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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 001649 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/21/09-2 
 
INDEX: 
(20) Japan-U.S. administrative-level meeting agrees to hold regular 
talks on nuclear umbrella with eye on North Korea situation (Nikkei) 
 
 
(21) Foreign Minister Nakasone criticizes DPJ leader Hatoyama's 
assertion to relocate Futenma base out of Okinawa (Nikkei) 
 
(22) Poll: 76 PERCENT  weigh hopes over actual results in voting; 59 
PERCENT  to vote for another party next time if dissatisfied (Asahi) 
 
 
(23) Poll: Aso cabinet, political parties (Asahi)  3 
(24) DPJ's three principles for eliminating bureaucratic influence 
(Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(25) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policy line, not insisting on 
withdrawing MSDF from Indian Ocean immediately (Sankei) 
 
(26) DPJ opposed anti-piracy law but surreptitiously hinted at 
enactment to Seamen's Union (Mainichi) 
 
(27) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policies, thinking hard about revenue 
sources, departure from Ozawa line in progress (Asahi) 
 
(28) U.S. assistant secretary of state mulls new document on 50th 
anniversary of Japan-U.S. security treaty (Yomiuri) 
 
(29) Security policy based on lies (Sankei) 
 
(30) Secret agreement related to reversion of Okinawa: New 
historical documents found in South Korea (Asahi) 
 
(31) ISS Japan's experiment module to be completed today, but 
post-Kibo strategy nowhere in sight (Yomiuri) 
 
(32) Ghana, a country that is important for Japan (Foresight) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(20) Japan-U.S. administrative-level meeting agrees to hold regular 
talks on nuclear umbrella with eye on North Korea situation 
 
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
Evening, July 18, 2009 
 
The Japanese and U.S. government held a meeting of their director 
general-level foreign and defense officials of the Security 
Subcommittee (SSC) at the Foreign Ministry on the morning of July 
¶18. The two sides reached an agreement to establish a working group 
to discuss matters regularly to strengthen the nuclear deterrence, 
including the U.S. nuclear umbrella over Japan. They also confirmed 
a policy course to urge North Korea to return to the Six-Party 
Talks, stressing that they cannot condone the DPRK's  nuclear and 
missile development programs. 
 
The SSC was attended from the Japan side by Foreign Ministry North 
American Affairs Bureau Director-General Kazuyoshi Umemoto and 
Defense Ministry Defense Policy Bureau Director-General Nobushige 
Takamizawa and by Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell and 
Assistant Secretary of Defense Wallace Gregson from the U.S. side. 
It was the first time for high-level foreign and defense officials 
 
TOKYO 00001649  002 OF 015 
 
 
of the two country to meet since the Obama administration was 
launched. 
 
After the talks, Umemoto said, "The four officials will meet at 
every opportunity to work out various concrete efforts." Takamizawa 
indicated that the two countries will closely discuss matters, 
saying, "Talks will be institutionalized." 
 
Establishment of the working group to discuss the deterrence is 
aimed at countering North Korea's nuclear development and China's 
rapid military buildup. After the meeting, Campbell said, "The 
working group will become a venue to confirm that the deterrence is 
solid." 
 
With the year 2010 marking the 50th anniversary of the revised 
U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, the two countries also agreed to 
reexamine the modalities of the Japan-U.S. alliance to make certain 
that it can meet changes in the regional security situation. In the 
talks, the two countries confirmed a policy direction to proceed 
with the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan steadily based on an 
agreement reached between Tokyo and Washington. On the North Korea 
situation, they agreed for Japan, the United States, and South Korea 
to work closely for the resumption of the Six-Party Talks and to 
expedite efforts by holding five-party talks excluding the DPRK. 
 
(21) Foreign Minister Nakasone criticizes DPJ leader Hatoyama's 
assertion to relocate Futenma base out of Okinawa 
 
NIKKEI ONLINE 
13:44, July 21, 2009 
 
Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone, at a press conference after the 
cabinet meeting on July 21, criticized Democratic Party of Japan 
(DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama's assertion that the U.S. Marine 
Corps' Air Station Futenma should be relocated outside Okinawa 
Prefecture. Nakasone said: 
 
"He has said the base should be moved out of Okinawa, but he does 
not say to where. That is playing foul. He probably is making such a 
remark for the sake of the election. Does he want to relocate the 
base to Hokkaido or someplace?  Unless he spells out exactly what he 
means, it is incomprehensible." 
 
(22) Poll: 76 PERCENT  weigh hopes over actual results in voting; 59 
PERCENT  to vote for another party next time if dissatisfied 
 
ASAHI (Page 1) (Abridged) 
July 19, 2009 
 
The Asahi Shimbun conducted a public opinion survey through mail to 
probe public attitudes concerning what to factor in when choosing a 
political party to vote for in the forthcoming election for the 
House of Representatives. In the survey, respondents were asked to 
choose between "actual results in the past" and "hopes in the 
future." In response to this question, "hopes" overwhelmed "actual 
results," with 76 PERCENT  saying they would attach importance to 
"hopes" and 20 PERCENT  saying they would consider "actual results" 
first. In the survey, respondents were also asked what to do if a 
political party they voted for comes into office and they find it 
falling short of expectations in its actual results. To this 
question, 59 PERCENT  answered that they would vote for another 
political party in the next election, with 24 PERCENT  saying they 
 
TOKYO 00001649  003 OF 015 
 
 
would vote for the same party. 
 
In the survey, respondents were asked about their voting behavior in 
past national elections. To this question, 79 PERCENT  answered that 
they used to vote for "almost the same political party." When it 
comes to what to do in future national elections, however, the 
proportion of those thinking of voting for "almost the same 
political party" was down to 55 PERCENT . Those thinking of voting 
for a different party in each national election accounted for 37 
PERCENT . Even among those who used to vote for almost the same 
party, about 30 PERCENT  are expecting to vote for a different 
party. This indicates that the voting population will likely become 
fluid to easily change the party to vote for, depending on their 
expectations for political parties and their ratings for the actual 
results of political parties. 
 
In the survey, respondents were also asked what they thought would 
be the most important factor for them to choose a political party to 
vote for. Among five factors given, "expectations in the future" 
accounted for 47 PERCENT , topping all other answers. Among other 
answers, "campaign pledges" accounted for 19 PERCENT , "candidates" 
at 16 PERCENT , "political parties' actual results in the past" at 
12 PERCENT , and "party heads" at 3 PERCENT . The figures show that 
people will put together such factors as political parties' campaign 
pledges and their heads rather than to factor in these specific 
elements. 
 
Respondents were further asked if they would think about a change of 
government when choosing a political party to vote for. To this 
question, "very much" accounted for 34 PERCENT . Among those who 
gave this answer, 66 PERCENT  picked the leading opposition 
Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) for proportional 
representation, with 21 PERCENT  choosing the ruling Liberal 
Democratic Party. 
 
When asked to what extent the LDP and the DPJ are competent to run 
the government, a total of 44 PERCENT  answered that the LDP is 
"very" or "somewhat" competent. For the DPJ, "very" and "somewhat" 
totaled 59 PERCENT . 
 
The survey was conducted from mid-June through mid-July, with a 
total of 3,000 persons chosen across the nation. The retrieval rate 
was 74 PERCENT . 
 
(23) Poll: Aso cabinet, political parties 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) 
July 20, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Figures in parentheses 
denote the results of the last survey conducted July 4-5.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? 
 
Yes 17 (20) 
No 69 (68) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 20 (24) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 31 (25) 
 
TOKYO 00001649  004 OF 015 
 
 
New Komeito (NK) 3 (3) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (2) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 (0) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) 
Other political parties 0 (0) 
None 35 (39) 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 8 (6) 
 
Q: There will be a general election before long for the House of 
Representatives. To what extent are you interested in the 
forthcoming general election? (One choice only) 
 
Very interested 43 (38) 
Somewhat interested 38 (36) 
Not very interested 13 (20) 
Not interested at all 5 (6) 
 
Q: If you were to vote now in a general election for the House of 
Representatives, which political party would you vote for in your 
proportional representation bloc? 
 
LDP 19 (22) 
DPJ 42 (37) 
NK 4 (4) 
JCP 4 (4) 
SDP 1 (1) 
PNP 1 (0) 
RC 0 (0) 
NPN 0 (0) 
Other political parties 1 (1) 
N/A+D/K 28 (31) 
 
Q: Which political party's candidate would you like to vote for in 
your single-seat constituency? 
 
LDP 20 (22) 
DPJ 37 (32) 
NK 3 (2) 
JCP 2 (2) 
SDP 1 (1) 
PNP 0 (0) 
RC 0 (0) 
NPN 0 (0) 
Other political parties 0 (0) 
Independent candidate 0 (2) 
N/A+D/K 37 (39) 
 
Q: Would you like the current LDP-led coalition government to 
continue, or would you otherwise like it to be replaced with a 
DPJ-led coalition government? 
 
LDP-led coalition 22 (24) 
DPJ-led coalition 49 (47) 
 
Q: Who do you think is more appropriate for prime minister, Prime 
Minister Aso or DPJ President Hatoyama? 
 
Mr. Aso 21 (22) 
Mr. Hatoyama 42 (42) 
 
 
TOKYO 00001649  005 OF 015 
 
 
Q: Prime Minister Aso has now clarified his intention to dissolve 
the House of Representatives. Against this, some lawmakers critical 
of Mr. Aso in the LDP called for a party presidential election. 
What's your impression of the LDP? 
 
Improved 3 
Worsened 50 
Unchanged 43 
 
 
Q: When choosing a political party or a candidate to vote for in the 
forthcoming election for the House of Representatives, are you going 
to factor in the recently exposed political fund scandal of DPJ 
President Hatoyama's fund-raising body? 
 
Yes 26 
No 62 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted July 18-19 over the 
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. 
Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on 
a three-stage random-sampling basis. Households with one or more 
eligible voters totaled 1,824. Valid answers were obtained from 
1,064 persons (58 PERCENT ). 
 
(24) DPJ's three principles for eliminating bureaucratic influence 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Top play) (Full) 
July 19, 2009 
 
With an eye on a change in government in the upcoming House of 
Representatives election, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has 
compiled three principles for running its administration. In order 
to create a politically-led policy-making system, abandoning the 
existing bureaucracy-led policy-making system, the DPJ will include 
these three principles: (1) the governing party takes responsibility 
for politics, (2) the cabinet alone is responsible for making 
policies, and (3) priority is to be given to national interests that 
would be formulated under the Prime Minister's Official Residence's 
(Kantei) leadership. The principles will be included in a manifesto 
(campaign pledges) for the Lower House election, which the party 
will announce late this month. 
 
In order to clarify the ruling party's responsibility, the DPJ 
intends to review first the current cabinet meeting and 
administrative vice ministers' meeting systems. At present, all 
policies are decided at meetings of the administrative vice 
ministers, and then the prime minister and cabinet members confirm 
them at their meetings. Therefore, the DPJ plans to make cabinet 
meetings a venue for policy-making. 
 
With regard to the name of the party that runs an administration, 
the DPJ would call it 
"administrative party" (seikento), instead of the current "ruling 
party" (yoto). In order to give the cabinet alone the authority to 
make policies, the DPJ would have the government and ruling parties 
review the present policy-making system. The party also intends to 
add the post of ministerial assistants to the three present 
parliamentary posts of cabinet ministers, senior vice ministers, and 
parliamentary secretaries; and it would post more than 100 
politicians in government offices so that politicians would take the 
initiative in policy-making. 
 
TOKYO 00001649  006 OF 015 
 
 
 
In order to give the Kantei the initiative in formulating national 
strategy, the LDP stipulates in its manifesto that it would set up a 
national strategy bureau under the immediate control of prime 
minister and recruit talented personnel from the private and public 
sectors for that bureau to formulate medium- and long-term "national 
visions" for Japan's foreign and domestic policies. The party also 
notes that it would change the present budgetary request guidelines 
system to a new system under which the national strategy bureau 
would  lay out the framework with the ministries and agencies then 
working out the details. 
 
(25) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policy line, not insisting on 
withdrawing MSDF from Indian Ocean immediately 
 
SANKEI (Page 5) (Full) 
July 18, 2009 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama indicated 
on July 17 that if a change of administration is achieved after the 
forthcoming House of Representatives election, the refueling mission 
of the Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) in the Indian Ocean will 
continue for the time being. The DPJ had advocated terminating the 
refueling operations, but has shifted to a "pragmatic line," giving 
importance to its relations with the U.S. government, which seeks 
the continuation of the MSDF mission. However, the Social Democratic 
Party (SDP), with which the DPJ is planning to form a coalition 
government, insists on immediate withdrawal of the MSDF. This issue 
is likely to affect future negotiations on forming the coalition. 
 
At a news conference in Tokyo, Hatoyama explained the reason for 
allowing the MSDF mission to continue for the time being, 
emphasizing: "Continuity is necessary in foreign policy. It is 
imprudent to terminate the mission right away. We will take time to 
consult with the concerned countries after assuming power and then 
decide on our policy course." Secretary General Katsuya Okada also 
indicated at a news conference on the same day that this issue will 
be dealt with flexibly from the standpoint of giving importance to 
the Japan-U.S. alliance and consideration for relations with the 
U.S. 
 
The refueling mission is based on the amended new special 
antiterrorism measures law enacted in December 2008, which expires 
on January 15, 2010. When Ichiro Ozawa was president, the DPJ 
criticized this law as "unconstitutional" and opposed the legal 
amendment to extend the MSDF mission. This had resulted in the 
temporary suspension of the refueling operations for about four 
months from November 2007. 
 
Due to the above, there is an opinion in the DPJ, as articulated by 
Keiichiro Asao, minister of defense in the DPJ's "Next Cabinet", "It 
does not make sense to continue an operation the previous president 
called 'unconstitutional'."  The immediate withdrawal of the MSDF 
had been the party's established policy. 
 
Okada has also said, "Basically, the DPJ's (opposition to the 
refueling mission) remains unchanged," indicating a cautious stance 
on continuing the mission after the law expires. 
 
The DPJ will condone the refueling mission for the time being and 
discuss with the U.S. alternative forms of contribution to the war 
in Afghanistan, such as dispatching personnel to an international 
 
TOKYO 00001649  007 OF 015 
 
 
ceasefire monitoring group. 
 
Meanwhile, SDP leader Mizuho Fukushima has been complaining to 
people around her that the extension of the refueling mission is 
"absolutely unacceptable, because operations so far have not even 
been assessed." 
 
The SDP has consistently opposed the deployment of the SDF overseas. 
If internal strife emerges in the administration over security and 
foreign policy after the birth of the coalition government, the new 
government may have a hard time building foreign confidence in its 
diplomacy. 
 
(26) DPJ opposed anti-piracy law but surreptitiously hinted at 
enactment to Seamen's Union 
 
MAINICHI (Page 1) (Full) 
July 18, 2009 
 
In connection with the anti-piracy law involving the dispatch of the 
Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) to waters off Somalia in East 
Africa, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), which had been negative 
about the dispatch of the SDF overseas, had actually presented 
proposals to the ruling parties on April 21 to revise the bill to 
allow SDF deployment on certain conditions. However, the two sides 
failed to agree on the details of the proposal, so the negotiations 
broke down in the end. The government-proposed bill was passed by 
the House of Representatives on June 19 with a two-thirds majority 
vote by the ruling parties, while the DPJ voted against the bill. 
 
One of the main points of the DPJ's proposed revisions was to 
dispatch SDF officers as officials of the "anti-piracy headquarters 
under the prime minister (to be created)." 
 
The reason behind this incomprehensible proposed revision of the 
bill that was negative on SDF deployment while de facto accepting 
(the dispatch in principle) was a demand from the All Japan Seamen's 
Union (JSU). The union, which has a membership of 25,000, is a 
member of Rengo (Japanese Trade Union Confederation), a main support 
organization of the DPJ. 
 
Yoji Fujisawa, chairman of JSU, a union consisting of crew members 
of commercial vessels, was told by a DPJ official in mid-April, 
"Senior party officials say that the SDF's carrying out anti-piracy 
measures falls within the bounds of the Constitution." 
 
The Union had been lobbying both the ruling and opposition parties 
to allow the SDF's deployment, arguing that the protection of the 
life of seamen was the top priority in anti-piracy measures. 
Fujisawa had declared confidently: "We are a powerful industrial 
trade union with great influence." 
 
It seems then that the DPJ, while opposing the government's bill, 
presented ambiguous proposals for revision in response to the demand 
of a main support group. Where is the DPJ's heading in its 
diplomatic and security policies? 
 
(27) DPJ shifts to pragmatic policies, thinking hard about revenue 
sources, departure from Ozawa line in progress 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
July 19, 2009 
 
TOKYO 00001649  008 OF 015 
 
 
 
Kyohei Matsuda, Naoto Inagaki 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) is going into the next general 
election with the goal of a change in political administration. 
While the policies of previous President Ichiro Ozawa have been the 
most prominent in all four manifestoes (campaign pledges) issued by 
the party since 2003, with a reversal of forces between the ruling 
and opposition parties becoming a real possibility, the party is 
being forced to modify its previous pledges in order to make them 
implementable. 
 
Critical discussions on making all expressways toll free, which is 
the DPJ's top campaign pledge, took place at a meeting of the 
party's "Next Cabinet" on July 15. 
 
Toll free expressways have featured in the DPJ's manifestoes since 
2003, but there are concerns about the resulting deterioration of 
the environment. A plan to make only certain sections toll free 
right after taking over power and implement the toll free program in 
stages later was also discussed. 
 
However, quite a few participants claimed that the words "in stages" 
were unnecessary. There was a strong feeling against compromising, 
partly because the Aso administration has reduced the toll for 
regional expressways to 1,000 yen across the board on holidays. In 
the end, a decision was made to include a pledge to make expressways 
"basically toll free," except for the Shuto and Hanshin 
Expressways. 
 
The emphasis on policies directly affecting the people's daily life 
without going through intermediate organizations quickly became a 
strong tendency during the three years of Ozawa's presidency until 
last May. It can be said that his method of giving top priority to 
"winning the election" remains the main trend in the DPJ's 
policies. 
 
A typical example is the system of income compensation for farming 
households advocated by Ozawa. 
 
The DPJ has long advocated the "direct payment" method to counter 
the ruling parties' administration of subsidiaries through the 
agricultural cooperatives. After Ozawa became president, he strongly 
criticized the plan of the government and the Liberal Democratic 
Party (LDP) to enlarge farms for "abandoning small farmers." 
 
Adding the notion of income compensation to the direct payment 
method and throwing in ideas for raising the self-sufficiency rate 
and revival of rural hometowns, the DPJ came up with the system of 
income compensation for farming households. With this, it won many 
rural votes in the 2007 House of Councillors election, thus 
contributing to its eventual victory. 
 
In last year's Diet session, the DPJ won the victory of "reducing" 
gasoline prices for one month. When drafting the new manifesto, at 
first the abolition of the temporary tax rates for gasoline and 
other taxes was to be set for "within two years" in order to ensure 
revenue sources. 
 
However, the final version of the manifesto says "immediate 
abolition." 
 
 
TOKYO 00001649  009 OF 015 
 
 
President Yukio Hatoyama explains: "The immediate abolition of 
temporary tax rates has become a fait accompli after taking over the 
administration. We should not delay this." 
 
Meanwhile, the "departure" from Ozawa's policies is also proceeding 
steadily. 
 
Ozawa used to say: "After taking over power, there will be unlimited 
sources of revenue," but after Hatoyama took over, he began to shift 
to a pragmatic line with Secretary General Katsuya Okada, who says 
"there can be no policy without revenue sources," at the head of his 
team. 
 
Okada has proposed to put off the abolition of temporary tax rates, 
saying: "We should think about it after finding a permanent revenue 
source." At the working level preparatory committee for drafting the 
manifesto, he has also suggested "classifying pledges into those 
that will be implemented immediately after taking over the 
government and those to be implemented after identifying revenue 
sources." 
 
At Okada's initiative, the DPJ is arming itself theoretically on the 
question of securing revenue sources, on which it is being 
criticized by the government and the ruling parties. One of the 
documents it is using is the paper prepared by the Ministry of 
Finance (MOF). 
 
Based on this paper, the DPJ concluded that some 67 trillion yen in 
budget allocations are "wasteful spending" to be cut back. It argues 
that it is possible to find revenues to the tune of 9.1 trillion yen 
in four years through a review of public work projects, reduction of 
subsidies and personnel expenses, and so forth. 
 
However, items that are difficult to cut back, such as local tax 
grants, are also included in the DPJ's reductions. In a speech on 
July 5, Minister of Finance Kaoru Yosano issued a strong warning to 
the DPJ: 
 
"We examined all the DPJ's policies from the MOF's standpoint. Most 
of them are fantasies and deceptions. A party that advocates wrong 
ideas should not be trusted." 
 
In reality, the Aso administration has used the special accounts and 
the so-called "buried treasures" repeatedly for its supplementary 
budgets, thus depleting revenues that the DPJ can use. Policy-based 
revenues which Ozawa reckoned to be 8.4 trillion yen when he was 
president, will be only 7 trillion yen for the entire FY2010. 
 
Even if the DPJ is able to sustain toll free expressways or abolish 
the temporary tax rates, the deflation of its other key policies 
will be inevitable. 
 
The party's 2007 manifesto pledged a "child allowance" of 26,000 yen 
per month per child until the child graduates from middle school. 
This time, the amount will be only 13,000 yen, or 50 percent, in the 
first year. In its policy implementation road map last fall, it 
pledged the unification of pension systems "by the fourth year," but 
now, the period is going to be "six years" because it wants to spend 
more time in designing the new system. 
 
The review of policies not requiring funding is also taking place. 
Its proposal to realign municipalities into 300 administrative units 
 
TOKYO 00001649  010 OF 015 
 
 
and proposal for decentralization of power under a two-tier 
administration by the national and local governments were opposed by 
the governors, so it is now accepting the doshu (state) system. In 
order to avoid forcible merger, the DPJ has also discarded numerical 
targets, which Ozawa was keen on. This was explained by Koichiro 
Genba, head of the party's research committee on decentralization 
who is close to Okada, at a discussion meeting on July 9. 
 
He said: "President Ozawa insisted on this, but President Hatoyama 
did not. Therefore, we have reverted to the original DPJ proposal." 
 
(28) U.S. assistant secretary of state mulls new document on 50th 
anniversary of Japan-U.S. security treaty 
 
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full) 
July 18, 2009 
 
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs 
Kurt Campbell, who is visiting Japan, held a news conference at the 
U.S. Embassy in Tokyo on July 17. He indicated a plan in 2010 on the 
occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Japan-U.S. security treaty 
to draft a joint document intended to deepen the alliance 
relationship. 
 
Campbell said that bilateral discussions on drafting a new document 
after the 1996 "Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security" "will have 
to wait until after the next House of Representatives election." He 
indicated that the new document would include the following: (1) 
confirmation of the alliance's achievements for the peace and 
stability of other countries; (2) an examination of the present 
status and issues of the alliance; and (3) setting new tasks for the 
alliance, such as climate change. 
 
Campbell also revealed that the two governments had agreed to hold 
regular consultations on the "nuclear umbrella" provided by the U.S. 
to Japan and that this will be included in the official agenda of 
the Security Sub-Committee meeting of senior officials of both 
countries to be held in Tokyo on July 18 for the first time. He 
expressed a negative view toward Japan acquiring a nuclear 
capability, saying: "This will not be in Japan's national interest 
or contribute to the maintenance of peace and stability in Asia and 
the Pacific." 
 
(29) Security policy based on lies 
 
SANKEI (Page 1) (Abridged slightly) 
July 19, 2009 
 
Yoshihisa Komori, editor-at-large in Washington 
 
"There is a verbal agreement between the governments of Japan and 
the United States allowing U.S. warships carrying nuclear weapons to 
pass through Japan's territorial waters and to call at Japanese 
ports." 
 
I still remember hearing these shocking words for the first time 
from former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin Reischauer at his home in 
a Boston suburb on one sunny day in May. 
 
The memory of this event was evoked by the recent statements by 
former Vice-Foreign Minister Ryohei Murata and Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama on the three non-nuclear 
 
TOKYO 00001649  011 OF 015 
 
 
principles. Both Murata and Hatoyama made their remarks regarding 
the "introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan" in line with the 
Reischauer statement of 1981. 
 
The first half of the interview with Reischauer took place at his 
living room and the latter half in his backyard. 
 
Back then, I was doing research on Japan-U.S. security issues as a 
senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace on 
leave from the Mainichi Shimbun. The interview with Reischauer was 
primarily part of my research project. I had planned to ask 
questions without fail about nuclear introduction based on a plan by 
my superiors and colleagues at the Mainichi Shimbun. Reischauer's 
reply was surprisingly candid. 
 
"The word 'mochikomi (bringing in)' used on the Japanese side and 
the word 'introduction' used on the U.S. side means two different 
things." 
 
Insisting that the two words meant the same thing, the Japanese 
government declared that passage through Japanese territorial waters 
and port calls by nuclear-armed U.S. warships would be a violation 
of the principle of not allowing bringing nuclear weapons into Japan 
of the three non-nuclear principles. 
 
The U.S. side, on the other hand, insisted that passage through and 
port calls would not be a violation of the three non-nuclear 
principles because they would not constitute the introduction of 
nuclear weapons and therefore they should be exempt from prior 
consultations between Japan and the United States. 
 
"In English, 'introduction' strictly means the deployment and 
stockpiling of nuclear weapons on the ground. The Japanese 
government should explain the difference of the word 'mochikomi' to 
the general public." 
 
Reischauer even told me that the Japanese government's declaring 
that nuclear-armed U.S. warships did not pass through Japanese 
territorial waters or enter Japanese ports, while knowing the 
difference in the meanings of the words, was tantamount to telling a 
lie. 
 
The Mainichi Shimbun ran a scoop on this statement under the titles 
of "Nuclear-armed U.S. warships made port calls in Japan," "Japanese 
government aware of them," and "Former Ambassador Reischauer 
reveals." This naturally caused a sensation. The Japanese government 
was grilled at home and abroad over the fictitious nature of the 
three non-nuclear principles, but despite Reischauer's statement, it 
never acknowledged it had lied. 
 
It has been 28 years since then, and former Vice-Foreign Minister 
Murata has called a lie a lie as an official in the government back 
then. Democratic Party of Japan President Yukio Hatoyama, too, is 
likely to press the government to admit the existence of the secret 
nuclear pact between Japan and the United States, as was pointed out 
by Reischauer. 
 
I want to welcome the statements by Murata and Hatoyama. I strongly 
believe the Japanese government should go back and acknowledge the 
difference in interpretations of "introduction" with the United 
States. Otherwise, Japan will have to face the foundation of its 
security policy and challenges that are based on a bunch of lies. 
 
TOKYO 00001649  012 OF 015 
 
 
Security and defense policies based on lies are unacceptable. 
 
I still cannot forget the sinking feeling similar to despair I had 
after reporting on the Reischauer statement and confirming the 
Japanese government's reaction to it. That was because I was made to 
feel that my studies on Japanese security policy and its objective 
rested on a pack of lies. 
 
(30) Secret agreement related to reversion of Okinawa: New 
historical documents found in South Korea 
 
ASAHI (Page 1) (Full) 
July 19, 2009 
 
It has been learned that the U.S. had revealed in 1973 to South 
Korea the contents of a secret agreement between Japan and the U.S. 
on Japan about sharing 16 million dollars of the cost of relocating 
the facilities of Voice of America, the U.S. shortwave broadcast 
agency, at the time of the reversion of Okinawa in 1972. Researcher 
Somei Kobayashi, an expert on media history at Osaka City 
University, found the documents, which the South Korean Foreign 
Ministry (now Foreign and Trade Ministry) drafted at the time. 
 
The discovery of the South Korean historical sources have apparently 
endorsed the existence of a secret agreement on the sharing of the 
costs involved in the reversion of Okinawa, which the Japanese 
government has been consistently denying. The data found by 
Kobayashi are documents recording the meeting between then South 
Korean foreign ministry first north American affairs section 
director general Chang and then U.S. public affairs section officer 
Smith on May 31, 1973. The papers have been stored at South Korea's 
Diplomatic History Museum. 
 
At the time, the U.S. had been considering transferring VOA to South 
Korea. According to the document, asked by the South Korean side, 
Smith replied, "The total size of the relocation has yet to be 
fixed. We estimate it at approximately 32 million dollars at the 
first stage of the plan, of which adjustments are being made with 
the possibility of Japan sharing half the cost." 
 
Papers concerning the transfer of VOA collected by South Korea's 
foreign ministry at the time were also found this time. According to 
the U.S. Senate's minutes for May 30 1973, referring to the cost of 
the relocation, Senator Harry Byrd stated: "We (the U.S.) will 
prepare 23 million dollars. Japan will prepare 16 million dollars." 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Fulbright confirmed, 
"That is correct." 
 
The plan to relocate VOA to South Korea was rebuffed in the end. It 
was transferred to the Philippines. 
 
(31) ISS Japan's experiment module to be completed today, but 
post-Kibo strategy nowhere in sight 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Excerpts) 
July 19, 2009 
 
(Tatsuo Nakajima in Huston, Makoto Mitsui in the science department) 
 
 
The Japanese experiment module, called Kibo, for the International 
Space Station (ISS) is to be finally completed today after the 
 
TOKYO 00001649  013 OF 015 
 
 
concept came off the drawing board a quarter of a century ago. Kibo 
is the first manned space facility Japan has developed by investing 
600 billion yen. With the completion of its space base, Japan has 
reached its goal for manned space activities, but its future vision 
is nowhere in sight. 
 
Noguchi next 
 
The last component of Kibo - a facility that supports operations on 
the outside of the module - was transported to the ISS by the U.S. 
space shuttle Endeavor on July 18, Japan time. Astronaut Koichi 
Wakata and others will catch the component with robotic arms and 
install it in the ISS. 
 
Japan's space development was initiated with the development of the 
nation's first rocket Pencil Rocket in 1955 by Dr. Hideo Itokawa, 
professor at the University of Tokyo. Japan succeeded in launching 
the satellite Osumi in 1970 and became the fourth country that 
succeeded in lifting a satellite, following the former Soviet Union, 
the U.S., and France. Japan has enhanced the credibility of its 
domestically produced rockets in the international community. 
 
Manned space development, however, affects people's lives and 
requires exorbitant expenditures. In this area, too, it has finally 
become possible for Japan to internationally demonstrate its 
presence. 
 
The onboard lab was started up in June of last year, and Tsukuba 
Space Center has continued monitoring the situation in Kibo on a 
24-hour system. Assuming responsibility with the U.S., Russia, and 
European countries for ensuring the safety of the ISS at last, Japan 
has won more international trust now. Kibo has brought about this 
excellent result to Japan as a nation whose economy is based on 
science and technology. 
 
Following Wakata, Soichi Noguchi will be staying at the ISS for six 
months starting in December of this year. Japan plans to send its 
astronaut to the ISS almost every year. Space will surely become 
close to Japanese people. 
 
Still far to go 
 
It took too many years for the module to be completed. The ISS 
concept was brought up in the U.S. in 1982. In 1985, Japan formally 
announced its participation in the project, with a dire to obtain 
manned rocket technology without lagging behind other countries. 
 
The ISS was scheduled to be completed in 1994, but the project was 
significantly delayed due to changes in circumstances surrounding 
the project, such as Washington's financial difficulties and 
Russia's participation after the project was launched. Many parts in 
the project were also altered. 
 
A pall is falling over future laboratory work, because the U.S. 
space shuttle will be decommissioned next year. Only a Russian space 
vehicle will be available for the transportation of materials from 
the ISS to the earth, so only small-sized materials will be brought 
to the earth. China succeeded in a manned flight in 2003. India is 
also aiming at a manned flight in the middle of the 2010s. 
 
Now that Kibo is completed in accordance with the U.S. plan and that 
Japan obtained the technology needed for manned space activities, it 
 
TOKYO 00001649  014 OF 015 
 
 
is necessary for Japan to consider post-Kibo operations. But Japan 
has yet to determine its basic space strategy. Regarding whether 
Japan would launch its own activities, such as domestic production 
of a space vehicle, the government just noted in its basic space 
plan released in June: "The government will look into details, such 
as a goal and funds, over the next year." 
 
 
The total development cost needed for own manned activities in space 
is estimated to be several trillion yen, about 10 times more than 
Japan's annual space budget. It is not easy to make a decision. But 
Honorable Professor Yasunori Matogawa at the Japan Aerospace 
Exploration Agency commented: "Unless Japan stops depending on the 
U.S. and puts forth its own strategic goal, Japan will not be able 
to catch up with other countries." 
 
(32) Ghana, a country that is important for Japan 
 
FORESIGHT (Page 27) (Abridged) 
August 2009 
 
Tokyo University Professor Shinichi Kitaoka 
 
Ghana is one of the African countries familiar to Japan. In the 
past, Hideyo Noguchi went there to research yellow fever and died in 
that country. Ghana was the first country in Black Africa to become 
independent in 1957. Its leader Kwame Nkrumah was also well known in 
Japan. 
 
However, there are always two sides to a story. Noguchi's research 
ended in failure, and many people question his character. Some 
people say that he went to Africa out of his desire for fame. 
However, after I visited Noguchi's old laboratory and saw his 
pictures when he was in the capital city of Accra, I was truly 
impressed. His courage alone in going to Africa in the 1920s, 
regardless of his motive, deserves compliment. 
 
There are also many criticisms against Nkrumah. Soon after he became 
president, he quickly leaned toward radical socialism. As a result, 
the economy disintegrated, corruption was rampant, and he was 
eventually toppled by a coup d'etat. However, such negative image 
has faded today, and he is mostly remembered as the founding father 
of the nation. 
 
Political stability in Ghana in recent years is noteworthy. Since 
1992, several elections have been held peacefully under a 
multi-party system, and change of administration has taken place. 
The presidential election in 2008 was decided by a small margin in a 
runoff vote but this did not give rise to any upheaval, which is 
unusual in Africa. 
 
In terms of industry, steady efforts are being made in agricultural 
reform. Japan has given its assistance in the form of technology and 
funding. In many ways, Ghana is a force for stability in Western 
Africa, and it is an important country for Japan. 
 
During my visit, I went to Cape Coast, which used to be the center 
of the slave trade. An immaculately white castle stands against the 
dazzling sky and sea on the site where it was first built in 1637. 
My English guidebook says it is painted in whitewash and the word 
"whitewash" also means covering up what is deemed undesirable. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001649  015 OF 015 
 
 
In the past, slaves assembled from the inland were kept in the 
dungeons of this castle for weeks and months until the next slave 
ship arrived. They were valuable merchandise, so they were treated 
relatively well. However, there was no consideration for human 
dignity. A gutter ran in a gentle slope in the middle of the 
dungeon, which did not have any windows, so that the slaves were 
supplied with water and their excretions were disposed of 
effortlessly. It was a horrible place. While the slave trade had 
existed in the world since the ancient times, it probably was never 
administered on a scale like this anywhere else. 
 
I found a book on the slave system in Ghana in a bookstore. I was 
impressed by the young Ghanian researchers' level-headed analysis of 
the slave system in the country, which did not stop at merely 
criticizing the white people for the slave trade. 
 
At the University of Ghana, I was welcomed by students who once 
studied in Japan. I am sure they must have had some bad experience 
in Japan but they all talked only about good memories. Experience in 
a foreign country during one's youth is most valuable indeed. We 
certainly would like people who came to Japan and stayed for a few 
years to become Japan's friends. 
 
I delivered a speech on Japan at the University of Ghana. Former 
President John Kufuor was present. I had originally planned to speak 
on Japanese diplomacy, but looking at the members of the audience, I 
changed my mind and talked about the origin and nature of Japanese 
civilization. 
 
ZUMWALT