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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 001744 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/30/09 
 
INDEX: 
(1) How best to protect people's livelihoods? Comparison of LDP and 
DPJ manifestos (Asahi) 
 
(2) Will Obama come to Hiroshima? Interview with Yohei Kono (Asahi) 
 
 
(3) SDF deployment on Yonaguni Island being considered; Government 
slow on border defense, should clarify stance on East China Sea 
(Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Diplomacy adrift, shadow cast on Japan-U.S. relations (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Editorial: New era in U.S.-China relations: Japan put to test on 
sending out its messages (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(6) 2009 election for House of Representatives (Part 2): Foreign, 
security policies should involve all parties (Yomiuri) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) How best to protect people's livelihoods? Comparison of LDP and 
DPJ manifestos 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
July 30, 2009 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Democratic Party of Japan 
(DPJ) both released their manifestos around July 29. Both parties 
have come up with policies covering broad-based areas, which they 
want to use to appeal to voters in the run-up to the general 
election. We have selected themes that are likely to be campaign 
issues. 
 
On major issue is which party can better point the way for emerging 
from the current economic crisis and for protecting the national 
livelihood. 
 
Employment measures 
 
The LDP cites its track record of implementing four economic 
stimulus packages over the past year. The manifesto indicates the 
party's stance of continuing to come up with bold stimulus packages, 
citing, "The party will engage in proactive public spending for the 
next three years." The party aims to secure 2 million jobs through 
seamless policy measures over the next three years, with the 
manifesto mentioning, "The party will realize annual economic growth 
of 2 PERCENT  by the remaining half of fiscal 2010." 
 
The DPJ also attaches importance to jobs. Employment opportunities 
are to be expanded through tax breaks for small- and medium-sized 
businesses and a revision to the Labor Law. Its manifesto advocates 
establishing a vocational training system including the provision of 
a monthly allowance of 100,000 yen, and raising the national average 
of the minimum wage to 1,000 yen. 
 
Agricultural policy 
 
Aside from education and child-rearing assistance measures, the LDP 
and the DPJ are also vying with each other over agricultural 
policies. The DPJ underscores that it will launch an income 
compensation system for farm households from fiscal 2011 that will 
 
TOKYO 00001744  002 OF 011 
 
 
cost 1 trillion yen. The LDP has also come up with a policy of 
supporting farm households, with one informed source stressing: "We 
have secured sufficient budgetary funds, including a second budget 
for this fiscal year. We want to improve its contents by continuing 
to secure necessary funds needed each year." 
 
Pension premium records 
 
Regarding the pension premium payment record issue, which became the 
bone of contention in the 2007 Upper House election, the LDP pledges 
to settle the issue by the end of next year, while the DPJ is set to 
intensively tackle the issue by characterizing its settlement as a 
national project. Both parties' manifestos incorporate a hike in the 
reimbursement of medical fees to hospitals under the medical 
insurance system, clarifying a stance of moving away from the 
Koizumi reform drive, under which social security spending was 
constrained. 
 
Central and local governments 
 
Concerning relations between the central and local governments amid 
prefectural governors throughout the nation increasing their 
identity, the DPJ pledges to switch from the current subsidy system 
to a lump sum money distribution system for the convenience of local 
governments, by reviewing the existing subsidy system. Its manifesto 
notes that it will revitalize local regions, by abolishing the 
provisional gas tax rate, etc., and making highways toll-free. 
 
In contrast, the LDP will scrap maintenance and management expenses 
for government-sponsored projects shouldered by local governments. 
It pledges to submit a new decentralization package bill designed to 
take a look at the distribution of subsidies, tax allocations and 
tax resources. However, the manifesto does not mention specifics. 
Regarding the doshu regional bloc system, the manifesto notes that 
it will adopt the new system by 2017, by enacting a basic law by 
¶2017. Regarding a request for the promotion of decentralization 
filed by the Association of Prefectural Governors, the issue that 
drew attention due to the LDP's attempt to field Miyazaki Governor 
Hideo Higashikokubaru, the party gives consideration noting that it 
will take it seriously and make efforts to materialize it. 
 
Security 
 
The DPJ's foreign relations and security pledges are noticeably 
vague, compared with proposals concerning domestic politics. The 
only new proposal is to sign a free trade agreement (FTA) with the 
U.S. The LDP aims to make the foreign relations and security areas a 
campaign issue. It is criticizing the DPJ, which opposed the 
anti-piracy bill, saying, "We cannot leave the security of Japan to 
a party that cannot consolidate the views of its party members. The 
LDP notes that it will take a second look at the government stance 
toward the right to collective self-defense. 
 
Political reform 
 
Political and administrative reforms are a main battle field in 
reform competition. The DPJ pledges to take a second look at special 
accounts and independent administrative agencies with the 
possibility of eliminating them. It will totally ban brokering 
amakudari golden parachute practices. It will also prohibit 
political funds donations by companies and organizations. Regarding 
restricting so-called hereditary candidates, the party will not 
 
TOKYO 00001744  003 OF 011 
 
 
allow spouses of incumbent lawmakers or their relatives within the 
third degree of relationship to run in the same constituencies. The 
manifesto notes that the number of lawmakers will be reduced by 80 
by the general election after next. 
 
The LDP proposes reducing the number of Lower House members by more 
than 10 percent starting from the general election after next. It 
will also cut the number of both Lower and Upper House members by 
more than 30 percent in ten years' time. Its manifesto also notes 
that so-called hereditary candidates will not be given endorsement 
or recommendations from the general election after next. However, 
the party has put on hold the political funds system issue, noting 
that it will reach a decision within a year. 
 
(2) Will Obama come to Hiroshima? Interview with Yohei Kono 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
July 30, 2009 
 
-- In his speech in Prague in April, U.S. President Barack Obama 
declared that his administration will aim for elimination of nuclear 
weapons. 
 
Kono: "It was a historic speech, wasn't it? He particularly touched 
on the United States' moral responsibility as the only nuclear power 
to have used nuclear weapons. I thought that part might have been 
based on the visit to Hiroshima (on Sept. 2, 2008) by U.S. House 
Speaker Nancy Pelosi. After all, she is a Democratic heavyweight." 
 
-- The G-8 Speakers' Summit held last September chaired by you was 
what brought  her there. 
 
Kono: "Ms. Pelosi seemed stunned and deeply moved when she got a 
firsthand look at the reality of Hiroshima. She said to me, 'It was 
an extremely impressive trip. Next time, I want to come back with my 
family.' It was regrettable though that the news of her trip was 
overshadowed by Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda's announcement to resign 
that occurred around that time." 
 
-- The next question is whether or not President Obama will visit 
Hiroshima. 
 
Kono: "If he comes to Hiroshima, there is a possibility that he will 
feel certain that what he said was not a mistake and that the 
direction toward nuclear disarmament is correct, so (his visit to 
Hiroshima) is very important. I assume that after his Prague speech, 
President Obama is feeling pressure from conservative forces in the 
country and that European nuclear states appear somewhat icy (toward 
President Obama), so I'm worried that he might become isolated. He 
might not be able to come to Hiroshima, and I do not want to see him 
stop over in Hiroshima on his way to or from somewhere, which would 
be a halfhearted measure. For now, I am just watching how things 
turn out." 
 
-- The Diet adopted a resolution on nuclear disarmament in late 
June. I am certain that Speaker Kono played a major role behind the 
scenes. 
 
Kono: "I am relieved and I am grateful for that. It would have been 
better if the Diet had adopted the resolution soon after the Obama 
speech. I wanted to see Japan lead the international community by 
clearly supporting the Obama speech and emphasizing its duty as the 
 
TOKYO 00001744  004 OF 011 
 
 
only country to have suffered an atomic attack. It was a bit 
regrettable that the contents were not very clear." 
 
-- Denuclearization has been your long-cherished dream. You also 
played an important role in having the United Nations adopt a 
resolution on the elimination of nuclear weapons. 
 
Kono: "It occurred 15 years ago soon after I became foreign minister 
under the then Murayama administration. The Japanese ambassador to 
the UN was halfhearted in deference to the United States, so I 
continued to encourage him not to give up. Since then, the United 
Nations has adopted the same resolution year after year, and there 
has been practically no progress in terms of contents. We must 
consider changing our strategy." 
 
-- North Korea is now aiming to become a nuclear state. 
 
Kono: "It is important to boost international opinion admonishing 
North Korea, but it seems impossible to change that country with 
pressure alone. North Korea will not be convinced unless nuclear 
powers begin reducing their nuclear arms first. What's more, the 
United States has condoned India's possession of nuclear arms, and 
that has ended up sending the wrong message to North Korea." 
 
"Japan must raise an objection to such an opportunistic approach. 
Needless to say, the abduction issue must be addressed earnestly, 
but Japan, which should spearhead the drive to eliminate nuclear 
weapons as the only country to have suffered an atomic attack, must 
play a greater role in the Six-Party Talks." 
 
-- By the way, a former administrative vice-foreign minister 
revealed that there was a secret pact between Japan and the United 
States allowing U.S. warships carrying nuclear weapons to call at 
ports in Okinawa. The document was reportedly destroyed. Didn't you 
know about it when you were serving as foreign minister? 
 
Kono: "No, I didn't hear anything about it. So honestly speaking, I 
don't know." 
 
-- Your eldest son, Taro Kono, who was chairman of the Foreign 
Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives up until the 
chamber was dissolved, pressed the Foreign Ministry to disclose the 
existence of the secret agreement. The Democratic Party of Japan, 
too, has indicated that it will have (the Foreign Ministry) disclose 
the secret deal if it takes the reins of government. 
 
Kono: "It is best not to have a secret pact. It is alright to 
examine the presence or absence of the pact, but in either case, 
(the pact) was reportedly inked a long time ago. There is a move to 
change the three non-nuclear principles by taking advantage of this 
occasion, which I don't like. The basic policies of Japan which 
cherishes peace must not be abandoned. The three principles banning 
weapons exports are a good example." 
 
-- You have been a constitutional protectionist. Have you changed 
your view at all on the Constitution, including Article 9? 
 
Kono: "Of course not. It is a very good Constitution." 
 
(Interview by Yoshibumi Wakamiya) 
 
(3) SDF deployment on Yonaguni Island being considered; Government 
 
TOKYO 00001744  005 OF 011 
 
 
slow on border defense, should clarify stance on East China Sea 
 
YOMIURI (Page 15) (Full) 
July 29, 2009 
 
Hidemichi Katsumata 
 
In response to a request from the local government, the Ministry of 
Defense has begun to consider stationing the Self-Defense Forces 
(SDF) on Japan's far western island of Yonaguni. In light of this, 
Japan needs to come up with a clear stance on its national borders. 
 
On July 8, soon after the Air SDF (ASDF) U-4 multi-purpose support 
aircraft with Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada onboard on his way to 
an inspection tour of Yonaguni island took off from Naha Airport at 
7:00 a.m., the ASDF radar on Miyako Island showed that a number of 
fighters took off from an air base in northern Taiwan. 
 
The airspace over Yonaguni is adjacent to the air defense 
identification zone (ADIZ) between Japan and Taiwan, which serves to 
prevent intrusions in territorial airspace. Therefore, the ASDF, 
judging that Taiwanese military aircraft might scramble to intercept 
the U-4 carrying the minister, sent two F-15 fighters from the Naha 
base in haste. These fighters overtook the minister's plane, flew 
around Yonaguni Island, and later returned to the base after making 
sure that the Taiwanese aircraft did not approach the minister's 
plane. 
 
A senior ASDF officer said: "This was probably an indication of 
their displeasure with the deployment of the SDF in Yonaguni. 
However, even if the minister's plane was scrambled, the government 
wouldn't be able to complain, since Taiwan's ADIZ is located above 
the island." 
 
The town of Yonaguni has petitioned the government on modifying the 
ADIZ many times in the past. The demarcation of the ADIZ was set for 
convenience during the period of American occupation. However, the 
government apparently has not taken any action regarding the 
abnormal situation of Taiwan's ADIZ intruding upon Japan's 
airspace. 
 
There are also other problems. 
 
On July 13, the day Maritime SDF Chief of Staff Keiji Akahoshi 
embarked on his first visit to China, the PRC moored a large 
floating crane at the Shirakaba (Chunxiao in Chinese) gas field near 
the median line between Japan and China in the East China Sea, which 
the two governments had agreed to develop jointly. The PRC also 
moved in various equipment, which could be seen as preparations to 
embark on unilateral development. 
 
This was an act that put a damper on the friendly visit, and the 
joint development plan has been shelved since last year's agreement. 
China does not recognize the median line and has been test drilling 
the gas fields repeatedly. Each time, the Japanese government has 
had to lodge a protest. 
 
The government is conspicuously slow in responding to problems 
relating to the "national border" in the East China Sea. China has 
been sneaking in its naval vessels in the gas field area at every 
opportunity. In late June, five vessels passed between Miyako and 
the main island of Okinawa, reaching the sea areas near Japan's 
 
TOKYO 00001744  006 OF 011 
 
 
southernmost island of Okinotorishima to conduct the Chinese navy's 
first exercises, which included zigzag navigation. China claims that 
Okinotorishima is "not Japanese territory but a piece of rock." 
 
Certainly the SDF has not been indifferent to this situation. Since 
the ASDF is allowed to station only one flying corps (around 20 
aircraft) of F-15 fighters at the Naha base, it has been moving F-2 
or F-15 units from bases on the mainland to this area for exercises 
on a daily basis to fill the gap in the vulnerable air defense of 
the Ryukyu Islands. 
 
In order to keep the Chinese navy under surveillance, the P-3C 
reconnaissance planes in Naha, with the help of ASDF units on the 
mainland, maintain round-the-clock monitoring. Although the SDF 
sends escorts from the main island of Okinawa to the sea areas near 
the Senkaku Islands, the Sakishima Islands, and the other remote 
islands, a senior MSDF officer notes that: "The Chinese navy has 
been very active. We do not have enough escorts for surveillance 
operations." 
 
The Ground SDF (GSDF) will increase the size of its First Mixed 
Brigade in Naha next March and upgrade this to a full brigade (with 
about 2,300 troops). Still, the fact remains that there are no GSDF 
troops stationed in the remote islands south of the main island of 
Okinawa. 
 
The ongoing study on deploying the SDF on Yonaguni Island needs to 
make a conclusion based on this sparse defense setup. Japan needs to 
come up with a clear stance on how it intends to defend its national 
border. There is certainly no need to feel constrained by the 
neighboring countries. 
 
This is an urgent task that the next government cannot afford to 
neglect, whether the Liberal Democratic Party or the Democratic 
Party of Japan ends up taking the reins of government. 
 
(4) Diplomacy adrift, shadow cast on Japan-U.S. relations 
 
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
July 25, 2009 
 
Itaru Oishi, Washington Bureau chief 
 
"I'm worried about the future of Japan-U.S. relations." So saying, 
former U.S. Commerce Secretary Mineta, a Japanese American of the 
second generation, sighed when I met him on July 13 when Prime 
Minister Taro Aso announced his intention to dissolve the House of 
Representatives. 
 
"Is that because the Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) is not 
pro-U.S.?" I asked. Mineta shook his head. "I don't know what they 
want to do," he said. 
 
Mineta experienced cabinet posts in the U.S. Democratic and 
Republican administrations, so a change of government, even if it 
happens in Japan, would not be surprising to him. "In the United 
States as well," Mineta said, "the ruling and opposition parties 
have changed places and policies in many cases like the Iraq war." 
The DPJ could find ways to coordinate its policy course if it is 
clear, Mineta said. 
 
The U.S. Navy is now beginning to make preparations in case the 
 
TOKYO 00001744  007 OF 011 
 
 
Maritime Self-Defense Force pulls out of its refueling mission in 
the Indian Ocean. In the fall of the year before last, the U.S. Navy 
already experienced operations without Japan. A U.S. military 
officer flatly said, "We would appreciate it if they're around, but 
we won't be in trouble even if they're not." 
 
The DPJ, now conscious of running the government after the general 
election, has modified its policy course, with an eye to such 
down-to-earth options as continuing the MSDF's fueling mission. 
However, the military officer looked dissatisfied, saying: "We're 
not happy if you come along reluctantly. Do you want to join or 
not?" 
 
Even so, Washington is not necessarily satisfied with the 
present-day Liberal Democratic Party. It has been more than a decade 
since Japan and the United States agreed to relocate Futenma 
airfield in Okinawa Prefecture. However, Futenma airfield has yet to 
be relocated. "Japanese do not live up to their word." With this, a 
former senior State Department official, who is familiar with how 
the Japanese and U.S. governments negotiated over Futenma 
relocation, voiced this somewhat emotional criticism of Japan. 
 
This former official went on: "They always talk about North Korea. 
But they shut up when it comes to specific issues, such as whether 
to allow us to bring nuclear weapons into Japan in the event of an 
emergency in the Korean Peninsula." Do nothing, decide nothing... 
This is the impression of Japan. 
 
In its postwar foreign policy, Japan could just follow Uncle Sam. A 
score of years has now passed since the Cold War ended. However, 
Japan's politicians and people are still not accustomed to think for 
themselves about where Japan should go. Japan remains unable to find 
the axis of its new diplomacy in the multipolarized world. 
 
Recently, a note was disseminated in U.S. political circles, 
reading: "We don't need Canada and Japan. We also don't need 
Europe's participation from each country." This note was rumored to 
have been drafted by a high-ranking official of the Obama 
administration. Did the note reflect President Obama's intention of 
seeking to streamline such concurrent international dialogues as the 
Group of Eight (G-8) and the Group of Twenty (G-20)? Foreign 
embassies made every effort to find out where the note came from. 
 
This year, the leaders of G-8 major nations met at L'quila in Italy. 
On that occasion, Obama chose China and South Africa for his summit 
meetings. Chinese President Hu Jintao urgently returned home, so 
Obama held a meeting with Brazil instead. Obama is apparently 
interested in newly emerging nations. 
 
"Now we are the Group of Two (G-2)." With this, former Assistant to 
the President (Zbigniew) Brezinski, a heavyweight of the U.S. 
Democratic Party, emphasized the need for the United States and 
China to take the initiative to establish a world order when he 
attended a ceremony held this January in commemoration of the 30th 
anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the 
United States and China. Beijing was wary of Washington's pace. 
However, the advocacy of a G-2 spread like a boom in the United 
States, which wanted to involve China in political and economic 
arenas. 
 
Within the DPJ, there are also some people distancing themselves 
from the United States and approaching Asia partly because of their 
 
TOKYO 00001744  008 OF 011 
 
 
rivalries with the LDP, which used to depend on the United States. 
However, it is unclear how the DPJ would engage China. It also looks 
like China is going ahead of Japan, which is apt to think of 
choosing either the United States or China. 
 
In order to cope with the threat of North Korea, South Korea, at 
this June's summit meeting with the United States, urged Obama to 
reaffirm the nuclear umbrella. Japan also agreed with Assistant 
Secretary of State Campbell during his visit to Japan this month to 
discuss the nuclear umbrella. 
 
However, Japan has a strong nuclear allergy. Tokyo therefore is 
reluctant to play a part in the U.S. military's nuclear strategy. 
For that, few people discuss how Japan, as an atomic-bombed nation, 
should be committed to Obama's advocacy of a "nuclear-free world." 
 
The White House is now seriously studying whether Obama should visit 
Hiroshima when he visits Japan in November. 
 
Obama's visit to Hiroshima, if it comes true, could put an end to 
relations between a country that won the war and a country that was 
defeated and could be a beginning of establishing a genuine 
alliance. On the other hand, it is also in danger of distorting 
relations since all eyes in Japan and abroad could only be riveted 
on the United States' responsibility as a wrongdoer that dropped the 
atomic bombs. 
 
Japan, in a U.S. government source's view, may not be able to decide 
to accept the Hiroshima visit for fear of its risk. The new 
government that will come into office after the general election 
would have to be determined to face realpolitik in the international 
arena. 
 
(5) Editorial: New era in U.S.-China relations: Japan put to test on 
sending out its messages 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) 
July 30, 2009 
 
The United States and China pledged to work together in tackling the 
financial crisis, climate change and such other global issues at 
their first "Strategic and Economic Dialogue." Rather than lamenting 
the possible weakening of Japan's presence, it will be better to 
send out Japan's messages on what it can do on these issues. 
 
There were so many aspects that were unusual about the two-day 
U.S.-China dialogue held in Washington from July 27, which would 
make it tempting to declare the advent of a G-2 era with these two 
countries playing leading roles. 
 
China sent a delegation with a record size of 150 members led by two 
vice premiers to Washington. The U.S. side was also represented by 
cabinet members in charge of foreign and economic policies. 
 
In the speeches at the opening of the dialogue, President Barack 
Obama, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, and Secretary of the 
Treasury Timothy Geithner all quoted ancient Chinese analects and 
sayings to emphasize the importance of the bilateral partnership. 
 
Certain Japanese media reports claimed that President Obama stated 
that, "The relationship between the United States and China will 
shape the 21st century," and that, "The U.S.-China relationship is 
 
TOKYO 00001744  009 OF 011 
 
 
most important." 
 
But actually, what he said was: "The relationship between the United 
States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as 
important as any bilateral relationship in the world." 
 
Such meticulous wording was made out of consideration of Japan and 
other allies and because the President has no illusion that the 
United States and China will agree on every issue. 
 
The joint statement issued after the dialogue gives a strong 
impression of an enumeration of issues the two sides will cooperate 
more closely on in the future, such as financial crisis, climate 
change, prevention of nuclear proliferation, and counterterrorism. 
 
While the two countries both extol the significance of the dialogue 
in superlative terms, actual progress in cooperation will probably 
be achieved only in the future. 
 
If these two countries which have a strong political, military, and 
economic presence in the world, clash, there will be no hope for the 
21st Century. In that sense, we welcome the start of the dialogue. 
 
However, we cannot help questioning the United States' apparent 
hesitation to express its longstanding concerns about China's 
military buildup and human rights issues. 
 
U.S. criticism has served as "external pressure" for restraining 
China's expansion of its military power and prompting improvement of 
the human rights situation. It should be noted that the reformists 
in China also count on such "pressure." 
 
There is concern that progress in U.S.-China relations will result 
in the weakening of Japan's presence. However, as President Obama 
said, the U.S.-China relationship involves working for common 
interest premised on different value systems and distrust. This is 
qualitatively dissimilar with the Japan-U.S. relationship. 
 
It is rather more important for Japan to send out messages on what 
it can do for such issues as financial crisis, climate change, and 
prevention of nuclear proliferation, in order to make it imperative 
for the U.S. and China to develop a relationship taking account of 
Japan's presence. 
 
Japan's role in the new era of U.S.-China relations should also be 
debated in the House of Representatives election. 
 
(6) 2009 election for House of Representatives (Part 2): Foreign, 
security policies should involve all parties 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Full) 
July 29, 2009 
 
Shinichi Kitaoka, professor at the University of Tokyo 
 
China is rising rapidly, and North Korea says it is now a "nuclear 
power." America is in economic straits. What is Japan going to do? 
The time has come for Japan to be tested. 
 
Bilateral security arrangements between Japan and the United States 
have been contingent on America's overwhelming power and Japan's 
economic power. It is of course important for Japan to strengthen 
 
TOKYO 00001744  010 OF 011 
 
 
its ties with the United States. However, Japan will now have to 
change its way of doing things in its relations with the United 
States. Japan used to put up resistance to America's requests and 
accept them partially. Japan should have a little more leeway to do 
things on its own. In addition, Japan should also study whether it 
will be really possible for Japan to continue its all-out dependence 
on America's deterrence in the future. 
 
Japan has become caught in its own trap. For example, Japan has its 
self-imposed three principles on weapons exports. Japan cannot take 
part in the international joint production of weapons. Japan 
therefore can only produce weapons or buy them from the United 
States. This is extremely expensive. It was fine when Japan could 
afford to do. But Japan can no longer do that. 
 
In addition, a principle, once created, tends to expand and stiffen 
in many cases. When it comes to Japan's tripartite arms embargo, 
some may even argue about whether it is considered "exporting" when 
Self-Defense Forces members to carry weapons with them when 
participating in United Nations peacekeeping operations. That is 
strange. 
 
In politics, although no policy measures can be thoroughgoing, the 
opposition parties criticize the government by asking if its policy 
measures are thoroughgoing, and the government answers that its 
policy measures are thoroughgoing. That is an unwholesome argument. 
The ruling and opposition parties should come up with their 
respective plans and discuss which can better serve Japan for its 
national security. They have largely failed to do so. The Liberal 
Democratic Party and the opposition parties and the media are to 
blame for this. 
 
When it comes to foreign and security policies, there are probably 
many people who feel the LDP is so-so and somewhat reliable, but 
feel uneasy about the Democratic Party of Japan. Indeed, the LDP 
appears to be better. However, the LDP is lacking in actual results, 
considering the fact that it has held the reins of government for 
many years. The LDP has not shown a grand design for the future. 
 
Diplomacy is a kind of game that cannot be played with a single 
player. It is a common rule that the opposition parties must 
maintain the continuity of policies if they take the reins of 
government. The DPJ has also come up with even more down-to-earth 
proposals. DPJ President Hatoyama referred to the possibility of 
reviewing the government's three nonnuclear principles, which even 
the LDP has not discussed. I think that was an intrepid statement 
that faced reality. The DPJ has also accepted the Self-Defense 
Forces' antipiracy mission, and it looks like the DPJ will not call 
off the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling activities in the 
Indian Ocean right away. 
 
Generally speaking, it would be better to avoid making an imprudent 
campaign pledge that would change Japan's foreign relations. To 
begin with, I want the DPJ to carefully nail down Japan's relations 
with other countries in the world. 
 
Hatoyama has advocated his notion of "fraternal diplomacy," which I 
hope means to make proactive contributions to world peace and 
approve the SDF's moderate use of weapons. 
 
Foreign and security policies should basically be suprapartisan 
issues. They must not be political issues. They should not say 
 
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"we're against that because the LDP did it" or "it's outrageous for 
the DPJ to have changed its standpoint." Nothing is more important 
than the security of the people. 
 
Japan is now in a crisis, not only in terms of its economy but also 
its national security. The LDP and the DPJ have the most similar 
policies (of all the parties). I don't think it would be bad idea 
for the two parties to form a grand coalition. 
 
ZUMWALT