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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 13 TOKYO 001518 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/02/09 
 
INDEX: 
(1) Split in anti-Aso coalition over early LDP presidential election 
(Yomiuri) 
 
(2) Editorial: Cabinet roster changes - miscalculation after much 
fuss (Asahi) 
 
(3) Editorial: DPJ Hatoyama's false donation statements quite 
irresponsible (Asahi) 
 
(4) Japan's assistance to Africa (Yomiuri) 
 
(5) Tamogami, a nuclear weapons advocate, to give lecture in 
Hiroshima on Aug. 6, the city's atomic bombing anniversary; Mayor 
asks for consideration for bereaved families and change of date; 
Tamogami plays up freedom of expression, challenge (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(6) Military expert Ogawa at forum calls for SOFA revision; ConGen 
Maher emphasizes operational improvement (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(7) Column: Strategic ambiguity on nuclear weapons is effective 
(Sankei) 
 
(8) To America: San Francisco Peace Treaty structure that shelved 
responsibility now fraying; Post-war reconciliation urged (Mainichi) 
 
 
(9) PNP's Shizuka Kamei: New administration should shift to policy 
of independence from the U.S.! (Nippon) 
 
** There will be no Daily Summary on Friday, July 3 - an American 
holiday. ** 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Split in anti-Aso coalition over early LDP presidential 
election 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Abridged slightly) 
July 2, 2009 
 
Nine groups consisting of junior and mid-level lawmakers from the 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), who are distancing themselves from 
Prime Minister Taro Aso, held the first meeting yesterday of the 
so-called manifesto coalition conference (manifesto rengo kaigi). 
The manifesto conference drafted a joint policy, hoping to include 
it in the LDP's campaign pledges (manifesto) for the next House of 
Representatives election. The conference will call on Aso and the 
LDP leadership to reflect the draft policy in the party's manifesto. 
If this request is rejected, the conference will put its moves to 
oust Aso into full gear. However, there is a gap in views among the 
junior and mid-level members, who attended the meeting, over the 
anti-Aso movement. The anti-Aso coalition is visibly spilt over 
policy issues. 
 
The joint policy is comprised of five key elements such as thorough 
reform of the bureaucracy including a ban on amakudari (golden 
parachute) practices, as well as the practice called watari in which 
retired bureaucrats land successive posts often in semi-governmental 
bodies for short stints. The key elements also include promotion of 
decentralization, including drafting of a roadmap for the 
introduction of the regional bloc system (doshusei). 
 
TOKYO 00001518  002 OF 013 
 
 
 
After the meeting, Upper House member Hiroshige Seko told 
reporters: 
 
"There will be no dissolution if a manifesto is not compiled. If 
(Aso) dissolves the Lower House before coming up with a manifesto, 
(an early LDP presidential race) will be possible." 
 
Lower House member Yukari Sato and other LDP members, who are now 
collecting signatures in order to hold a general meeting on July 13 
of all LDP Diet members, are included in the manifesto conference. 
The group, including Sato and Lower House member Masaaki Taira, has 
a strategy of replacing Prime Minister Aso by carrying out the LDP 
leadership race earlier than expected based on the result of the 
July 12 Tokyo Metropolitan election, by preventing Aso from 
dissolving the Lower House early. 
 
Therefore, the prevailing view is that the purpose of holding a 
general meeting is to have junior lawmakers urge Aso to step down 
and to implement the presidential race before the Lower House 
election. 
 
However, junior and mid-level lawmakers are not unified. While some 
members are calling for speeding up the presidential election, 
Kenichi Mizuno, Itsunori Onodera, and Masahiko Shibayama are calling 
for improving the quality of a manifesto by making policy proposals 
and keeping their distance from the political situation. 
 
The situation is that there is no strong candidate to replace Aso 
and the anti-Aso movement is not building momentum. 
 
In fact, the total number of members in the nine groups is "about 
100," Seko said. Only 20 members attended yesterday's meeting. This 
shows that young lawmakers have to give priority to their election 
campaigning in their districts because their election bases are not 
necessarily secure. 
 
(2) Editorial: Cabinet roster changes - miscalculation after much 
fuss 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
July 2, 2009 
 
Prime Minister Aso decided to add two more members to his cabinet 
lineup yesterday, naming Yoshimasa Hayashi as economic and fiscal 
policy minister and Motoo Hayashi as chairman of the National Public 
Safety Commission and minister of state in charge of Okinawa and 
Northern Territories and disaster management. He was also 
considering replacing key LDP executive members but gave up on this 
idea. 
 
The newly appointed lawmakers received their first cabinet posts 
last August under the reshuffled Fukuda cabinet. However, since 
Prime Minister Fukuda stepped down in September and then the Aso 
administration was inaugurated, they held their ministerial posts 
for less than two months. Mikio Hayashi will reassume his first 
cabinet post again. 
 
Since Finance Minister Shoichi Nakagawa resigned (in February), and 
Minister of Internal Affairs and Communications Kunio Hatoyama was 
replaced (in June), State Minister for Financial Services, Economic 
and Fiscal Policy has concurrently served as finance minister, while 
 
TOKYO 00001518  003 OF 013 
 
 
the National Public Safety Commission Chairman has held the post of 
minister of internal affairs and communications. Aso said that the 
additional appointments are aimed to reduce multiple portfolios for 
incumbent ministers. 
 
In the current Diet session, however, almost all key bills have 
already been enacted, so there probably are few people who take what 
the prime minister said at face value. 
 
Only some 70 days are left until the House of Representatives 
members' terms of office expire. The prime minister's attempt to 
replace party executive officers and cabinet members now must have 
been stemmed from a desire to regain political strength somehow, 
eyeing the upcoming general election. 
 
As candidates for such posts as party secretary general and Policy 
Research Council chairman, who step forward in stump speeches and 
policy debates in election campaigning, some proposed Yoshihide 
Suga, a close aide to Aso, and well-known Minister of Health, Labor 
and Welfare Masuzoe. Some people even talked about Aso's speculated 
attempt to appoint entertainer-turned Miyazaki Governor 
Higashikokubaru to the cabinet. 
 
Aso, however, had to give up on these planned appointments as he 
failed to obtain approval from influential lawmakers in the factions 
that have supported him and party executive members. Such lawmakers 
might have been reluctant to accept the apparent claptrap strategy 
taken by the prime minister with an eye on the upcoming election. 
 
Although Aso decided on appointments to the cabinet, he was not able 
to satisfactorily play the last card to give a boost to his 
administration. 
 
Aso told reporters yesterday: "I don't think anybody could have 
heard me say that I would change the party executive lineup." He 
tried to emphasize there he didn't switch his policy, but it is 
obvious that he made a major miscalculation. 
 
Aso will have to keep treading a thorny path ahead of the 
dissolution of the House of Representatives for a general election. 
The Shizuoka gubernatorial election is set for July 5, and the Tokyo 
metropolitan assembly election is scheduled for July 12. A close 
contest is expected in both elections. Depending on their outcomes, 
moves to oust Prime Minister Aso might escalate. 
 
During the period between the two local elections, Aso will attend 
the Group of Eight (G-8) summit in Italy. It is questionable that 
Aso, who has sharply lost support of his party, will be able to 
fully demonstrate his leadership in the G-8 summit. 
 
The prime minister's plight represents the Liberal Democratic 
Party's declining ability to govern after its longtime rule. 
 
As long as the prime minister continues to delay a general election 
to seek the people's judgment, the LDP will never be able to 
regenerate itself. The party is now urged to face this reality. 
 
(3) Editorial: DPJ Hatoyama's false donation statements quite 
irresponsible 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Slightly abridged) 
July 2, 2009 
 
TOKYO 00001518  004 OF 013 
 
 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Hatoyama acknowledged that 
his fund management organization had made false statements in its 
funds reports and offered an apology. The organization is said to 
have listed the names of people who had not actually donated money, 
including even deceased people, as individual donators in its fund 
reports. 
 
Hatoyama revealed that he had asked four lawyers to investigate the 
case and explained what was found in two weeks since the scandal of 
falsified statements was reported. According to his explanation, the 
amount of misstated funds since related data began to be kept in 
2005 exceeded 21 million yen, and the names of about 90 persons were 
used as individual donors. 
 
According to the Hatoyama side, Hatoyama's secretary responsible for 
accounting for the management body failed to collect individual 
donations, so he made falsified statements in order to cover up his 
negligence by transferring Hatoyama's individually donated funds. 
 
Hatoyama said that his secretary had made false statements on his 
own judgment and that he had not been informed of it. Falsifying 
statements in fund reports is a clear fact and is in violation of 
the Political Funds Control Law. Hatoyama assumes a heavy 
responsibility. 
 
The amount of misstated money annually reached 4 to 7 million yen. 
Hatoyama is known as a wealthy person, but his annual income, as 
disclosed on June 30, was less than 30 million yen. 
 
It is said that Hatoyama has had his secretary keep more than 10 
million yen and disburse funds when needed personally, but we wonder 
whether all such money really came from Hatoyama. Illegal donations 
might have been included among the funds. 
 
The Hatoyama side's explanation is to mean that although personal 
funds and political funds were mixed up, Hatoyama did not know for 
what the funds had been used. This is far from being a convincing 
explanation. 
 
Reflecting on the arrest of former president Ichiro Ozawa's 
government-paid secretary over illegal donations, the DPJ has 
decided to include in its manifesto for the upcoming general 
election pledges to abolish all corporate donations three years from 
now and to take measures to boost individual donations. But the fund 
management office of its president, who should demonstrate 
leadership, has exposed this woeful, helpless state. 
 
We are fed up with the series of money-and-politics scandals 
involving both ruling and opposition party members. 
 
All political parties excluding the Japanese Communist Party receive 
approximately 30 billion yen in state subsidies annually. But 
politicians have continued to receive donations in an undisciplined 
manner. Since huge amounts of tax money injected in the political 
parties, they should not be irresponsible. 
 
The ruling parties have been encouraged by the error of the leader 
of its rival, DPJ, in the run-up to the general election. But they 
must not forget that public anger is also leveled at the ruling 
camp. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001518  005 OF 013 
 
 
Finance Minister Yosano has been suspected of having received 
political donations from a futures trading company through a dummy 
group. Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Nikai, who allegedly 
received donations from Nishimatsu Construction Co., and other 
Liberal Democratic Party members involved in scandals have not given 
any proper explanation. 
 
Such ruling party members must also straighten up, instead of only 
criticizing the opposition party. 
 
(4) Japan's assistance to Africa 
 
YOMIURI (Page 13) (Almost full) 
July 2, 2009 
 
Rieko Suzuki, director of Millennium Promise Japan, non-governmental 
organization 
 
Assistance to Africa is on the agenda of the G8 Summit to be held in 
Italy on July 8. Although Italy and France are adopting a passive 
stance due to the global economic crisis, Japan pledged to double 
its official development assistance (ODA) at the 4th Tokyo 
International Conference on African Development (TICAD) in May last 
year. It also announced additional assistance at a cabinet 
ministerial-level meeting held in Botswana in March this year. The 
G8 will be a big opportunity for Japan to display political 
leadership. 
 
Regarding Africa, there is concern about the unstable political 
situation, infectious disease epidemics, and the impact of global 
warming. However, when I actually visited Mozambique and Uganda this 
year, I experienced the energy of the people. 
 
Investment in Africa by the world reached 48 billion dollars in 
2006, topping ODA for the first time. Return on investment in Africa 
is the highest in the world. The growth of GDP in Sub-Saharan Africa 
is 4.7% on average, double the rate of industrialized countries. 
 
Criticism of ODA by Zambian economist Dambisa Moyo that since ODA 
has fomented corruption in various African countries and barred 
people from making self-help efforts, it should be ended within five 
years, is recently drawing attention in the U.S. and European 
countries. 
 
However, Rwanda, which is achieving rapid growth, received financial 
assistance equivalent to about 13% of its GNP on average between 
2000 and 2007. This figure is about 50% of its budget for 2008. If 
ODA is ended now, it could hamper the nation's economy from growing. 
 
 
ODA certainly has merits and demerits. Discussion on ODA should 
focus on how it can be used in an effective manner. It is important 
to choose trustworthy governments and take measures to provide what 
is most needed by listening to the opinions of people in recipient 
countries and consolidating the social infrastructure of recipient 
countries so that they can handle ODA on their own. 
 
In that respect, the Millennium Village Project (MVP) designed to 
encourage people in Sub-Saharan Africa who live on less than a 
dollar a day to become independent with a slogan of achieving the 
target of the UN Millennium Development, is worth noting. Under the 
MVP, the period of assistance is limited and eligible areas are 
 
TOKYO 00001518  006 OF 013 
 
 
carefully screened. Local intellectuals and communities are 
entrusted with direct investment and assistance with cooperation 
extended by international agencies. The scheme is steadily producing 
results, based on the self-support policy the Japanese government 
once adopted and succeeded in implementing Asia, and the above 
mentioned ideals. 
 
I took part in the Africa-Asia Business Forum (AABF) held in Uganda 
in June. The AABF is one of the TICAD follow-up conferences. 
Participating in the meeting were many people from the public and 
private sectors. Exchanges were active. The Japanese government's 
effort to increase its identity in Africa, by holding international 
conferences on Africa on a regular basis deserves high marks. Japan 
is winning the confidence of concerned parties for its stance that 
is cautious but it keeps its pledges. The sense of affinity to and 
expectations for Japan as a country that has neither colonized 
African countries nor enslaved Africans is great. 
 
A former South Korean lawmaker at the AABF made a strong statement 
and evoked cheers. She said, "I once was too poor to buy a pair of 
shoes. What is important is education." I believe Japan is being 
called upon to produce persons who can respond to African people's 
expectations and send a strong message to them as a so-called symbol 
of our country. 
 
Rieko Suzuki: Graduated from London University graduate school. 53 
years old. 
 
(5) Tamogami, a nuclear weapons advocate, to give lecture in 
Hiroshima on Aug. 6, the city's atomic bombing anniversary; Mayor 
asks for consideration for bereaved families and change of date; 
Tamogami plays up freedom of expression, challenge 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 22) (Full) 
July 2, 2009 
 
Junya Hata 
 
Former Air Self-Defense Force (ASDF) Chief of Staff Toshio Tamogami, 
60, known as an advocate of Japan having a nuclear option, is 
scheduled to give a lecture titled, "Doubts about the Peace of 
Hiroshima," in Hiroshima on Aug. 6, the anniversary of the atomic 
bombing on the city. Hiroshima Mayor Tadatoshi Akiba sent a written 
request asking him to change the date, stressing that his lecture 
could end up increasing the sorrow of bereaved families. Tamogami is 
set to reject the request, citing freedom of expression. 
 
Tamogami's lecture is scheduled to take place at 6 p.m. on Aug. 6 at 
a Hiroshima hotel under the auspices of Nippon Kaigi Hiroshima 
(Japan Council Hiroshima), which is promoting the legislating of the 
era name system and other causes. The admission fee is 1,500 yen; an 
advance ticket is 1,200 yen. 
 
During his tenure as ASDF chief of staff, Tamogami wrote an essay 
asserting that the Greater East Asia War was not a war of aggression 
but resulted from a plot by the Comintern. His views on history that 
were at variance with the position of the government raised 
questions. He eventually retired from the Ministry of Defense after 
being dismissed from the ASDF post. 
 
The planned Tamogami lecture stunned the Hiroshima city government, 
which annually hosts on Aug. 6 the memorial ceremony for the 
 
TOKYO 00001518  007 OF 013 
 
 
atomic-bomb victims and the peace memorial ceremony. It is customary 
for the major to read a "peace declaration" during the ceremony. 
Last year, then Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda attended the ceremony. 
Many civic groups held peace events in various parts of the city. A 
Hiroshima ordinance stipulates Aug. 6 as Peace Memorial Day. It can 
be said that Aug. 6 is the most important day for Hiroshima, where 
many people are still suffering from the aftereffects of the bomb's 
radiation. 
 
On June 29, Mayor Akiba sent letters to Tamogami and the host asking 
for a change of the date of the lecture. The letter says: 
 
"In view of freedom of expression, you are free to express anything. 
Nevertheless, Aug. 6 is the day when the atomic bomb was dropped on 
Hiroshima for the first time in human history. I would like you to 
consider changing the date of the event in deference to the feelings 
of the citizens of Hiroshima." 
 
Tamogami is still in high spirits. In an interview for this column, 
Tamogami said: 
 
"In the lecture, I am planning to discuss the issues of national 
defense and of nuclear armament. There is no freedom of speech in 
postwar Japan. No one raises any questions when unarmed neutrality 
is discussed in connection with military and SDF affairs. The media 
is quick to rap anyone who talks about an increase in the SDF and 
the option of nuclear arming for defending the county, and Diet 
discussion are thrown into uproar. It cannot be said that the 
freedom of speech is guaranteed in such a country." 
 
Tamogami thinks Japan, too, should arm itself with nuclear weapons. 
He explained the reason this way: 
 
"No one wins in a nuclear war. Everyone knows that the two warring 
parties will fall in an actual (nuclear) war. But the possession of 
nuclear weapons will probably not escalate into war. The Japanese 
people are not aware of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty's (NPT) 
true intent, which is for the five powers to monopolize nuclear 
weapons." 
 
Setting aside the propriety of the lecture, his speaking on that day 
might hurt the feelings of many bereaved families. Tamogami still 
insisted: 
 
"I think this is a challenge. The elimination of nuclear weapons 
will work negatively for the stability of the world. The current 
situation cannot be left as is." 
 
In his speech in Prague in April, U.S. President Barack Obama called 
for the elimination of nuclear weapons. In May, North Korea 
conducted its second nuclear test, drawing condemnation from the 
international community. Both the nuclear disarmament movement and 
the nuclear threats are moving forward in today's world. This year's 
"Hiroshima bomb day" is likely to create an air of excitement 
different from that of usual years. 
 
(6) Military expert Ogawa at forum calls for SOFA revision; ConGen 
Maher emphasizes operational improvement 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
July 2, 2009 
 
 
TOKYO 00001518  008 OF 013 
 
 
A forum on the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), 
entitled "The Japan-U.S. Alliance and Okinawa from Now On," 
sponsored by the Okinawa chapter of Junior Chamber International 
(JCI) Japan was held at the Palette City Community Center 
(auditorium) in Naha City on July 1. One of the speakers, military 
commentator Kazuhisa Ogawa said: "The status quo in Okinawa is 
abnormal, even if premised on the Japan-U.S. security alliance. 
Japan should continue to demand SOFA revision," emphasizing the need 
for the Japanese government to take a proactive approach. 
 
During the discussion, U.S. Consul General for Okinawa Kevin Maher 
pointed out: "The SOFA, as it currently exists, is functioning 
properly. Most Japanese people do not understand the SOFA and are 
reacting emotionally." He indicated that in his view its operation 
should be improved by the Japan-U.S. Joint Committee. 
 
Hiroyuki Ohama, chairman of JCI Okinawa, asserted: "The alliance 
should not be taken as a given. We should think about what the 
grounds are for making the alliance necessary. Improvement of 
operations will give rise to the problem of interpretation changing 
in the future. The government should hold discussions on SOFA 
revision." JCI Okinawa is in the process of drawing up draft 
proposals for SOFA revision, which will be announced in October. 
 
(7) Column: Strategic ambiguity on nuclear weapons is effective 
 
SANKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
July 2, 2009 
 
Hiroshi Yuasa, Tokyo correspondent 
 
Each time a vessel enters the Yokosuka base, home of the U.S. Navy's 
Seventh Fleet, reporters always ask this question: "Is this U.S. 
vessel entering Yokosuka carrying nuclear weapons?" 
 
They always get the following answer from the U.S. Navy: "We are 
unable to confirm or deny whether the ship is carrying nuclear 
arms." Since the Navy's public relations officer gives a written 
answer, this must be a prepared text. 
 
This vagueness on the presence of nuclear arms is important and is 
called strategic ambiguity. Most probably, the U.S. side's reply has 
not changed at all for the past 50 years. In recent years, one has 
also heard about the Clinton administration's "strategic ambiguity" 
with regard to its Taiwan policy. On the question of U.S. response 
in case China invades Taiwan, then Assistant Secretary of Defense 
Joseph Nye said: "We decline to say whether the U.S. forces will 
intervene or not." 
 
In this case, ambiguity addressed the need not to provoke China, 
while also demonstrating the intent to maintain deterrence. It 
implied that China should refrain from making an armed attack 
because the U.S. forces would respond to the attack. 
 
Strategic ambiguity is also a well-known Israeli policy. Israel does 
not say whether it possesses nuclear arms or not, deterring hostile 
Arab forces from acting rashly. Thanks to this policy, Israel has 
not had to sign up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and 
has been able to make the world think that it is "fearsome" because 
it "possesses nuclear weapons." 
 
In reality, when a criminal state like North Korea comes to possess 
 
TOKYO 00001518  009 OF 013 
 
 
nuclear weapons, strategic ambiguity becomes unreliable. Still, 
Japan, due to its ambivalent feelings as the "only atomic-bombed 
country," persists in the strategic ambiguity of not even clarifying 
whether U.S. vessels carry nuclear arms or not. 
 
Meanwhile, the government's answer to the question on the Japan-U.S. 
"secret agreement on bringing in nuclear arms" is still that "it 
does not exist" - a categorical denial. This is not strategic 
ambiguity but deceiving the domestic audience with the proposition 
that "there are no nuclear arms" in Japan. 
 
If this government response is taken at face value, will this not 
undermine nuclear deterrence? On the other hand, it is dishonest for 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura to say, "Inasmuch as there 
has not been any prior consultations, nuclear arms have not been 
brought into Japan." 
 
The book by former Vice Foreign Minister Ryohei Murata, Memoirs of 
Ryohei Murata (Murata Ryohei Kaisoroku) published last year and his 
recent remarks are meant to suggest that the government should stop 
its dishonest statements and engage in a serious debate on nuclear 
arms. Certain media outlets have tended to focus only on the 
statement of Murata, a former vice foreign minister, that "there is 
a secret deal between Japan and the United States on bringing in 
nuclear arms," while making light the government's lie. 
 
However, the ironic fact that deterrence is indeed functioning 
because probably nobody believes the government's statements until 
now have been overlooked. This secret agreement had already been 
revealed by the late Professor Kei Wakaizumi of Kyoto Sangyo 
University (passed away in 1996) in his book The Best Course 
Available (Tasaku Nakarishi wo Shinzemu to Yokusu) in 1994. 
Wakaizumi was Prime Minister Eisaku Sato's secret envoy during the 
negotiations for Okinawa's reversion of Japanese administration in 
the late 1960s. 
 
The problem is rather with the three non-nuclear principles Prime 
Minister Sato pledged in his policy speech of 1968. By committing to 
"not producing, possessing, or introducing" nuclear weapons, 
flexibility was completely lost. Today, not only U.S. ships, but 
also Chinese and Russian vessels sail around with nuclear arms 
onboard. "Non-introduction" of nuclear arms is thus utterly 
anachronistic. 
 
North Korea will probably take advantage of its status as "nuclear 
power" to behave roughly in the near future. If Japan does not 
intend to possess nuclear weapons on its own, it should at least 
shelve the three non-nuclear principles and shift to strategic 
ambiguity. 
 
(8) To America: San Francisco Peace Treaty structure that shelved 
responsibility now fraying; Post-war reconciliation urged 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
July 1, 2009 
 
Kiyoshi Moriya (84), who was a civilian employee of the Imperial 
Japanese Army, now lives at a facility for former members of the 
Kuomintang Party in Douliu City, Yunlin Sian, Taiwan, calling 
himself Chen Hsien-jui. He was born to a Taiwanese parent, when 
Taiwan was occupied by the Empire of Japan. He was taken prisoner by 
the U.S. army during the war and sent to a camp in Australia. He 
 
TOKYO 00001518  010 OF 013 
 
 
obtained Japanese nationality after changing from Taiwan's 
Kuomintang Party to the People's Liberation Army. 
 
Taiwanese lost their Japanese nationality following the enactment of 
the San Francisco Peace Treaty in 1952. Moriya is not entitled to 
Japan's postwar compensation. Japan in 1987 decided to pay 
condolence money of up to 2 million yen to dead or injured Taiwanese 
who were civilian employees of the Imperial Japanese Army. However, 
Moriya, who was uninjured, was not eligible for the allowance. He 
just received unpaid wages (120 times the amount he was supposed to 
receive at the time), following the decision the Murayama cabinet 
reached in 1994. He is pro-Japanese and sympathetic to Japan's 
defeat in the war. However, his position is similar to those who 
were sent off to areas that were occupied by Japan and left behind 
when Japan was defeated in the war (kimin). There are similar 
problems involving South and North Koreans. 
 
Former imperialistic European countries are tackling similar issues 
as a post-colonial rule atonement policy, by distinguishing it from 
a post-war atonement policy toward countries with which Japan 
fought. Japan, whose stance is that the post-war atonement issues 
between nations was settled by the San Francisco Peace Treaty, is 
almost unaware of the idea of post-colonial rule, as researcher 
Huang of the Academia Sinica of Taiwan said. 
 
A number of Koreans and Chinese who were drafted (for forced labor) 
by Japan filed lawsuits, starting with the case in which Koreans who 
were left behind in Sakhalin filed a lawsuit in 1990. 
 
The Japanese government issued the Murayama statement on August 15, 
1995, acknowledging Japan's history of colonial rule and aggression. 
However, this is also premised on the San Francisco Peace Treaty 
structure. 
 
"If we bring up matters that occurred some 50 years ago, the 
Japan-U.S. relations that we have developed thus far may head for a 
bad direction. The Japanese side also has something to say. However, 
it is better not to do so. If we open a Pandora's box, it will cause 
big trouble." 
 
So saying, then ambassador to the U.S. Shunji Yanai at a press 
conference stressed that former American hostages, who were made to 
do forced labor in various parts of Japan during the war, would file 
lawsuits against Japanese companies seeking compensation for 
damage. 
 
The Japan-U.S. alliance is in good shape, since Japan does not say 
anything about air strikes or the atomic bombing by the U.S. In 
return for its joining the U.S.-led Western bloc, Japan has shelved 
its responsibility for thinking about not only taking security 
measures (on its own) but also coming to terms with its prewar 
actions and implementing them. As a result, it has evaded these 
responsibilities by accepting the U.S. thinking and mode of action 
under its umbrella. 
 
That is what the San Francisco Peace Treaty meant in terms of 
handling the post-war atonement issue and the view of wartime 
history. However, now that the Cold War is over, Japan must deal 
with post-war and post-colonial rule atonement issues on its own 
without resorting to the ready-made stance prepared by the U.S. 
 
In Japan, opposition to China and South Korea surged after the 
 
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mid-1990s, over the issue of history textbooks. The move peaked, 
following former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to 
Yasukuni Shrine between 2001 and 2006. However, under the post-San 
Francisco Peace Treaty structure, offering apologies or 
reconciliation could work as strong soft power instead of being a 
source of humiliation. It is impossible for Japan-U.S. relations 
alone to be treated like a sanctuary that is exempt from 
responsibility. 
 
(9) PNP's Shizuka Kamei: New administration should shift to policy 
of independence from the U.S.! 
 
NIPPON (Pages 16-23) (Excerpts) 
July 2009 
 
Interview with People's New Party (PNP) Deputy Chairman and House of 
Representatives member Shizuka Kamei by political commentator 
Keiichiro Nakamura 
 
New administration will declare "rollout of independent diplomacy" 
 
Nakamura: Political, economic, and social management centered on the 
Liberal Democratic Party has continued for more than 50 years. I 
think Japan is now approaching a major turning point that will shake 
its very foundation. Mr Kamei, tell us your assessment of the 
present situation as a politician. 
 
Kamei: On May 13, I met with National Security Council coordinator 
Gary Samore and senior director for Asian affairs Jeffrey Bader, as 
well as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Glyn Davies and 
Democratic Congressman Sander Levin. 
 
I told them that the new administration that will be born after the 
general election will make every effort to support the global 
strategy of the Obama administration to emerge from the present 
crisis. 
 
However, I also told them in no uncertain terms that the hitherto 
pattern of the United States setting the policy arbitrarily and 
telling Japan to cooperate will no longer work under the new 
administration, and that if the United States truly regards Japan as 
an ally, it will have to consult fully with Japan on world policy, 
Asian policy, security policy, economic policy, and all other 
policies when implementing policies. I also conveyed to them that 
the new Japanese administration will not necessarily be amenable to 
the United States' making bilateral decisions with China or North 
Korea. Right now, many Japanese politicians visiting the U.S. say 
things like "Japan carries on with the Japan-U.S. alliance as its 
cornerstone; we will cooperate with anything." Such is music to the 
ears, but this will not work under the new administration. I made 
this point clear to them, as well. 
 
This might sound a bit too strong but I said: "In this case, the 
U.S. will no longer be able to meddle in Japan's affairs. It will 
not be possible to use U.S. forces Japan to topple the new 
administration. The U.S. will not be able to stop the birth of a new 
administration in Japan, at least unless the C.I.A. assassinates 
me." 
 
Nakamura: What was the American reaction? 
 
Kamei: They were astonished and said: "This is the first time we 
 
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have heard such a statement." 
 
Nakamura: Japan has so far maintained a foreign policy with the 
Japan-U.S. security arrangements as its linchpin. I think the notion 
that everything is okay as long as the Japan-U.S. relationship is 
stable and that the bilateral relationship is everything is 
questionable. The new cabinet needs to build a new independent 
Japan-U.S. relationship. 
 
Kamei: During my recent visit to the U.S., I notified the U.S. side 
that the new cabinet will demand a new relationship. I told them: 
"Unless you assassinate Shizuka Kamei, America cannot have its way." 
Unless Japan and the U.S. have an equal relationship and unless they 
consult fully in promoting policies, U.S. diplomacy will not be able 
to achieve results. 
 
In more specific terms, when the United States executes its policy 
toward North Korea, it has to keep in mind that there are 500,000 
Koreans in Japan who pledge their allegiance to Kim Jong Il. These 
Koreans live in Japan and engage in economic, social, and cultural 
activities. I pointed out clearly that in that sense, Japan's 
relation with North Korea is different from that of faraway America. 
North Korea's missiles can reach Japan, but they cannot reach the 
U.S. 
 
That is, the basic premise in diplomacy toward North Korea should be 
that although there are things in common between Japan and the U.S., 
there are also many things that are different. They have to 
understand that when the United States' North Korean diplomacy is 
not in Japan's interest, Japan will have to adopt policies different 
from those of the U.S. On the part of North Korea, since stronger 
economic relations with Japan will be beneficial, when the U.S. 
executes its own policies toward that country, it is possible that 
Japan will also roll out its own policies. After listening to my 
opinion, Mr Samore said that nobody had ever said such things 
before. 
 
Furthermore, even if the U.S. wants to roll out its own policies 
toward China, which has had various experiences in its long history, 
it will not be able to handle this country. I argued that for this 
reason, even in China policy, the U.S. will not be successful if it 
does not consult Japan and borrow its wisdom in the implementation 
of its policies. 
 
There are benefits for China in cooperating with the U.S., but there 
are also many benefits in cooperating with Japan, in the technical 
fields, for instance. I told them that relations between Japan and 
China are much stronger than the Americans think. 
 
For this reason, it is important for the U.S. to understand Japan's 
national interest and consult fully with Japan in its foreign 
policy. 
 
I also conveyed to them the significance of including the Social 
Democratic Party, a party opposed to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, 
in the ruling coalition. Their reaction to my straight talk is "this 
is eye-opening." 
 
Think of Japan's role in the world as a whole! 
 
Kamei: At the end of the day, America's only option (to fund its 
economic recovery) is to issue government bonds. Right at the time 
 
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of my meeting with Mr. Samore, remarks by Masaharu Nakagawa, finance 
minister in the Democratic Party of Japan "Next Cabinet," on taking 
a cautious stance on purchasing U.S. bonds were reported by the 
media, thus causing the appreciation of the yen and depreciation of 
the dollar. With regard to this, I will absolutely not allow the new 
administration to do such a thing. I indicated that we will purchase 
U.S. bonds constructively from a global standpoint. 
 
ZUMWALT