VZCZCXRO7048
PP RUEHAG RUEHDF RUEHIK RUEHLZ RUEHROV RUEHSL RUEHSR
DE RUEHMD #0836/01 2321109
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 201109Z AUG 09
FM AMEMBASSY MADRID
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 1114
INFO RUCNMEM/EU MEMBER STATES COLLECTIVE
RUEHLA/AMCONSUL BARCELONA 4093

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 05 MADRID 000836 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT FOR EUR/WE 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: KDEM PGOV PREL SP
SUBJECT: SPAIN'S CONTROVERSY OVER OFFICIAL LANGUAGES 
 
REFLECTS STRAIN ON FEDERAL STRUCTURES 
 
REF: 2008 MADRID 865 
 
MADRID 00000836  001.2 OF 005 
 
 
¶1.  (SBU)  SUMMARY. The use of Castilian and other official 
Spanish languages has been a long-standing divisive political 
issue in several areas of Spain. In regions where Catalan, 
Galego, or Euskera are spoken, local legislation has further 
politicized the issue. Those Spanish citizens who believe 
their autonomous communities should designate regional 
languages with priority use watched closely the March 2009 
European Parliament vote on a non-binding report calling for 
parents to retain the right to choose the language in which 
their child is educated, and continue to press for regional 
language primacy. The issue of language politics in Spain is 
not likely to diminish in importance in the near future. It 
is an attractive political tool used to garner votes for 
minority parties, leading to prolonged squabbles over 
regionalism that reduce efficiency within the Spanish 
political system. Most Spaniards also believe that divergent 
language policies have also led to economic and social 
disparities between different regions.   END SUMMARY. 
 
¶2. (U)   Reftel describes language policy as a continual 
rallying point for Spain's regional nationalists, at least in 
the media.  As of July 2008, more than 130,000 Spaniards had 
signed the so-called "Manifesto for a Common Language" 
launched in June by philosopher and writer Fernando Savater 
(a founder of the new Union, Progress, and Democracy party 
that won a congressional seat in its first election in 2008) 
and supported by around 20 other Spanish intellectuals. The 
manifesto, also signed by a number of leading opposition 
Partido Popular (PP) politicians as well as some 
semi-prominent Socialist supporters, is a reaction to Basque 
and especially Catalan efforts to prioritize the use of their 
co-official languages in education and public services, which 
manifesto promoters assert discriminates against 
Spanish-speakers in those regions.  Since the 2008 launch at 
the Madrid Athenaeum, the project has moved to a Facebook 
users group with over three thousand current members. 
 
¶3. (U)  Basque and Catalan natives, as well as some 
non-natives of the regions, regarded the Manifesto as a 
political attack against their languages and national 
identity, arguing that Catalan or Euskera (the Basque 
language) face a far greater threat and that their regions 
allow both co-official language speakers and Spanish speakers 
to live and work there with ease. However, the Manifesto's 
complaints are hardly without merit which is probably why it 
attracted some prominent signatories such as major tourism 
sector company Grupo Marsans (which owns low-cost carrier 
Spanair as well as hotel and car rental chains), the five 
national police unions, and national soccer team goalkeeper 
Iker Casillas, a Spanish hero following his stellar 
performance during Spain's European soccer championship in 
June 2008. Education is the main issue for many Spaniards. 
The Basque Country has decreed that Euskera should be the 
principal language of teaching, while in Catalonia public 
schools are taught in Catalan with only a maximum of two 
hours of Spanish instruction per week as of 2009. Even in 
Galicia more than 700 citizens have made formal complaints to 
the Galicia Bilingual Association during the past year, 
alleging various forms of discrimination against Spanish 
speakers --  such as lower grades for school work done in 
Spanish or a refusal to provide Spanish versions of tax 
documents and graduation certificates for use in other 
regions. 
 
------------------------------------- 
REGIONAL LANGUAGE LEGALLY PROTECTED SINCE 1978 TRANSITION TO 
DEMOCRACY 
------------------------------------- 
 
4.(U)  The use of Castilian and other official Spanish 
languages has been a long-standing divisive political issue 
in several areas of Spain. In regions where Catalonian, 
Galego, or Euskera are spoken, recent local legislation has 
further politicized the issue. During the Franco regime, the 
use of any language other than Castilian was severely 
restricted by the Spanish central government. The transition 
to democracy in 1978 led to a new Constitution that 
recognized the right of the autonomous communities to also 
practice and institutionally protect their regional language, 
according to the Statute of Autonomy. Since the approval of 
the 1978 Constitution, regional parties have actively sought 
to expand the scope of regional languages in Basque Country, 
Galicia, and most importantly in Catalonia.  Article 3 of the 
1978 Constitution clearly states that Castilian is the 
official language of Spain, and the other Spanish languages 
will also be official in their respective Autonomous 
 
MADRID 00000836  002.2 OF 005 
 
 
Communities, according to their Statutes of Autonomy. Article 
148 further indicates that the promotion and teaching of 
regional culture and language shall be an issue where the 
autonomous community can take action. These provisions, along 
with the various regional charters opened the door to 
extensive regional legislation on language, including that of 
the Basque Country (10/1982 Act), Galicia (3/1983 Act), 
Valencia (1/1983 Act), Catalonia (1/1998 Act) and Navarre 
(18/1998 Act). 
 
------------------------------------------ 
SPANISH CONSTITUTIONAL COURT UPHOLDS CO-EXISTENCE OF TWO 
OFFICIAL LANGUAGES 
------------------------------------------ 
 
¶5. (U)   Autonomous Governments (i.e. Catalonia, Baleares, 
Basque Country) are implementing measures to promote the use 
of the co-official language only; initiatives that some 
consider discriminatory toward Castilian.  Consequently, many 
legal disputes have been reviewed by the Constitutional Court 
which, by its jurisprudence, has slowly established a 
framework for the coexistence of two official languages. The 
relevant Constitutional jurisprudence (more than 25 decrees) 
are the Sentences 82, 83 and 84 of 26 June 1986, passed in 
response to Bills submitted to the central government on the 
normalization of the Basque, Catalan, and Galician languages. 
According to these sentences, Castilian, as the official 
language of the country as a whole, cannot be cast as a rival 
to the regional languages and must also be respected and 
protected. 
 
--------------------------------------- 
AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES FLEX MUSCLE BY ATTEMPTING TO PLACE 
REGIONAL LANGUAGE IN PRIMARY ROLE 
--------------------------------------- 
 
¶6.  (SBU)  Language politics as a partisan issue is nothing 
new, as different parties in power have made numerous 
concessions to regional parties that were helping them form a 
coalition government. The 2006 New Statute of Autonomy for 
Catalonia led to a surge of political discussion on the issue 
of language politics in Spain. The collaboration of the 
Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol (PSOE) in achieving the New 
Statute of Autonomy for Catalonia also tainted this 
discussion with political partisanship. The Partido Popular 
(PP) actively criticizes PSOE regional policy and defends the 
"Manifesto for A Common Language."  The political parties 
also grapple with language politics in the National Congress. 
 The Senate is already spending over 6,000 Euros daily to 
interpret its sessions into Catalan and Euskera.  Spanish 
Congress President Jose Bono received a petition from a 
grouping of small, nationalist bloc parties in July 2009 that 
requests equal status for regional languages, alongside 
Castilian, in the Congress as well. 
 
¶7. (U)   The PP engaged the European Parliament to address 
language in education as a broad issue.  In turn, European 
Parliamentarians affiliated with the Spanish center-left and 
autonomous community political parties (CiU, PNV, ICV and 
PSOE) had accused the PP with taking to the EU arena what 
should be a domestic issue under the control of the 
autonomous communities. In March 2009, the European 
Parliament's Culture and Education Commission approved a 
non-binding report encouraging EU citizens to learn languages 
other than their own in order to derive full economic, social 
and cultural benefits from freedom of movement.  Since the 
European Parliamentarians removed report language that 
declared "essential" a parent's right to choose the language 
in which their children should be educated if a country has 
more than one official language, and also removed language 
warning against the mistake of promoting on language at the 
expense of another, the report subsequently has received less 
attention in Spain. 
 
------------------------------------------ 
PRACTICALLY SPEAKING - LANGUAGE AFFECTS ACCESS AND 
INTEGRATION IN SPANISH DEMOCRACY 
------------------------------------------ 
 
¶8.  (U)  Many Spaniards living in Catalonia, Basque Country 
or Galicia appreciate the freedom to use either Castilian or 
their regional language. Problems have arisen when citizens 
in these bilingual autonomous communities seek to enroll 
their children in schools that emphasize Castilian 
instruction. For example, in 2008, the Basque government 
approved a decree deleting from the educational program the 
option to receive all classes in Castilian with one subject 
in Euskera, a decree widely considered to be 
 
MADRID 00000836  003.2 OF 005 
 
 
unconstitutional.  The group Circulo Balear, which advocates 
for having Catalan and Castilian on equal footing in the 
Balearic Islands rather than accepting Catalonian linguistic 
dominance, recently voiced its indignation at there being 
reportedly not a single school in the Balearic Islands where 
Castilian is taught primarily. In 2008, members of the 
Guardia Civil in Catalonia protested that as functionaries of 
the Spanish national government, they should be able to 
enroll their children in a Castilian-first primary school, 
something all but impossible in Catalonia. There has also 
been great tension around the two hours of Castilian a week 
mandated by the Catalonian government, rather than the 
minimum three hours required by the Spanish national 
government. In April 2009, 30 doctors at the only hospital in 
Ibiza, Balearic Islands, announced their intention to leave 
the island after the autonomous community decreed physicians 
must pass an exam to prove they speak Catalan.  About 2,500 
people demonstrated in protest about the "Catalan language" 
requirement for doctors.  Between 2003 and 2005, the 
Catalonian government issued fines totaling 169,500 euros for 
violations of Catalan language requirements for public 
signage.  One businessperson fined 1,200 euros for having his 
commercial signage only in Castilian has threatened to take 
the case all the way to the European Court in Strasbourg. 
 
¶9.  (U)  The personal anecdotes of Spaniards not being 
allowed to use the language they want to use reveal how 
easily tensions can spark on language issues, and stories 
like these fill the pages of daily newspapers.  One high 
profile case featured a student with a university degree from 
Catalonia who tried to enroll in medical school in Andalucia, 
but could not complete his matriculation on time because the 
medical school would not accept his educational credentials 
in Catalan, and the Catalan authorities could not provide an 
official translated transcript by the medical school 
enrollment deadline. In Galicia, high school teachers who 
have taken a language course for fluency in Galego are 
usually granted more points in their application for a 
particular teaching position than those who have a Ph.D. in 
their field of study, but no certification of fluency in 
Galego.  Similarly, the Galego language skills of forest fire 
specialists are valued as highly as their specialized 
knowledge of forest fires.  Limited knowledge of Galego has 
also been a reason for not renewing contracts with certain 
university professors.  Most recently, the Bloque 
Nacionalista Galego, the leading nationalist party in the 
Galician Parliament, proposed a bill that would force all 
medical personnel to be able to offer services in Galego, 
reasoning that Galicians had a right to be treated in the 
language of their choice.  These are some examples of 
state-imposed restrictions that cause government-supported 
enterprises such as healthcare and education to lose out on 
special expertise in favor of increasing services in a 
regional language. 
 
----------------------------------- 
TRENDS IN REGIONAL LANGUAGE POLICY 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶10. (U)   Galicia: 
In 1981, the Xunta de Galicia (the regional government in the 
Autonomous Community of Galicia) created a Statute of 
Autonomy which, like its Basque and Catalonian counterparts, 
increased legislative autonomy for the region. Article 6 
names Galego an official language of Galicia, along with 
Castilian, and Article 27 allows the Galician government to 
promote and protect it within the framework of Article 149 of 
the Spanish Constitution. The Xunta has promoted and 
protected the use of Galego throughout Galicia. Most 
importantly, a 1983 'Ley de la Normalizacion Linguistica' 
officially equated Castilian and Galego and promoted further 
expansion and protection of Galego as the official language 
of Galicia. For example, it established Galego as the main 
language of instruction in all public schools, with a 
designated instructor at each school ensuring compliance with 
this requirement.  Since the PP won control of Galicia in the 
March 2009 regional elections, plans are underway to adjust 
language instruction.  Galicia President Alberto Nunez Feijoo 
is proposing a new model whereby one-third of instruction 
would be in Gallego, with two-thirds of instruction in 
Castilian or English, as preferred by the student's parents. 
The Galician Education Council is undertaking a survey and 
plans to launch the new model for the 2010-2011 school year. 
 
¶11. (U)   Basque Country: 
Similarly to Galicia, the Basque Statute of Autonomy from 
1979 indicates in Article 6 that Basque ('euskera') is an 
official language of the region and that it is to be 
 
MADRID 00000836  004.2 OF 005 
 
 
protected and promoted by the government of the Autonomous 
Community. This includes reaching out to native 'euskera' 
speakers in the autonomous community of Navarra, although 
Basque claims in Navarra are controversial. Article 5 also 
designates 'Euskaltzaindia' (Royal Academy of the Basque 
Language) as the official academic language regulatory 
institution that watches over Basque language. In 1982, the 
Basque government wrote a 'Ley de Normalizacion del Euskera' 
to raise the status of Euskera to a language of equal 
official weight as Castilian. Currently, well over 50% of 
Basque schoolchildren attend what are known as 'ikastolak' 
schools where all teaching is done in Basque.  Currently in 
the Basque Country, parents can choose between three options. 
  Model A is instruction in Castilian with Basque as an 
adjunct.  Model B is bilingual Basque and Castilian 
instruction, with math taught exclusively in Castilian. 
Model C is instruction in Basque with Castilian as an 
adjunct.  Since the PSOE took control of the Basque country 
in 2009, it is expected that they will try to maneuver a 
shift to a trilingual model in which Castilian, Euskera and 
English are available in all schools.  PSOE officials are 
aware that this transition will need to be gradual, with 
trial applications before bringing a proposal to the Basque 
legislature, and the support of the PP and PNV will be 
essential. 
 
¶12. (U)   Catalonia: 
The issue of language politics is most controversial in 
Catalonia, where the Catalonian Parliament approved in June 
2006 a new Statute of Autonomy, replacing the 1979 version 
and significantly increasing its degree of legislative and 
executive autonomy from the Spanish national government. 
Article 6 of this new Statute of Autonomy affirms that 
"Catalan is the language of normal and preferential use in 
public administration bodies and in the public media of 
Catalonia, and is also the language of normal use for 
teaching and learning in the education system." Articles 32 
and 33 guarantee that Catalonian citizens communicating with 
any public body in Catalonia may use either Castilian or 
Catalan. Article 35 affirms that "Catalan shall be used as 
the teaching and learning language for university and 
non-university education" and that although students may 
submit their examinations in either language, students 
arriving in later years to the educational system shall be 
taught Catalan intensively. Article 50 allows the Catalonian 
government to promote Catalan in other areas of Spain where 
Catalan is spoken, namely Valencia and the Balearic Islands. 
Essentially, it officially equates Castilian and Catalan and 
grants the regional government full autonomy to 
institutionalize Catalonian in all domains of public life.  A 
new Catalan Education decree was approved May 7, 2009, 
stipulating that Catalan will be the lingua franca of 
Catalonian schools, and parents who wish for their children 
to also learn Castilian must indicate so orally during their 
child,s registration.  Reportedly, educators in Catalonia 
have been focusing more on student immersion in Catalan, 
neglecting the GOS requirements for the teaching of 
Castilian. 
 
¶13.  (U)  Balearic Islands: 
In the nearby Balearic Islands, at least fifty percent of the 
course curriculum must be in Catalan language.  In May 2009, 
thousands of residents demonstrated in favor of linguistic 
freedom and defended their right to choose between Castilian 
and Catalan.   The demonstration was in response to the 
regional government's plan to end bilingual options in the 
public sector, as well as sports events, media and places of 
worship.  In April 2008, the regional government informed 
public servants that bilingual Castilian/Catalan signs were 
prohibited and signage must be in Catalan only.  In a widely 
publicized move, the government asked Air Berlin to address 
its passengers in Catalan as well as printing its 
informational material in Catalan. 
 
-------------- 
POLLING:  SPANIARDS WANT LANGUAGE STUDY TO EXPAND OPPORTUNITY 
FOR THEIR CHILDREN 
-------------- 
 
¶14.  (U) Due to regular reporting and opinion pieces in the 
domestic press, most Spaniards are very aware of the problems 
of regional language politics.  According to the daily 
right-of-center newspaper El Mundo, a recent poll found that 
although two-thirds of all Spaniards believe the current 
system of autonomous communities has been positive for 
Spanish society, 50 percent believe the current system has 
endangered the unity of Spain rather than protect it.  In 
addition, 50 percent believe the system has increased social 
 
MADRID 00000836  005.2 OF 005 
 
 
and economic inequalities between the autonomous communities, 
and 40 percent believe that the system makes regional 
nationalism more radical.  For most Spaniards, school 
enrollment and opportunity for their children is the primary 
issue.  Another poll by El Mundo determined that 50.7 percent 
of Spaniards would accept a job in a different community even 
if they had to learn a different language.  But 60.6 percent 
would not move to that region if they were forced to send 
their children to a non-Castilian school.  According to the 
poll, 87.4 percent think that people should be able to study 
Castilian everywhere in Spain. 
 
 
------------ 
COMMENT: 
----------- 
 
¶15.  (SBU)  The struggle between regionalism and centralism 
is the framework within which Spanish politics operates, 
revealing strains on the federalist aspects of the Spanish 
political system.  Given the vague wording in the 1978 
Constitution regarding which issues will be left to the 
autonomous communities and which issues will be left to the 
central government, wrangling over regional politics and 
language policy will continue.  Despite their differences, 
nationalist politicians from Spain's different regions and 
Spain's most pro-unity politicians live in a permanent 
symbiotic relationship, because the main parties on their own 
cannot hold a majority in the national legislature.  For 
example, the ruling Socialist party currently is seven votes 
short of a majority in Congress.  This forces the PSOE to 
engage in "horse-trading" to achieve their objectives and 
sometimes forces uncomfortable concessions to the minority 
parties.  The challenge for Spain's democracy is ensuring the 
cohesiveness of national structures through a common language 
while allowing adequate recognition of autonomous 
communities' languages. 
DUNCAN