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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 TEGUCIGALPA 000802 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR WHA 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL HO
SUBJECT: TFH01: MEDIA REACTION HONDURAN POLITICAL CRISIS 8-21-09 
 
"Dialogue is the best instrument." 
 
¶1. (U) Editorial in the Tegucigalpa-based conservative paper El 
Heraldo (8-21-09): "Time passes and there does not seem to be a way 
out of the political crisis.  The isolation from the regime 
continues and with the suspension of some funds for key projects 
such as the Dry Channel; this last case is very symptomatic, 
considering that the Central American Back took this decision, 
precisely at the initiative of the Honduran representation, 
supported by the Zelaya government.  The daily manifestations from 
those who reject the events on June 28, which now includes even 
vehicle caravans, and their vandalism, and the abuse of force from 
police; the terrorist attacks, the restriction of and the campaigns 
against media, and some calls for violence, are also negative 
elements that threaten social peace and even personal security, as 
well as overshadow the present and the future of Honduras.  This 
week, however, the environment is quieter.  Of course, the presence 
of the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights (CIDH) seems to 
have calmed the turbulent waters: the protests have been peaceful, 
and teachers have gone back to classes.  In the case of the 
teachers, the popular pressure has been intense; the parents have 
left their passive side behind and are now active to demand the 
fulfillment of the teachers' functions.  A delegation from the 
current regime has traveled to Washington to talk not only to OAS 
but to the Department of State as well.  The situation in the 
country will become totally normal if space for dialogue is given 
that allows Honduras to recuperate the international trust as a 
country who lives in democracy and in absolute respect for law.  The 
two sides in conflict must recognize their mistakes and act thinking 
more about Honduras, in its people, in democracy than in their own 
interests or conveniences; they must put to one side their 
selfishness, their psychological complexes, their pride and vanity 
so that this suffering country soon can reinitiate its path toward a 
more prosperous future, more democratic, more equal, more unified 
and more fair." 
 
"The top-ten bad things about diplomatic hypocrisy." 
 
¶2. (U) Op-ed by Elisa Elias in El Heraldo (8-21-09): " In the 
Honduran political crisis that started with the events on June 28, 
there has risen truly amazing and exemplary  demonstrations in 
hypocrisy from many latitudes of the world diplomatic specter, from 
which we can highlight ten: 1) Condemnation with extreme severity a 
fact that has its own origin and which organizations and the 
international community never wanted to know about; meanwhile in 
other countries there have been continued violations to democracy 
and with the minimal denunciation.  2) That in front of the entire 
world there have been true coup d'tats to democracy, as the 
well-known attacks to mayors, media and education of a country, 
under silent protection of the community and international 
organizations, as if expecting some kind of self-defense reaction 
from those so afterwards they can signal them with all the weight of 
condemnation because of rebellion.  3) That apparently de facto 
governments and historical anti-democratic practices are condemning 
and even intervening in what they consider a de facto government; 
paraphrasing, they are seeing the straw in someone else's eye 
without seeing their own beam.  4) That the entire community voted 
unanimously on the incorporation of a country that does not 
practices democratic principles, something antithetical, because 
they don't even practice free elections nor freedom of speech; and 
in the same way unanimously expel one of its traditional members 
because of a clearly internal problem that deserved a better 
consideration.  5) To condemn the diplomatic and economic blockages 
as inhumane and troglodyte; but without the least investigation they 
rush to block and consequently cause the imminent damage to one of 
its minor brothers.  6) That a true pure-bred coup-maker, who tried 
a bloody but frustrated coup d'tat in his country, condemn selfish 
and energetically with the same terms that categorize him perfectly. 
 7) That people talk about usurpation and coup d'tat when not even 
the minimal modification of the Constitution has been done and the 
public powers remain untouched.  8) That the forces of pressure try 
the restitution issue as the solution for the people's well-being; 
when not even by curiosity or dignity do they try to take a look or 
be interested in the true will of the majority of people.  9) That 
the expelled protagonist in unison with his colleagues, run like 
children in search for support and intercession in their favor from 
the one they considered, conceptually and by doctrine, as their 
imperialistic enemy.  10) And the award goes to the fact that the 
person and the international organization which a few weeks before 
 
TEGUCIGALP 00000802  002 OF 002 
 
 
the presidential succession was besieged with insults by the group 
of democratic totalitarians suddenly became qualified to be part of 
main flank of attack in their plan to fight and reestablish their 
territorial interests." 
 
"Russian roulette." 
 
¶3. (U) Editorial in the San Pedro Sula-based liberal paper Tiempo 
(8-21-09): "As happens in all negotiations, you start with the 
easiest to clear the path towards the solution of the difficult, and 
it seems that this is what is happening with the extra-official 
conversations done in Washington on the San Jose Agreement to 
reestablish in Honduras the constitutional and institutional order. 
The de facto Presidential Minister, Rafael Pineda Ponce, has given 
declarations in this sense, with rotund emphasis to leave no doubt 
about the de facto government's determination to not cede in its 
dictatorship position, and , total rejection of the peaceful 
solution to the political crisis.  According to his declaration, 
even though 85 percent of the San Jose Agreement has reached 
consensus, he (Ponce) says that the remaining 15 percent is on 
Zelaya's restitution, and that cannot be allowed.  He said that the 
return of Zelaya with no conditions is not negotiable.  According to 
the OAS and UN resolution, the restoration of the constitutional 
order demands, (without question), the devolution of the Executive 
branch to its legitimate owner, elected freely in general elections, 
or at least, that  the conflict  be solved through the constitution. 
  What is impossible, with or without the '15 percent,' is to redo 
the constitutional order with an electoral process developed and 
done in a de facto situation, supposedly guaranteed by military 
force and the allies that perpetrated the coup.  But this kind of 
reasoning is unlikely for those who want to maintain the de facto 
regime that bet on the electoral solution in a fragile and 
illegitimate platform, which, would not count with the popular 
participation or secure international recognition.  It is like 
playing the Russian roulette.  It seems that the de facto regime is 
not recognizing, on purpose, the importance of political parties as 
legitimate intermediaries among the citizenry and the public power, 
because it is clear that the nature of a de facto regime is, by 
definition, dictatorial and leaves political institutions adrift; 
and the basic interests of the de facto regime are from the ones who 
created the situation for their own benefit.  We could refer to the 
coup businessmen, military, religious leaders and the supporting 
politicians.  This mentality leads to the destruction of existing 
political parties, mainly the traditional, and this is a phenomenon 
that is near in the Honduran horizon, that will become more evident 
if, as we have signaled and seen from abroad, does not achieve the 
constitutional restoration in the short-term, before it might be too 
late."