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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 001786 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 08/04/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Yonhap: Ex-President Clinton to visit North Korea to discuss 
release of female reporters (Asahi) 
(2) Diplomatic missions anxious to learn DPJ's foreign policy 
(Asahi) 
(3) Secret pact diplomacy (Part 1): How should Japan deal with the 
nuclear umbrella? (Nikkei) 
(4) Interview with film director Kaneto Shindo: Hiroshima should ask 
Obama for nuclear-free world (Asahi) 
(5) Former Enola Gay crewmember opposes offering an apology, a 
reversal of the anti-nuclear trend (Mainichi) 
(6) Pre-election poll on public trends (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Yonhap: Ex-President Clinton to visit North Korea to discuss 
release of female reporters 
 
ASAHI ONLINE (Full) 
11:08, August 4, 2009 
 
Yoshihiro Makino 
 
It was learned that former President Bill Clinton has departed from 
the United States of a flight to North Korea. He is expected to 
arrive in Pyongyang shortly. This was revealed by a Republic of 
Korea (ROK) source on August 4. The visit is aimed at seeking the 
handover of the two female American reporters who were detained by 
the DPRK in March. North Korea, which has become increasingly 
isolated internationally due to its nuclear tests and missile 
launches, has been looking for an opportunity to hold a dialogue 
with the U.S., while refusing to return to the Six-Party Talks. It 
is possible that Clinton's visit may lead to the revival of the 
dialogue policy. 
 
Clinton will be the second former U.S. president to visit North 
Korea, following that by former President Jimmy Carter, who met 
President Kim Il Sung in June 1994. Clinton considered making a 
visit to the DPRK shortly before he stepped down as president in 
December 2000, but he had to abandon the idea. It is conceivable 
that during the visit, he may meet General Secretary Kim Jong Il in 
his capacity of a former head of state. 
 
According to U.S. and ROK sources, North Korea has been seeking a 
visit by a senior U.S. official or a high-level dignitary. In 
response, the U.S. took the position that "the detention of the two 
reporters in itself is a violation of human rights, and the U.S. 
will not agree to hold a bilateral dialogue on the spot." In 
refusing to dispatch officials, the U.S. demanded that North Korea 
first show its willingness to hand over the two reporters as a 
condition for dispatching a high-level dignitary. 
 
It is still unknown what sort of agreement the two sides had reached 
which led to Clinton's trip. However, Secretary of State Hillary 
Clinton, while expressing her regret regarding this incident in 
July, asked not for the release, but for the "pardon" of the two 
women. She took a conciliatory stance by showing a certain measure 
of understanding for North Korea's legal procedures. 
 
On March 17, North Korea detained Korean American Yuna Lee and 
Chinese American Laura Ling, reporters for the U.S.' Current TV who 
 
TOKYO 00001786  002 OF 008 
 
 
were on a news assignment near the China-North Korea border. In 
June, they were charged with the "crime of hostility against the 
Korean nation" and sentenced to 12 years of education through labor. 
However, their sentence has not been executed and by July, it was 
found that they were under house arrest at a guest house in 
Pyongyang. This was taken as a sign that North Korea wanted a 
political solution to this affair, and there had been speculation 
that the U.S. government would soon make a move to resolve the 
issue. 
 
(2) Diplomatic missions anxious to learn DPJ's foreign policy 
 
ASAHI SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Abridged slightly) 
August 4, 2009 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) released its manifesto (campaign 
pledges) for the Lower House election on July 28. The party 
headquarters, located in Nagata-cho, Tokyo, was inundated with 
inquiries from diplomatic missions of various countries on the 
following day. They all asked when the English version would be 
available. 
 
The DPJ was set to post the English version of its manifesto on its 
website on the same evening. Staffers at the party headquarters 
replied to inquirers, "We will post the English version on our 
site." 
 
Officers responsible for political affairs at diplomatic missions 
are tasked with gathering information. They do not make any open 
statements on the general election so as not to be taken as 
interfering in domestic affairs. However, a diplomat of a certain 
Asian country revealed, "We are receiving questions from our home 
county one after the other about how Japan will change." 
 
Behind-the-scene moves are also brisk. The South Korean Embassy in 
Japan invited members of the Group of Lawmakers to Build a Strategic 
Japan-South Korean Relations of the DPJ for a working lunch. They 
include those who are responsible for the party's foreign policy, 
starting with Chairman Seiji Maehara. The DPJ has taken the 
invitation as the indication of South Korea's desire to reaffirm the 
DPJ's response to the situation in North Korea. 
 
However, a related source revealed that the greatest matter of 
concern for the South Korean Embassy is the Takeshima Island (Dokdo 
in South Korea), over which it claims sovereignty. How will the DPJ 
tackle the Takeshima Island ownership issue, which could set off 
ethnic emotions? A chaotic situation could occur, depending on the 
outcome of the election. 
 
Taiwanese authorities are interested in the DPJ's policy toward the 
U.S. One official said, "We understand the situation in Japan, 
because we have experiences changes of administration. If the DPJ 
takes the reins of government, there could be confusion at first." 
They are concerned that if the Japan-U.S. alliance drifts, it could 
affect the security of East Asia. 
 
Sources connected with the Chinese Embassy are concerned about the 
future course of "party diplomacy." Senior officials of the Chinese 
Communist Party's International Liaison Department dispatched to the 
Chinese Embassy in Japan have built relations with opposition 
parties, including the DPJ. However, their relations with Japanese 
opposition parties are not as deep as those with the LDP. They said 
 
TOKYO 00001786  003 OF 008 
 
 
that if the DPJ becomes a ruling party, they would have to deepen 
their exchanges with them, as well. 
 
Even if bilateral relations are stable, they could change all of a 
sudden once unexpected events occur, such as anti-Japanese 
demonstrations in the past or the food-poisoning incidents caused by 
Chinese-made gyoza dumplings. Chinese officials have handled 
troubles through channels with LDP politicians, whenever they 
occurred. If a power shift occurs in Japan, party diplomacy with the 
DPJ will take on an added significance. 
 
The Xinhua News Agency on the day following the Lower House 
dissolution posted on its site a statement by Chinese Ambassador to 
Japan Cui Tiankai on Japan-China relations after the general 
election. It went: "Japanese political parties differ in their views 
on many domestic issues. They are at odds over some issues. However, 
they share their stance regarding the need to develop bilateral 
relations." The statement sent a message that China wants to build 
stable bilateral relations with Japan even if a DPJ government is 
launched. 
 
There are, of course, differences in the approaches of various 
embassies. For instance, a spokesman for the Ethiopian Embassy said, 
"The Ambassador is home on leave. He will not return to Japan until 
late August." It appears that many diplomatic missions will just 
wait for the result of the election because of the summer vacation 
season. 
 
(3) Secret pact diplomacy (Part 1): How should Japan deal with the 
nuclear umbrella? 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
August 4, 2009 
 
Former Administrative Vice-Foreign Ryohei Murata has indicated the 
existence of a secret agreement (between Japan and the United 
States) allowing the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan. 
Murata's statement has renewed questions about the transparency of 
the Japan-U.S. security setup and (Japan's) foreign policy. Next 
year marks the 50th anniversary of the conclusion of the revised 
U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. This article examines the challenges of 
Japan's foreign policy that are associated with the secret deal. 
 
In 1963, a question was asked at the Diet about whether or not 
nuclear-armed U.S. warships had called at Japanese posts. Then U.S. 
Ambassador to Japan Edwin O. Reischauer advised the U.S. State 
Department to disclose the secret pact. But Japan's answer was 
'no.' 
 
The secret pact was designed for Tokyo to condone port calls in 
Japan by U.S. warships and aircraft carrying nuclear weapons. 
Japan's position was that (such port calls) were subject to prior 
consultations under the security treaty. (The secret pact) was 
reportedly concluded when the bilateral security treaty was revised 
in line with the wishes of the United States which was against 
military restrictions. 
 
As the only country in the world to have suffered an atomic attack, 
Japan has a particularly strong negative response to nuclear 
weapons. Comments that were taken as rejecting the secret agreement 
began coming from the then Ikeda cabinet, with one saying, "Port 
calls constitute the introduction of (nuclear weapons)." Reischauer 
 
TOKYO 00001786  004 OF 008 
 
 
eventually took the approach of inviting Foreign Minister Masayoshi 
Ohira to a breakfast meeting to confirm the agreement. 
 
It can be said that the secret pact was the ultimate decision, given 
the security environment and the circumstances at home and abroad at 
the time, including the Cold War, tense China-Taiwan relations, and 
the Korean Peninsula issue. In 1967, Prime Minister Eisaku Sato 
announced the three non-nuclear principles of not possessing, 
producing, or permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons into 
Japan, and reality increasingly became out of sync with the 
principles thereafter. 
 
The existence of the secret deal has become clear through U.S. 
government documents and other materials. Even so, the Japanese 
government has repeatedly insisted, "There have been no prior 
consultations, so nuclear weapons have not been brought into Japan." 
All the more because of that, the statement by former Vice-Foreign 
Minister Murata, who was responsible for Japan's foreign policy, 
caused a huge sensation. 
 
President Yukio Hatoyama of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), 
which aims to take over the reins of government at the Aug. 30 House 
of Representatives election, said at a July 14 press conference, "It 
is necessary for us to consider moving in that direction." Hatoyama 
later offered an explanation about this statement which could have 
been taken to suggest condoning the introduction of nuclear weapons 
into Japan. Former Lower House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman 
Yohei Kono of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) announced his 
intent to urge the government to admit the existence of the secret 
agreement. 
 
The view prevalent in the country has been that the government has 
told the people a lie about the secret nuclear pact and that the 
secret pact has been a symbol of Japan's foreign policy that blindly 
followed in the footsteps of the United States. There has been a 
noticeable move recently to discuss the secret deal in relation to 
America's nuclear deterrent. The reason is because North Korea has 
conducted two nuclear tests. 
 
The first point at issue is the significance of the secret agreement 
itself. The U.S. government announced in 1992 the removal of nuclear 
weapons from its surface ships. Today, U.S. warships do not carry 
nuclear weapons with the exception of submarines carrying ballistic 
missiles. Some experts say that the secret nuclear deal no longer 
has any significance. But at the same time, the Japanese Communist 
Party and others warn that nuclear-armed U.S. warships will again 
call at Japanese ports and pass through Japan's territorial waters 
if a contingency arises. 
 
The second point is the modality of the U.S. nuclear deterrent. 
There is a view in Ministry of Defense that the disclosure of the 
pact allowing the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan would 
help reinforce (the U.S.) nuclear deterrent. The argument might 
result in a review of the three non-nuclear principles. The opinion 
holds that a clear definition of the U.S. nuclear umbrella would 
help contain the argument supporting Japan's nuclearization. 
 
Some in Japan are calling for the legislation of the three 
non-nuclear principles. One of them is the Social Democratic Party, 
which envisages forming a coalition government with the DPJ in the 
future. The Japanese and U.S. governments are scheduled to begin 
regular bilateral talks on the nuclear deterrent shortly. But Kono 
 
TOKYO 00001786  005 OF 008 
 
 
said, "The nuclear deterrent cannot be discussed while dwelling on 
the question of the secret pact." How to approach the U.S. nuclear 
deterrent will be a challenge for the new administration to be 
launched in Japan after the upcoming Lower House election. 
 
(4) Interview with film director Kaneto Shindo: Hiroshima should ask 
Obama for nuclear-free world 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
August 1, 2009 
 
I would like to make a film about "Hiroshima" before I die. I want 
describe what happened in the first three seconds after the atomic 
bomb was dropped. Hiroshima was not a battle field but a peaceful 
rear area. Hiroshima citizens, who woke up as usual on the morning 
of Aug. 6, were burned by a light that was stronger than sunlight 
and blown away by the explosion. I want to make a film of the 
tragedy in which tens of thousands of people were killed in a moment 
and so many had their arms and legs torn off. I would like to show 
that tragedy to the people in the world. I believe by doing so, the 
film will able to change people's thinking about nuclear weapons. 
Although the film script has been written, I have neither 2 billion 
yen for production costs, nor the physical strength. 
 
At the age of 32, I was called to the Imperial Japanese Navy and 
became a petty officer 2nd class. Most of my 100 colleagues were 
sent to the front. Only six persons, who were kept in the country, 
were able to survive. All those who died had families. I cannot 
think I was lucky. I still feel I have lived in return for the lives 
of 94 colleagues. 
 
There are always wars in the world. In Iraq, people die every day. 
The history of warfare only tells the deal toll such as 200,000 
persons as a result of the atomic bombing and 3 million people in 
the Pacific War. We should not forget that if one person dies, his 
family will collapse. We must not engage in warfare because 
individuals are killed in a war between a country and country. 
 
Standing at the platform of Hiroshima Station after being 
demobilized, I was surprised at the sight of the city. The beautiful 
city was burnt to the ground. From the station we can see a view of 
the Ninoshima Island. As a native of Hiroshima, I felt that I was 
exposed to radiation. As a film director, I first made the film 
titled "Atomic Bomb Child" (released in 1952). Since then, I have 
been persistent about the atomic bombing. 
 
I was impressed that U.S. President Barack Obama has acknowledged 
for the first time the U.S.' moral responsibility for the atomic 
bombing. I presume that speaking about nuclear disarmament does not 
gain popularity in the United States. I sense that the President has 
a firm determination to abolish nuclear weapons from the fact that 
he has pushed forward with negotiations with Russia on nuclear 
disarmament. I hope that he will watch my film if possible. 
 
The atomic bombing for which citizens became guinea pigs is a human 
rights violation without fail. A U.S. president signed the final 
order. If Mr. Obama comes to Hiroshima, Hiroshima should ask him 
what he thinks about the historic fact that the United States 
dropped an atomic bomb for the first time in the world. How he will 
answer the question would have great meaning when we predict the 
future of nuclear weapons. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001786  006 OF 008 
 
 
Kaneto Shindo: Born in Hiroshima Prefecture; age 97; entered the 
film industry in 1934; made 48 films. 
 
(5) Former Enola Gay crewmember opposes offering an apology, a 
reversal of the anti-nuclear trend 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
August 3, 2009 
 
Takayasu Ogura, Las Vegas 
 
As was indicated in an interview with the Mainichi Shimbun by Morris 
Jepson, a crewmember of the Enola Gay, there are still many American 
people who think the atomic bombing (of Japan) was necessary to end 
the war quickly. At the same time, as seen in the reference to 
America's "moral responsibility" for the first time by President 
Barack Obama as the U.S. leader, it is a fact that momentum is 
building toward questioning the use of nuclear weapons. Jepson's 
remarks can be taken to show a sense of alarm toward such a move 
held by persons directly involved in the matter. 
 
To those directly involved in the atomic bombing of Japan, President 
Obama's remarks in Prague referring to America's moral 
responsibility must have been something that could not be 
overlooked. Jepson repeatedly criticized this part in a strong tone. 
To a question asking what if the U.S. President visits a bombed area 
in the future, Jepson replied, "If he offered an apology, we would 
be angry." 
 
The view is still prevalent in the United States that the country 
used atomic bombs against Japan to bring an early end to the war. 
President Obama went one step further to (mention America's moral 
responsibility) as the U.S. leader. 
 
Since the Soviet Union developed nuclear weapons, nuclear weapons 
continued to spread in the post-WWII era. Under the Nuclear 
Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), only the United States, Britain, 
France, Russia, and China are allowed to possess nuclear weapons. 
Despite that, India, Pakistan, and North Korea have declared the 
possession of nuclear weapons, and Israel is also believed to have 
nuclear weapons. 
 
With the danger of nuclear weapons falling in the hands of 
terrorists being mentioned, the view that nuclear development will 
not contribute to global peace in any way is emerging in the United 
States as well. A sense of alarm held by Jepson and others can said 
to be a reversal of such an anti-nuclear trend of the world. 
 
(6) Pre-election poll on public trends 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
August 4, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage. Figures in parentheses denote the 
results of the last survey conducted July 25-26.) 
 
Q: To what extent are you interested in the forthcoming general 
election for the House of Representatives? 
 
Very interested 46.2 (46.8) 
Somewhat interested 39.0 (37.7) 
 
TOKYO 00001786  007 OF 008 
 
 
Not very interested 10.6 (12.8) 
Not interested at all 4.1 (2.5) 
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 0.1 (0.2) 
 
Q: Which political party's candidate are you going to vote for in 
your single-seat constituency in the general election? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 16.9 (16.1) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 33.9 (31.7) 
New Komeito (NK) 1.8 (3.7) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.0 (3.8) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 0.9 (1.1) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.7 (0.5) 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- (---) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) --- (---) 
Other political parties, groups 0.1 (---) 
Independent candidate 0.9 (0.5) 
None 3.5 (2.5) 
Undecided 38.0 (38.8) 
D/K+N/A 1.3 (1.3) 
 
Q: Which political party are you going to vote for in your 
proportional representation bloc? 
 
LDP 16.7 (15.6) 
DPJ 34.4 (30.7) 
NK 2.9 (4.9) 
JCP 2.4 (5.0) 
SDP 1.4 (1.1) 
PNP 1.1 (0.9) 
RC --- (---) 
NPN 0.1 (0.1) 
Other political parties, groups 0.1 (0.1) 
None 1.7 (2.6) 
Undecided 37.6 (37.4) 
D/K+N/A 1.6 (1.6) 
 
Q: What do you weigh the most when you vote in the general 
election? 
 
Social security, such as pension and healthcare 37.7 (40.2) 
Economy, job security 30.1 (29.9) 
Taxation, such as consumption tax 9.5 (8.5) 
Decentralization, administrative reform 6.9 (7.5) 
Constitutional reform 1.3 (2.4) 
Foreign relations, national security 1.7 (3.1) 
Politics and money 5.7 (4.2) 
Political heredity 1.2 (1.0) 
Other answers 2.2 (1.0) 
D/K+N/A 3.2 (2.2) 
 
Q: Are you going to vote in the forthcoming election? 
 
Yes for sure (including early voting) 76.1 (73.1) 
Yes if possible 21.6 (22.4) 
No 2.0 (3.2) 
D/K+N/A 0.3 (1.3) 
 
Q: What form of government would you like to see after the next 
general election? 
 
LDP-led coalition government 18.2 (18.6) 
 
TOKYO 00001786  008 OF 008 
 
 
DPJ-led coalition government 39.7 (38.6) 
LDP-DPJ grand coalition 15.0 (11.6) 
New framework through political realignment 15.4 (19.4) 
D/K+N/A 11.7 (11.8) 
 
Q: When comparing Prime Minister Taro Aso and DPJ President Yukio 
Hatoyama, who do you think is more appropriate for prime minister? 
 
Taro Aso 19.7 (22.8) 
Yukio Hatoyama 46.6 (48.5) 
D/K+N/A 33.7 (28.7) 
 
Q: Is there a political party you usually support? 
 
Yes 31.7 (33.8) 
No 67.1 (65.1) 
D/K+N/A 1.2 (1.1) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the foregoing question) 
Then, which political party do you support? 
 
LDP 52.6 (42.5) 
DPJ 31.2 (32.4) 
NK 5.8 (11.0) 
JCP 4.5 (10.0) 
SDP 2.9 (1.8) 
PNP 0.7 (0.5) 
RC --- (---) 
NPN --- (---) 
Other political parties, groups 0.2 (---) 
D/K+N/A 2.1 (1.8) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the foregoing question) If 
you were to support a political party, which political party would 
you like to choose? 
 
LDP 17.1 (17.4) 
DPJ 40.6 (37.0) 
NK 2.5 (1.8) 
JCP 1.8 (2.8) 
SDP 0.6 (1.8) 
PNP 0.4 (1.7) 
RC --- (0.1) 
NPN --- (0.3) 
Other political parties, groups --- (---) 
Still none 35.1 (35.3) 
D/K+N/A 1.9 (1.8) 
 
Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? 
 
Yes 19.9 (18.4) 
No 67.6 (71.4) 
D/K+N/A 12.5 (10.2) 
 
Polling methodology: This survey was conducted across the nation on 
Aug. 1-2 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit 
dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers, 
those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters 
totaled 1,774. Answers were obtained from 1,242 persons. 
 
ZUMWALT