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Viewing cable 09TOKYO1415, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 06/23/09

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09TOKYO1415 2009-06-23 21:54 2011-08-26 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO7280
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #1415/01 1742154
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 232154Z JUN 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 3985
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 7121
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 4790
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 8593
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 2342
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 5316
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 0032
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 6063
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 5756
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 001415 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 06/23/09 
 
INDEX: 
(1) Watered-down 2009 basic policy guidelines: Turmoil settled by 
omitting spending cuts of 220 billion yen (Mainichi) 
 
(2) Prime Minister Aso out of place; Many LDP members wary of 
whether Lower House should be dissolved by Aso (Nikkei) 
 
(3) Examining the Aso administration (Part 1): Response to 
once-in-a-century economic crisis; Signs of Lehman bankruptcy 
underestimated (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(4) Finance Ministry to sign agreement with U.S. for speedier 
customs clearance procedure (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Battle with booby traps: Tension high among U.S. Forces in 
"high-concentration area" in Afghanistan (Mainichi) 
 
(6) DPJ Okinawa chapter requests DPJ headquarters include in 
manifesto for Lower House election the relocation of Futenma to 
outside Okinawa (Okinawa Times) 
 
(7) Spy activities linked to antiwar movement: Part one -- "Eroded 
defenses: U.S. military bases in Okinawa" (Sankei) 
 
(8) TOP HEADLINES 
 
(9) EDITORIALS 
 
(10) Prime Minister's schedule, June 22 (Nikkei) 
 
(Corrected copy): New argument in Japan on the United States (Part 
A) (Mainichi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Watered-down 2009 basic policy guidelines: Turmoil settled by 
omitting spending cuts of 220 billion yen 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
June 23, 2009 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was thrown into chaos over the 
2009 basic policy guidelines on economic and fiscal management and 
structural reforms, which the government's Council on Economic and 
Fiscal Policy presented. The turmoil was at last settled with 
Finance Minister and State Minister for Financial Services and 
Economic and Fiscal Policy Kaoru Yosano pledging not to apply the 
government policy of curbing the natural increase in social security 
spending by 220 billion yen a year to the compilation of the fiscal 
2010 budget. The government's fiscal recapitalization policy is 
being buffeted in the face of pressure for more spending with an eye 
on the next Lower House election. The basic policy guidelines have 
been watered down so extensively that it is obvious to everyone. 
 
Following opposition voiced at a General Council meeting on June 19, 
Chairman Takashi Sasagawa at a special General Council meeting on 
June 22 sought understanding, presenting a revision plan stating 
that the government's spending reform, such as elimination of 
wasteful spending, will be maintained, but necessary social security 
spending will be financed. Chairman Hidehisa Otsuji of the LDP 
caucus in the Upper House, a frontline leader of members who are 
against a cut in social security expenditures, strongly opposed the 
 
TOKYO 00001415  002 OF 012 
 
 
revision plan. With many participants demanding a more explicit 
policy switch, approval of the basic policy guidelines was once 
again put off. 
 
Sasagawa during a press conference after the meeting expressed his 
displeasure with Otsuji, saying, "Since he is the head of the LDP 
caucus in the Upper House, he should be making efforts to gain 
consensus." He thus hinted at reaching a settlement by majority 
vote, although the General Council has so far decided various issues 
by unanimous consent. 
 
If the government gives up on the 2006 basic policy guidelines, 
which include a policy of cutting 220 billion yen in social security 
spending, it could come under fire for backpedalling on fiscal 
reconstruction. This could also affect other policies, such as a 3 
PERCENT  cut in public works. The party executives actually want to 
reach a settlement, while maintaining the stance of cutting 
expenditures, by making a verbal commitment that a 220 billion yen 
cut will not be made obligatory, as Acting Secretary General 
Hiroyuki Sonoda put it. 
 
Since the General Council meeting on June 22 was thrown into 
confusion, the executives, including Policy Research Council 
Chairman Kosuke Hori and Sasagawa, were starting to come under fire. 
However, after Yosano hastily met with Otsuji and categorically said 
that social security spending will not be trimmed, Otsuji softened 
his stance and said, "Our requirement has been met." 
 
An early compromise between the government and the LDP prior to the 
compilation of budget request guidelines for fiscal 2010 has 
revealed that 2006 basic policy guidelines have been diluted. Former 
Secretary General Koichi Kato, a member of the General Council, 
pointed out, "The confrontation is over on whether to make a policy 
switch from the Koizumi structural policy line or not." 
 
Concerning the retraction of the government policy of slashing 
social security expenditures by 220 trillion yen, Prime Minister 
Taro Aso told reporters at the Kantei: "The LDP and Mr. Yosano are 
now working out the details. I will follow their decision." He thus 
indicated his stance of approving their decision. 
 
(2) Prime Minister Aso out of place; Many LDP members wary of 
whether Lower House should be dissolved by Aso 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
June 23, 2009 
 
The momentum of Prime Minister Taro Aso has been on the decline. For 
Aso, who heads a small faction in the Liberal Democratic Party 
(LDP), support by major factions and his personal network are strong 
driving forces for steering his administration. If a drop in the 
support rates for the his cabinet lowers the reputation of Aso to 
lead the LDP into the next House of Representatives election, his 
support base will be shaken. Prior to the upcoming Lower House 
election, many in the LDP are wary of whether the Lower House should 
be dissolved by Aso, due to his poor popular support. 
 
"The LDP will make a do or die effort, and I am determined to lead 
the party," Aso said on June 20 at the campaign office in Kita Ward 
of a candidate for the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election. Aso 
emphasized such achievements by his cabinet as the recovery of 
Nikkei average to the 10,000 yen level. 
 
TOKYO 00001415  003 OF 012 
 
 
 
Aso visited the campaign offices of seven Tokyo assembly election 
candidates on June 20. Since June 7, he has visited 32 of the 42 
districts in Tokyo as of June 22. The reason for his placing 
importance on the Tokyo election is because he has predicted that 
the outcome of the election will have a major impact on the next 
general election. 
 
However, the approval rate for the Aso cabinet dropped to 25 percent 
in a poll the Nikkei Shimbun conducted in the middle of June. The 
major reasons for the drop are the replacement of Internal Affairs 
and Communications Minister Kunio Hatoyama and Aso's flip-flops in 
his remarks about whether to split the Ministry of Health, Labor and 
Welfare and other issues. 
 
In a meeting on the evening of June 16 of senior Machimura faction 
members, including former prime ministers Yoshiro Mori and Shinzo 
Abe, and Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura, participants 
reportedly raised such views as that if candidates backed by the LDP 
were defeated, the LDP presidential election should be moved up in 
order to fight the general election under the leadership of Aso's 
successor, and that the Lower House election should be delayed to 
October. 
 
In the 2008 LDP presidential race, Aso obtained nearly 70 percent of 
the votes backed by popular support. Veteran lawmakers from the 
Machimura faction, the largest in the LDP, and other factions, have 
supported Aso whenever he gets into a difficult situation due to his 
gaffes, while remonstrating him. Aso's aide said: "I'm concerned 
about a subtle change in the Machimura faction." 
 
Aso's colleagues will unavoidably lose their influence in the party. 
LDP Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Tadamori Oshima, Election 
Strategy Council Deputy Chairman Yoshihide Suga, and Administrative 
Reform Minister Akira Amari will likely be the only Aso's aides who 
will be able to remain in the cabinet or key party posts. In a 
meeting on June 15 of Shishi no Kai (Patriots Club), Election 
Strategy Council Chairman Makoto Koga told former Defense Minister 
Fumio Kyuma at the end of the meeting: "I want you to emphasize to 
reporters that I have called for a double election of the Tokyo 
assembly (and a general election) on July 12." 
 
Koga's aim reportedly was to seek to constrain the move to remove 
Aso from office by implying an early dissolution of the Lower House. 
However, Koga's remark created a major stir. There was also a rumor 
that Koga's real intention was to make sure that if the LDP suffered 
a setback municipal election without there being a double election, 
the drive to "oust Aso" would be unstoppable. On the evening of June 
15, a senior LDP member with close ties to Aso said: "The Prime 
Minister has probably made up his mind." The speculation over Aso's 
future course of action erupted in political circles. 
 
Meanwhile, Kunio Hatoyama has formed a study group to look into 
postal privatization. On the evening of June 17, about 30 LDP Diet 
members assembled at the Hatoyama Hall in Otowa, Tokyo. 
 
(3) Examining the Aso administration (Part 1): Response to 
once-in-a-century economic crisis; Signs of Lehman bankruptcy 
underestimated 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Abridged slightly) 
June 22, 2009 
 
TOKYO 00001415  004 OF 012 
 
 
 
Mid-September last year, Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc., a major 
investment bank, collapsed in the United States, while in Japan, 
Yasuo Fukuda resigned as prime minister. Shortly thereafter, Taro 
Aso and other candidates running in the Liberal Democratic Party 
(LDP) presidential race went on nationwide campaign tours. 
 
Aso delivered a speech in Okayama on September 17, two days after 
Lehman's news arrived in Japan from the United States. In the 
speech, Aso clearly said, "This will not drive Japan into a dire 
situation." 
 
Lehman Brothers' bankruptcy was a symbolic event of the global 
economic downturn. Even before that, there had been signs of a 
global economic crisis, such as the ever-growing subprime loan 
problem in the United States. One could not feel a sense of alarm in 
Aso's words and actions back then, however. 
 
Aso on his campaign trail expressed at times his concern that this 
situation could grow into a global economic recession. At the same 
time, he repeatedly expressed his optimistic view, going, "Japan 
will sustain less damage than other countries," and "The country's 
financial system will escape a serious crisis." 
 
Aso's campaign pledges for the LDP presidency included only a few 
concrete steps, such as policy-related tax cuts. The rest was 
nothing but a list of abstract expressions, such as "flexible 
economic policy making maximum use of the country's potential" and 
"a shift from the financial system requiring collateral to a 
financial system that invests in people and businesses." 
 
Aso seems to have the philosophy that a pessimistic view would have 
a negative impact on the economy. He also had confidence in the 
potential of Japan that overcame the financial crisis in the 1990s. 
 
He obviously could not imagine that the country would face several 
months later a once-in-a-century financial crisis where major 
Japanese corporations post record deficits and massive layoffs and 
the cancellation of job offers to graduating students become a 
social problem. Aso underestimated what was happening right under 
his nose. 
 
The early passage of the first supplementary budget for fiscal 2008, 
which had been formulated in outline by the Fukuda cabinet before 
Lehman went under, was the only matter Prime Minister Aso tackled 
for boosting the economy after assuming office. The extra budget, 
which was mainly designed to deal with rising crude oil prices, 
seemed belated, and the size of the budget -- 1.8 trillion yen -- 
was also small. 
 
Prime Minister Aso delivered his first policy speech on Sept. 29, 
ΒΆ2008. In it, he suggested the possibility of considering additional 
economic reassures, saying, "I will keep a close eye on the course 
of the U.S. economy and international financial markets, measure 
their influence on the real economy, and respond further as 
necessary in a flexible manner." But at that point, his response to 
the economic crisis was halfhearted because he was still planning to 
dissolve the House of Representatives in November after the first 
extra budget cleared the Diet. 
 
Aso decided to give top priority to the economy ahead of the 
compilation of the 4.8 trillion yen second supplementary budget. The 
 
TOKYO 00001415  005 OF 012 
 
 
budget was submitted to the Diet on January 5, 2009. 
 
? 
 
The Aso cabinet is wavering. With some LDP members openly talking 
about unseating Aso, it is uncertain whether the Prime Minister can 
actually exercise the right to dissolve the Lower House. Launched 
generally at the same time as the "Lehman shock," the Aso 
administration has been at the mercy of the economic crisis. This 
series of articles examine the economic measures taken by the Aso 
administration over the last nine months. 
 
(4) Finance Ministry to sign agreement with U.S. for speedier 
customs clearance procedure 
 
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
June 23, 2009 
 
The Finance Ministry will sign a reciprocal preferential treatment 
agreement with the U.S. for the purpose of simplifying customs 
clearance procedures for exports and imports involving companies of 
both countries. According to the envisaged pact, if companies are 
certified as eligible in Japan, cargoes exported by them to the U.S. 
can undergo simplified customs clearance procedures in the U.S. The 
likelihood is that Tokyo and Washington will reach an agreement 
possibly before the end of this week. Once the agreement is signed, 
it will likely be put into effect immediately. An increasing number 
of countries tend to adopt stricter customs clearance procedures as 
a measure against terrorism. The agreement to be concluded between 
the U.S. and Japan is, one can say, international cooperation, based 
on the Authorized Economic Operator (AEO) System designed to 
guarantee corporate creditworthiness, so as to avoid the negative 
impact of the strict regular customs clearance procedures. European 
countries adopted the AEO system last year. Moves for cooperation 
for customs clearance procedures, involving Europe, could spread. 
 
Japan adopted the AEO system in 2006. More than 200 companies, 
including Toyota Motors, Sony and Nintendo, have received the 
authorization. As part of anti-terrorist measures, the U.S. also 
adopted a mechanism for authorized economic operators called the 
Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism (C-PAT) in 2002. 
 
Since government guarantee for safety is given to cargoes of 
authorized companies, the possibility of such cargoes undergoing 
detailed inspections at customs will greatly reduce. The Japan 
Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren), the Japan Automobile 
Manufacturers Association (JAMA) and the Japan Machinery Center for 
Trade and Investment have been strongly calling on the government to 
forge international tie-ups using the AEO system so as to simplify 
customs clearance procedures. 
 
(5) Battle with booby traps: Tension high among U.S. Forces in 
"high-concentration area" in Afghanistan 
 
MAINICHI (Top play, page 6) (Full) 
Evening, June 22, 2009 
 
Tomoko Oji, Sharan (Paktika Province, southeast Afghanistan) 
 
This reporter is engaged in embedded journalism, while attached to 
the U.S. armed forces in Afghanistan, where the Obama administration 
of the United States is sending more troops. Remote villages in 
 
TOKYO 00001415  006 OF 012 
 
 
Paktika lie in a danger zone where the Taliban and other armed 
insurgents coming from Pakistan are trying to transport weapons. 
With many improvised explosive devices (IED) set up here, American 
soldiers, clutching their machine guns, are on high alert. 
 
The U.S. Army outpost in Sharan is about 20 kilometers from the 
village. I hitched a ride on a large armored vehicle used for 
dealing with bombs on a road known to have a "high concentration" of 
such devices. A young soldier told this nervous reporter that, "Even 
if we hit an IED, you won't die in this vehicle." 
 
The U.S. and the Afghan military forces set up check points on the 
gravel road passing through the village on May 28. Two days later, 
there was an attack by armed insurgents, resulting in a exchange of 
fire. According to the U.S. military, in just the last three days, 
twenty bombs were found in an area near an elementary school. 
 
On top of the hill beside the check point is a graveyard where the 
villagers worship their ancestors. Nervous-looking American soldiers 
kept watch in a corner there. 
 
The U.S. forces have begun to add 17,000 troops from mid-June. They 
are aiming at stabilizing the security situation, but the Taliban 
and other forces have reacted strongly to this, so fighting is 
expected to intensify. 
 
At a check point in a remote area of Paktika Province, southeast 
Afghanistan, Sehaanga Masavi (as transliterated), 24, a local police 
officer on security duty grumbled, "We would like to reduce civilian 
casualties by even just a little." 
 
Paktika is one of the poorest provinces in Afghanistan. The literacy 
rate is less than 10 percent. It is not unusual for households to 
have neither a radio nor a television. In a situation where there is 
a scarcity of information, the Taliban and others reportedly tell 
the village leaders: "The American soldiers are killing Afghans on 
purpose. They are here to conquer Afghanistan." They then make them 
help set up IEDs at little cost. Behind this is the fact that many 
civilians have indeed died from the U.S. military's air strikes. On 
the other hand, local residents are now not just victims; they also 
are inflicting injuries on themselves. 
 
There are a total of 45 troops at the check point, 24 from a U.S. 
Army airborne unit based in Alaska, plus Afghan soldiers and police 
officers. They check on some 100 vehicles passing through each day. 
The job of the Afghan police officers is to cooperate closely with 
the local residents to gather information. 
 
There are small villages near this area where nearly 5,000 Pashtuns 
live. While I was doing my reporting, a number of male villagers 
were looking at us from afar, but none approached us. 
 
The locals looked at the American soldiers with a stern expression. 
After I alighted from the armored vehicle, I tried to talk to a 
family nearby, but the father shook his head. A male Afghan 
interpreter for the U.S. military, 24, said: "They are worried that 
the Taliban may target them if they are seen talking to someone 
related to the U.S. military." 
 
I also saw a number of women, all covered from head to toe with 
burkas. According to the interpreter, "This area is extremely 
conservative." 
 
TOKYO 00001415  007 OF 012 
 
 
 
Kenneth Wolfe, 44, special sergeant major and commanding officer of 
the U.S. Army airborne unit's outpost in Sharan, said: "The Taliban 
is trying to use conservative poor Afghan citizens in the remote 
areas. We are helping to build a system where the citizens can trust 
the Afghan government and unite to fight terrorism." 
 
(6) DPJ Okinawa chapter requests DPJ headquarters include in 
manifesto for Lower House election the relocation of Futenma to 
outside Okinawa 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full) 
June 23, 2009 
 
(Tokyo) 
 
Tadashi Uezato, policy chief of the Democratic Party of Japan's 
(DPJ) Okinawa chapter, yesterday visited the DPJ's headquarters to 
ask the party to reflect the DPJ 21st Century Okinawa Vision 2008, 
which advocates such visions as the relocation of U.S. Marines' Air 
Station Futenma to someplace outside Okinawa in a manifesto (set of 
campaign pledges) for the next House of Representatives election, 
which the party will compile in mid-June (sic). According to Uezato, 
he met with DPJ Policy Research Committee Chairman Masayuki Naoshima 
and Naoshima took a forward-looking stance, saying: "We want to look 
into your request as we are now compiling measures by division." 
 
In addition to the relocation of Futenma out of Okinawa, the DPJ 
Okinawa Vision 2008, compiled last July, advocates: creating a 
lump-sum subsidy system by abolishing the works under direct 
government control in order to aim at a one country two systems 
formula; and coming up with economic stimulus measures that meet 
Okinawa's characteristics by drastic review, including removing the 
landing fees at Naha Airport, the navigation assistance facility 
usage fee and the aviation fuel tax. 
 
Referring to DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama's pledge to maintain the 
party's position toward the Futenma relocation issue even if the DPJ 
win the next Lower House election, Uezato stressed: "As the DPJ 
stipulated the relocation of Futenma to outside Okinawa in its 
manifesto for the 2005 election, such should be included in the 
manifesto this time." 
 
With regard to the system of autonomous control and economic 
development, recognizing that there are measures that are the same 
as the DPJ's nationwide policy, Uezato said: "There were no 
descriptions about Okinawa in the past manifestos. So, in a bid also 
to show the DPJ's Okinawa policy, it is necessary to 'Okinawa' in 
the manifesto." 
 
(7) Spy activities linked to antiwar movement: Part one -- "Eroded 
defenses: U.S. military bases in Okinawa" 
 
SANKEI (Page 3) (Full) 
June 22, 2009 
 
Toru Maeda 
 
The U.S. military pride itself as the most powerful armed force in 
the world.  Kadena Air Base (KAB) in Okinawa, where is based the 
18th Wing, the largest combat wing of the U.S. Air Force, was built 
to serve as the linchpin of security from Northeast Asia down to 
 
TOKYO 00001415  008 OF 012 
 
 
Southeast Asia. However, it is now in the limelight as the 
intelligence base monitoring North Korea's nuclear tests and Chinese 
naval vessels in the South China Sea. It also is increasingly 
becoming the target of monitoring itself by the anti-base movement 
in Okinawa that upholds the slogans of antiwar and peace. Within 
this antiwar movement, activities by Chinese and other foreign spies 
are now on the rise. 
 
The website "RIMPEACE Track! U.S. Forces Japan" has attracted great 
attention recently. The name "RIMPEACE" was coined from "RIMPAC," 
joint Japan-U.S. military exercises in sea areas near Hawaii (Rim of 
the Pacific), by changing the last syllable to "peace" to mean 
pan-Pacific peace movement. It is an extension of the antiwar and 
peace movement demanding the withdrawal of the bases. 
 
RIMPEACE was able to photograph the WC-135, an atmospheric 
collection aircraft commonly referred to as the "Constant Phoenix," 
stationed at KAB for the first time on April 14. 
 
Constant Phoenix is well known for being the first to detect 
radioactive substances during the Chernobyl nuclear power plant 
accident of the former Soviet Union. There used to be a number of 
reconnaissance planes with comparable capability to detect 
radioactivity, but only one is left today. Therefore, information on 
its movements is a top secret. 
 
RIMPEACE was quick to photograph it and reported real time that the 
WC-135 "was already on standby on the day after the missile launch. 
It had foreseen North Korea's nuclear test or resumption of nuclear 
arms development at a very early stage and had been prepared," which 
convinced many a military experts. 
 
Actually, what made the filming possible is "Michi no Eki (rest 
area) Kadena" right next to the KAB. There are nearly 9,000 "michi 
no eki" in Japan, which are part of the regional development efforts 
of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport, and Tourism. In 
the case of Kadena, the "michi no eki" is a four-storied building 
which commands a full view of the air base from the rooftop. It has 
become an international tourist spot for viewing a U.S. military 
base. 
 
Among the foreign visitors is a group of Chinese who come to monitor 
the base. A tour guide of an Okinawan travel agency says: "Chinese 
tourist groups have always wanted to see the Kadena base. However, a 
curious group of five to six members has been coming with the 
tourists since about two years ago. They leave the tour group and go 
on their own, chartering a taxi. They go not only to Kadena, but 
also to Futenma, the Naha Military Port, White Beach, and all other 
U.S. military bases day after day. They even have an interpreter 
whose Japanese is very good, and it was obvious that their purpose 
is to monitor the bases." 
 
This group has also been spotted by employees of the cafeteria on 
the rooftop of "Michi no Eki Kadena." "Their equipment is very 
impressive. They cover the entire base among the five of them. For 
some reason, they always show up when there is information on the 
takeoff and landing of reconnaissance planes. 
 
What is worrying is that such "reconnaissance" may also be linked to 
the antiwar and peace groups in Japan. We obtained the following 
testimony in the area neighboring the KAB: 
 
 
TOKYO 00001415  009 OF 012 
 
 
"There is a man who is very keen on gathering information on KAB. He 
is well known among the military base freaks. He goes in and out of 
the office of a reformist political party and sometimes shows 
antiwar groups coming from the mainland around. This man was 
recently seen showing a group of foreigners, who certainly looked 
like Chinese VIPs, around." 
 
A similar case was observed when a 29-member delegation of the 
Chinese National People's Congress (NPC) visited Okinawa for three 
days in March. At first, the delegation strongly asked to go to the 
"Michi no Eki Kadena," which overlooks KAB, but at the last minute, 
changed their destination to the "Okinawa oil depot" (in Uruma 
City). 
 
Japan, which has no oil resources, has an extensive network of oil 
storage bases all over the country. These oil depots may become 
important strategic sites in an emergency in Okinawa, where there 
are many U.S. military bases. Furthermore, the U.S. naval base in 
White Beach is also located near the oil depot. White Beach was once 
used as a supply base during an emergency in Taiwan. 
 
The NPC delegation came to Japan in the name of Japan-China 
friendship, but they had insisted on visiting Okinawa from the 
beginning. The reason given was "economic exchanges based on 
historical and cultural links." But why did they insist on seeing 
the oil depot? Actually, two senior People's Liberation Army cadres 
were also members of the delegation. 
 
The problem is: Okinawa Times, Ryukyu Shimpo, and the local media 
only reported on the economic exchanges, such as the luncheon of the 
delegation with the business sector. They kept silent on the visit 
to the oil depot. 
 
(8) TOP HEADLINES 
 
Asahi: 
FTC slaps retraction order on Seven Eleven; ban on price cutting 
judged unfair 
 
Mainichi: 
Ban on marked-down prices at convenience stores judged unfair; FTC 
slaps retraction order on Seven Eleven 
 
Yomiuri: 
Prime minister accepts Nishikawa keeping job as Japan Post chief; 
appreciates internal penalties imposed 
 
Nikkei: 
Government, ruling parties retract restraint on social security 
spending in next fiscal year's budget; possible pressure for 
increasing spending 
 
Sankei: 
"Big-boned Policies 2009": Provision on "North Korea measures" 
leaves room for defense budget increase 
 
Tokyo Shimbun: 
Ban on price cutting by convenience stores judged unfair: FTC slaps 
retraction order on Seven Eleven 
 
Akahata: 
30 years of "sympathy" budget: Over 2 trillion yen spent for U.S. 
 
TOKYO 00001415  010 OF 012 
 
 
military bases improvement 
 
 (9) EDITORIALS 
 
Asahi: 
(1) Seven Eleven: Aim for a mechanism for not wasting food 
(2) Confusion in Iran: Serious concerns on suppression of 
reformists 
 
Mainichi: 
(1) Retraction order on convenience stores: Think about massive 
disposal of food 
(2) Nuclear umbrella: Feeling of being protected? - by editorial 
writer Hiroshi Fuse 
 
Yomiuri: 
(1) Seven Eleven: Ban on price cutting questioned under 
Anti-Monopoly Law 
(2) Government rescue of Japan Airlines: Break away from habit of 
relying on government 
 
Nikkei: 
(1) Strict standards for government rescue of private companies 
(2) Convenience store management facing review 
 
Sankei: 
(1) Aso administration: Time to present policies to seek people's 
verdict 
(2) Iran riots: Suppression will aggravate situation 
 
Tokyo Shimbun: 
(1) Iran riots: Exercise restraint on suppression by force 
(2) Stockholder meetings: Evasive management is unacceptable 
 
Akahata: 
(1) Plan to build new military base in Okinawa: Scrap the plan in 
accordance with the Okinawan people's wishes 
 
(10) Prime Minister's schedule, June 22 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
June 23, 2009 
 
07:24 Took a walk around his official residence. 
09:31 Attended a cabinet meeting. Chief Cabinet Secretary Kawamura 
stayed on. 
09:59 Met Consumers Affairs Minister Noda at the Kantei. 
11:03 Met Russian Presidential Executive Office head Naryshkin 
12:55 Met Vice Foreign Minister Yabunaka. 
13:32 Met MOFA Foreign Policy Bureau Director-General Bessho and 
Cabinet Office Secretariat of the International Peace Cooperation 
Headquarters chief Takada in the presence of Assistant Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Hayashi. 
14:44 Attended a meeting of the national council to create beautiful 
forests held at the Toranomon Pastral. 
16:00 Placed a telephone call to German Chancellor Merkel. Afterward 
met Assistant Chief Cabinet Secretary Fukuda, followed by Vice 
Finance Minister Sugimoto, Budget Bureau Director-General Tango, Tax 
Bureau Director-General Kato, and Deputy Vice Finance Minister 
Katsu. 
17:01 Attended an LDP executive meeting in the Diet building. 
Secretary General Hosoda, General Council Chairman Sasagawa, Policy 
 
TOKYO 00001415  011 OF 012 
 
 
Research Council Chairman Hori, Upper House Caucus Chairman Otsuji 
and Election Strategy Council Chairman Koga stayed on. 
17:28 Met Internal Affairs and Communications Minister Sato at the 
Kantei. 
18:03 Returned to his official residence. 
18:38 Visited the campaign office in Higashi-kasai of a candidate 
running in the Tokyo assembly election. 
19:05 Visited the campaign office in Harue-cho of a candidate 
running in the Tokyo assembly election. 
19:38 Visited the campaign office in Katsushika's Kamakura of a 
candidate running in the Tokyo assembly election. 
19:59 Visited the campaign office in Aoto of a candidate running in 
the Tokyo assembly election. 
20:40 Returned to his official residence. 
 
(Corrected copy): New argument in Japan on the United States (Part 
A): Japan offers apology 68 years after Bataan Death March that 
claimed lives of 800 American POWs; First step to discussions on 
historical views triggered by wartime sex slavery resolution 
 
MAINICHI (Top play and page 3) (Abridged slightly) 
June 22, 2009 
 
On May 30, U.S. Ambassador to Japan Ichiro Fujisaki, attending the 
convention of an organization of former prisoners of war (POW), 
offered the Japanese government's apology for the first time for the 
Bataan Death March. The Bataan Death March is an incident that 
occurred in 1942 during WWII in which the Imperial Japanese Army 
forced over 10,000 people, including American POWs, walk for more 
than 100 km on the Philippines' Bataan Peninsula, and some 800 
people died as a result. 
 
Since the history textbook issue of late 1990s, discussions have 
been going on in Japan over the meaning of the last major war and 
the question of wartime responsibility. But the issue of historical 
views between Japan and the United States has effectively been 
sealed off. What does the apology 68 years after the incident 
signify? 
 
The convention of the American Defenders of Bataan and Corregidor 
(ADBC), which sought Japan's apology, took place in San Antonio, 
Texas. The organization disbanded itself that day, citing the 
advanced ages of its members. 
 
At the convention, Fujisaki said: "The government of Japan would 
like to extend a heartfelt apology for having caused tremendous 
damage and suffering to many people, including prisoners of war, 
those who have undergone tragic experiences on the Bataan Peninsula, 
Corregidor Island (where the U.S. military command was located) and 
other places. An invitation to Japan is being worked on." Fujisaki's 
words elicited a standing ovation from about half of the 400 
attendees. 
 
At the convention hall, Fujisaki also said: "The basic view 
expressed (by me) today was within the framework of the statement 
issued in 1995 by then Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama. But I think 
Japan responded clearly to the interest of former POWs. I was glad 
that I was able to attend the ADBC's last convention." 
 
ADBC National Commander Lester Tenney met with Fujisaki for the 
first time last November. Since receiving letters of apology last 
December and this February, Tenney had repeatedly called for 
 
TOKYO 00001415  012 OF 012 
 
 
Fujisaki's attendance at the convention to make a direct apology to 
the ADBC members. Listening to Fujisaki's candid statement, Tenney 
nodded his head in approval, thinking, "The chapter has now come to 
an end." 
 
The question of historical views between Japan and United States had 
long been a taboo. The taboo was shattered in July 2007 when the 
U.S. House of Representatives adopted a resolution seeking Japan's 
apology for having forced foreign women to serve as sexual slaves 
for the Imperial Japanese Army during WWII. The Japanese government 
tried to block it and conservative opinion leaders and lawmakers 
fiercely objected to it. The event exposed gaps in view between the 
two countries. 
 
It sent especially strong shockwaves through the Foreign Ministry. 
"Japan's postwar pacifism is not sufficiently understood by the 
American public. If there are calls in the United States for Japan's 
apology, the government should respond to them as much as possible," 
a senior Foreign Ministry official noted. 
 
Chuo University law professor Yozo Yokota took this view: "The 
handling of POWs could be a violation of international law. But if 
the United States tries to pursue Japan, arguments would emerge from 
Japan that the dropping of atomic bombs and air raids were also 
illicit. I believe there has been a tacit understanding between 
Japan and the United States to avoid subjects that could harm the 
bilateral security alliance." 
 
The question of wartime responsibility has been put on the 
backburner throughout the postwar period for the sake of 
strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance. But the question still haunts 
the two countries which will celebrate (next year) the 50th 
anniversary of the conclusion of the revised U.S.-Japan Security 
Treaty. 
 
In the postwar period, the argument has gained ground in Japan that 
the country was forced to accept the masochistic historical view 
under the American Occupation. At the same time, Japan tends to 
direct its criticism to China, South Korea, and North Korea instead 
of frontally discussing the United States on which Japan heavily 
relies for its national security. With an increase in the use of 
sensational language in conservative magazines, the monthly magazine 
Shokun suspended its publication in May. Reportedly the reason was 
partly because even though its basic line was conservative the 
magazine's stance of carrying a wide range of arguments, including 
counterarguments, showed that it could no longer resist the trend. 
 
ZUMWALT