited Australia, which will assist those 
countries with coast guard vessels, and the U.S., to which they will 
relegate national defense, and explained the need and requested 
support for the establishment of a coast guard. 
 
The U.S. Department of State reportedly praised the plan, noting 
that it would become the first case of government-private sector 
partnership, which Secretary Clinton advocates. 
 
In a joint statement issued at the 9th Micronesia Summit, the 
presidents of the three countries stated that they will recommend 
the Sasakawa Peace Federation hold a meeting of the three countries 
and supporting countries - Japan, the U.S., and Australia. 
 
The federation will set the agenda items for the meeting and then 
confer on a specific program for setting up the coast guard, 
involving the U.S. Coast Guard, the Foreign Ministry, and other 
experts. The Japan Coast Guard will also cooperate on the project. 
 
Chairman Habu said, "The meaning of the establishment of a coast 
guard in an area that connects Lombok Strait to East Asia is great 
in terms of securing maritime safety." 
 
(4) DPJ revises campaign pledges on Japan-U.S. FTA, growth strategy, 
decentralization of power 
 
ASAHI (Top play) (Excerpts) 
August 8, 2009 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) announced on August 7 a revision 
to its pledge in its manifesto (campaign pledges) for the House of 
Representatives election about the Japan-U.S. free trade agreement 
(FTA). It is changing the wording from "concluding" a FTA to 
"promote negotiations" for a FTA. This is for the sake of protecting 
domestic agriculture and the livestock industry. It will also 
redefine the policies included in the manifesto and make substantial 
revisions to the passages on economic growth strategy in response to 
criticism of its "lack of enthusiasm" for economic growth. A 
decision on the "final version" of the manifesto reflecting the 
above revisions will be made as soon as early next week. 
 
In addition to the two pledges above, the DPJ will add a policy on 
creating a "venue of consultation" between the national and local 
governments for decentralization of power in response to a request 
from prefectural governors. 
 
The DPJ, which is campaigning to take over the reins of government, 
published its manifesto on July 27, but there has been strong 
reaction to some of its policies. Partly due to inadequate consensus 
building in the party, the DPJ is now forced to revise its manifesto 
before the official declaration of candidacy (August 18). 
 
Deputy President Naoto Kan announced the revision on the issue of 
Japan-U.S. FTA at an ad hoc news conference on August 7. In addition 
to deleting the word "conclusion" of a FTA, the DPJ will add that it 
"will not adopt any measure that will undermine the safety and 
stable supply of food, the improvement of food self-sufficiency 
rate, and the development of domestic agriculture and rural 
villages." 
 
 
TOKYO 00001819  005 OF 011 
 
 
Regarding the party's policy on the balance between market 
liberalization and protection of agriculture, Kan claimed that "the 
promotion of FTA negotiations is the party's longstanding policy." 
However, he also said that "tariffs will not be reduced or 
abolished" for major agricultural products. 
 
The original manifesto has a pledge on "concluding a FTA with the 
U.S. and promoting the liberalization of trade and investment" under 
the foreign policy section on "building a close and equal Japan-U.S. 
relationship." However, the relation of this to agricultural policy 
is ambiguous, and Liberal Democratic Party Diet members specializing 
in agricultural issues claim that tariff will be abolished for 
agricultural and livestock products, and that this will lead to the 
"collapse of Japan's agriculture. 
 
Revisions will also be made in the "final version" of the manifesto 
to enumerate policies on economic growth strategy, which has not 
been clarified in the original version. The proposals on child 
allowance, abolition of the temporary gasoline tax rates, and toll 
free expressways will be redefined in the context of policies to 
"expand domestic demand through increasing disposable income" as the 
party's growth strategy. 
 
(5) DPJ blueprint for new administration calls for immediate 
creation of National Strategy Bureau, cutting supplementary budget 
by 3 trillion yen 
 
ASAHI (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
August 8, 2009 
 
Under its blueprint for a new government, the Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ) has firmed up its basic policies for managing its 
administration if it becomes the ruling party after the upcoming 
general election. After the prime minister is elected by the Diet, 
the "National Strategy Bureau," reporting directly to the prime 
minister, will be created immediately through a cabinet order and 
work on the formulation of the FY2010 budget. An extraordinary Diet 
session would be convened subsequently to reduce by 3 trillion yen 
the FY09 supplementary budget that now totals some 14 trillion yen 
for use next fiscal year. 
 
With regard to the FY10 budget, the DPJ plans to scrap the budget 
request ceilings already decided by the Aso cabinet, which 
constitute the outline of the budget, and formulate a new budget 
from scratch. 
 
In Diet affairs management, the special Diet session will adjourn 
after electing the prime minister and appointing other Diet 
officials. An extraordinary Diet session will be convened as early 
as October. A new supplementary budget bill will be submitted to cut 
back by around 3 trillion yen the 4.4 trillion yen allocated to 46 
funds for use by public welfare corporations and other bodies in the 
FY09 supplementary budget. Some 5 trillion yen will be pooled from 
surpluses and such other "hidden treasures." 
 
The DPJ will use the money to fund its high-profile policies, 
including the resumption of additional allowance for single mother 
families, FY10 child allowance, toll free expressways, and free high 
school education. 
 
In the case of the Hosokawa cabinet which took over [from the LDP 
administration] in 1993, the enactment of the FY94 budget bill was 
 
TOKYO 00001819  006 OF 011 
 
 
delayed from the usual March to June. The DPJ wants to formulate the 
budget before the end of 2009. Therefore, it will create the 
National Strategy Bureau -- which will engage in a division of labor 
with the Ministry of Finance -- as soon as possible, in order to 
work on budget formulation. 
 
(6) New adviser to defense minister, Takushoku University Professor 
Satoshi Morimoto: Impossible to cut defense spending 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) 
August 9, 2009 
 
We interviewed Takushoku University Professor Satoshi Morimoto, who 
has been appointed to the new position of adviser to the defense 
minister as of August 1. 
 
"In the past, the bureau chiefs doubled as 'counselors' to the 
defense minister, so they did not have enough time. National defense 
requires not only expertise, but also the ability to make 
appropriate decisions quickly when missiles are fired at Japan or 
suspicious ships violate Japanese waters. That is the purpose of the 
adviser system. 
 
"The regular tasks include the drafting of the National Defense 
Program Guidelines and the Mid-Term Defense Buildup Program. The 
question is whether the new administration's thinking can be 
incorporated in a short period of time and what to do about defense 
spending. The defense budget has contracted for seven consecutive 
years. However, the present situation in Northeast Asia does not 
allow the reduction of defense spending. 
 
"The immediate task is the Japan-U.S. summit meeting scheduled for 
November. There are a number of bilateral-alliance issues, including 
whether the Self-Defense Forces operations in the Indian Ocean and 
Somalia will continue, the relocation of the Futenma base, and host 
nation support. Meanwhile, a change of leadership in North Korea is 
very likely to occur during the next Japanese administration. This 
will require important crisis management on the part of Japan. 
Cooperation among Japan, the U.S., and South Korea will also be put 
to test. 
 
"Even if there is a change of ruling parties after the House of 
Representatives election, it is impossible for the goals of national 
defense and for threats to change suddenly. The continuity of 
defense policy should be maintained." 
 
(Interviewer: Yoshikazu Shirakawa) 
 
(7) Editorial: Future of ODA - Budget increase necessary 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
August 10, 2009 
 
The International Cooperation Bureau of the Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs (MOFA), which is in charge of official development 
assistance (ODA), has been reorganized. The previous setup of 
dividing the bureau into separate sections in charge of repayable 
aid (yen loans), grants-in-aid, and technical cooperation has been 
revamped into sections in charge of different regions of the world. 
This is a reform aimed at the comprehensive assessment of whether a 
country needs yen loans, grants, or technical cooperation, and what 
sort of combination is best. 
 
TOKYO 00001819  007 OF 011 
 
 
 
Last October, the execution of ODA, except for some grants, was 
unified under the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), 
which merged with the yen loan division of the Japan Bank for 
International Cooperation (JBIC). In light of this, loans, grants, 
and technical cooperation for a specific country will now be handled 
together. As a result of this change, a streamlined process of the 
MOFA taking charge of ODA planning, with JICA taking charge of 
implementation, is now in place. 
 
Japanese ODA is at a critical crossroads. The increase in aid to 
African and Asian countries pledged by previous prime ministers will 
have to be executed. Japan has also made commitments to provide 
funding and technical cooperation for global warming prevention, 
which is a critical component of environmental measures. 
 
However, the budget for foreign aid has been shrinking in the 
process of fiscal revenue and spending reforms. Japan has fallen 
from being the top aid donor to the fifth in the world. The ratio of 
ODA to gross national income (GNI) is the lowest among the 
industrialized countries, on a par with the United States. 
 
So far, Japan has undoubtedly used foreign aid as a major diplomatic 
tool. However, the aid budget has been contracting continuously 
under the general fiscal appropriations. The government is trying to 
meet its international commitments by expanding yen loans in order 
to maintain the overall volume of aid, but this method has its 
limits. Grants make up the lion's share of poverty reduction 
measures. 
 
The identification of projects based on local conditions by JICA or 
MOFA, prompt investigation and aid decisions, and speedy execution 
are indispensable reforms to make Japan's ODA visible to the 
recipient countries. However, this alone will not make Japanese aid 
function as soft power. Something is missing. 
 
First, without adequate funding, aid projects will be meaningless. 
Neither the ruling nor the opposition parties have made their 
positions clear on this. The ODA budget should be increased, but 
there are many fiscal constraints. The planning of aid projects 
should make use of both JBIC funds and private capital. Second, 
while strategic goals for aid are inevitable to a certain extent as 
a diplomatic tool, it should not be forgotten that the fundamental 
objective of aid is poverty reduction and breaking away from 
underdevelopment. 
 
Policies tend to be inward-looking during a period of economic 
recession. Rolling out an ODA strategy is necessary precisely at a 
time like this. 
 
(8) Interview with former Komeito Secretary General Yuichi Ichikawa 
on secret pact on nuclear introduction: "Historic verification" 
imperative 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
August 7, 2009 
 
-- The question of whether Japan had concluded a secret pact with 
the U.S. whereby the latter could bring nuclear arms into Japan has 
long been discussed in the Diet. 
 
Ichikawa: In 1981, former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin Reischauer 
 
TOKYO 00001819  008 OF 011 
 
 
testified that a secret pact existed. It was a great shock [to the 
Japanese people]. The public worried the pact would violate the 
nation's three nonnuclear principles and wondered whether it should 
not be subject to prior consultation under the Japan-U.S. Security 
Treaty. 
 
In pursuing this issue in the Diet, I examined the minutes of 
discussions on the Security Treaty in a Diet session in 1960. I 
found the government had used tactful language concerning the 
passage of warships carrying nuclear arms through Japanese waters. 
So I had the impression Japan's and America's awareness [of the 
issue] differed, but Reischauer made it clear that the two countries 
had concluded a secret accord. 
 
-- The government has persistently denied the existence of the 
secret pact. 
 
Ichikawa: The government has asserted that (1) as long as the U.S. 
does not seek prior consultations, there is no need to hold such 
talks, and (2) it is impossible to disclose whether warships are 
carrying nuclear weapons, because such information is top secret. 
The government's reply was that the U.S. will decide whether to hold 
prior talks. When we asked about the existence of the secret pact, 
the government replied, "There are no prior consultations." There 
was no room for discussion. 
 
-- We imagine the opposition camp received considerable information 
from the government under the 1955 structure. 
 
Ichikawa: There were cases in which the government asked us what 
kind of questions we were going to ask, but there was no 
behind-the-scenes maneuvering. (At the time) the Komeito, which was 
attempting to raise the banner of an opposition party, could not 
resort to honeyed words.  We relentlessly pursued the issue in the 
Diet. 
 
I asked (former Social Democratic Party chairman) Masatsugu 
Ishibashi, a polemicist for the party, whether the Social Democrats 
would be able to seize the reins of government if it continues to 
take the stance that the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) is 
unconstitutional and calls for scrapping the Japan-U.S. Security 
Treaty. I was surprised by his response. "Revolution can be achieved 
overnight," he said. "Once you assume political power, you can make 
changes." The party was perhaps not terribly concerned about the 
contents of the secret accord. And so it came to pass that the 
Murayama cabinet recognize the SDF as constitutional. 
 
-- The government has denied the existence of the secret agreement. 
 
Ichikawa: Prime Minister Taro Aso denied the existence of a secret 
agreement. It would be make more sense to recognize the existence of 
the accord and discuss the issue. A secret pact is an inseparable 
part of foreign policy. So I think there is no choice but to make it 
a principle to disclose such accords 25 years or 30 years after 
their conclusion. In such cases, important political decisions that 
were unavoidably embodied in secret accords will not easily leak 
out. If such accords are subject to historic verification afterward, 
it will help revive democracy. 
 
 What do you think about the recent debates on the Japan-U.S. 
security arrangements? 
 
 
TOKYO 00001819  009 OF 011 
 
 
Ichikawa: Some point out that the extent of Japan-U.S. cooperation 
has expanded from the Far East to the [entire] world, but I think 
the strategic significance of this cooperation should be discussed 
more in the Diet. This point has not been explicitly discussed in 
the Diet. 
 
(9) TOP HEADLINES 
 
Asahi, Yomiuri & Tokyo Shimbun: 
Nine groups give severe assessments of LDP, DPJ policy platforms 
 
Mainichi: 
Mayor urges nuclear powers to visit Nagasaki 
 
Nikkei: 
Mitsubishi Chemical to acquire Mitsubishi Rayon 
 
Sankei: 
Politics and money: Common sense in Nagata-cho absurd 
 
Akahata: 
Government urged to stop shameful deeds and to realize "nuclear-free 
Japan" 
 
(10) EDITORIALS 
 
Asahi: 
(1) Hiroshima, Nagasaki & Okinawa: Seek ways to resolve dilemma in 
pursuit of peace 
 
Mainichi: 
(1) Economic growth & environment in Lower House election campaign: 
Well-balanced response needed 
(2) Increased budget necessary for ODA 
 
Yomiuri: 
(1) "Anime hall of fame:" Thoroughly discuss culture policies 
(2) Popular actress arrested for taking stimulant drugs 
 
Nikkei: 
(1) LDP, DPJ urged to present vision-based road administrative 
reform policies 
(2) Hurriedly prepare necessary measures in two years before start 
of terrestrial digital broadcasting 
 
Sankei: 
(1) Education pledges: Will political neutralization be observed? 
(2) Vaccine against new strains of flu: Reveal order of priority 
 
Tokyo Shimbun: 
(1) We expect LDP, DPJ to conduct debate on how to reconstruct 
economy 
(2) Iranian President must do his best to dispel nuclear-development 
doubts 
 
Akahata: 
(1) World Conference for Prohibition of Atom and Hydrogen Bombs: Let 
us move toward nuclear-free world 
 
(11) Prime Minister's schedule, August 8 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
 
TOKYO 00001819  010 OF 011 
 
 
August 9, 2009 
 
10:34 
Took a walk on the grounds of the official residence 
 
13:50 
Gave a stump speech at a plaza in front of the Karasuyama Civic 
Center in Minami-Karasuyama, followed by a visit to the Karasuyama 
shopping district near the railway station. 
 
15:12 
Stump speech at the north exit of the JR Nakano Station, followed by 
a visit to the Nakano Sun Mall. 
 
16:42 
Stump speech in front of the office of a prospective candidate for 
the Lower House election. 
 
17:35 
Stump speech in front of the Metropolitan Shinjuku Line Funabori 
Station. 
 
18:06 
Met with Special Adviser to the LDP president Shimamura at Tower 
Hall Funabori, an event hall in Funabori. 
 
18:55 
Gave a speech at the Hotel East 21 Tokyo in Toyo. 
 
20:00 
Arrived at the official residence. 
 
Prime Minister's schedule, August 9 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
August 10, 2009 
 
08:12 
Left Haneda Airport by JAL 1841. 
 
09:38 
Arrived at Nagasaki Airport. 
 
10:34 
Nagasaki Atomic Bomb victims Memorial Peace Prayer to commemorate 
the 64th anniversary of the atomic bombing at Peace Park in Nagasaki 
City. In the speech he spoke of "wounds that can't be healed," 
[mis]reading the word "kizuato" [wounds] as "shoseki." 
 
12:32 
Press conference at Best Westin Premium Hotel Nagasaki. Then met 
with a representative of an organization of A-bomb victims. Health, 
Labor and Welfare (MHLW) Minister Masuzoe, MHLW Health Service 
Bureau Director General Ueda and Foreign Ministry Disarmament, 
Non-proliferation and Science Department Director Sano were 
present. 
 
13:42 
Visited the Megumi-no-Oka Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Victims' Home 
accompanied by Masuzoe. 
 
15:28 
 
TOKYO 00001819  011 OF 011 
 
 
Left Nagasaki Airport by JAL 1850. 
 
16:55 
Arrived at Haneda Airport. 
 
17:26 
Got a haircut at Barber Sato in Hotel Pacific Tokyo in Takanawa. 
 
18:47 
Organized papers at Imperial Hotel. 
 
21:41 
Arrived at the official residence. 
 
ZUMWALT