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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 001367 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 06/17/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) DPJ Hatoyama in office one month making smooth start (Tokyo 
Shimbun) 
 
(2) Three opposition parties accelerating preparations for forming 
coalition (Asahi) 
 
(3) "Pro-U.S." smile, but action is the opposite - Part two of 
series "DPJ's risky 'fraternal' foreign policy" (Sankei) 
 
(4) Editorial: Can cargo-inspection mission be properly performed 
without SDF? (Sankei) 
 
(5) United States wavering over provision of F-22s to Japan; 
Government, Congress at loggerheads over its propriety (Nikkei) 
 
(6) Mr Obama, please come to Hiroshima! Atomic bombing survivors see 
a light of hope from the speech on "elimination of nuclear arms" 
(Mainichi) 
 
(7) A year after agreement on joint development of gas field: China 
strangely remains inactive (Sankei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) DPJ Hatoyama in office one month making smooth start 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
June 17, 2009 
 
One month has passed as of yesterday since Democratic Party of Japan 
(DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama assumed office. Public support 
ratings of the main opposition party sharply dropped after the 
arrest of a former president Ichiro Ozawa's secretary over a 
fund-raising scandal involving Nishimatsu Construction Co., but the 
party has since completely recovered its standing. Party members are 
now united in pursuing the goal of bringing about a change of 
government in the next House of Representatives election. The 
Hatoyama leadership is making a smooth start, but there is also a 
pitfall. 
 
In a press conference yesterday, Hatoyama emphasized: 
 
"I am now keenly sensing that our party can be a receptacle for 
public complaints of the Aso cabinet, based on what was formed under 
former president Ozawa. We are determined to seize political power 
without fail. We would like to take action, believing that bringing 
about a change of government is our destiny." 
 
The DPJ won the Nagoya, Saitama and Chiba mayoral elections held in 
succession. The party is now stepping up efforts to win a victory in 
the upcoming Shizuoka gubernatorial election and the Tokyo 
metropolitan assembly election in July and then to grab political 
power in the Lower House election. A close aide to Hatoyama said, 
using golf terminology, in a relax manner, "If we do not drive out 
of bounds until the Lower House election, everything will go 
smoothly." 
 
The DPJ being united is not only because of its successive victories 
in the mayoral elections but also because the party has taken on a 
fresher, more open feel as a result of Hatoyama having executives 
 
TOKYO 00001367  002 OF 011 
 
 
share roles in managing the party. Under previous president Ozawa, a 
decision was made in a top-down style in many cases. 
 
Hatoyama has entrusted election strategy to Ozawa, preparations for 
a plan for a new administration to Deputy President Naoto Kan, and 
formulation of a campaign manifesto to Secretary General Katsuya 
Okada. 
 
Even so, the role-sharing may result in weakening Hatoyama's policy 
identity. When Kan released his private idea about planning a new 
administration in a monthly magazine, Hatoyama told him: "The 
president should make a final decision, so if you have an idea, I 
want you to suggest it." 
 
He sometimes makes remarks that cause a stir. In a radio program 
yesterday, he said that even if we forms a coalition government with 
other opposition parties, "once the DPJ wins a sole majority, (the 
coalition of opposition parties) will be disbanded," soliciting 
angry reactions from the Social Democratic Party and the People's 
New Party. Hatoyama later was hounded for an explanation: "I made a 
misleading statement." 
 
The first trial for the Nishimatsu scandal will be held on June 19. 
If new suspicious surface, the situation might completely change. 
 
Probably bearing party members being in a buoyant mood in mind, 
Hatoyama tried to pull themselves together by saying: "Almost all 
bills are expected to clear the Diet this week. The House of 
Representatives could be dissolved in two week." He will hold a 
second Diet debate with Prime Minister Aso today, in which his 
capability as party leader will be tested. 
 
(2) Three opposition parties accelerating preparations for forming 
coalition 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
June 17, 2009 
 
With an eye to trading places with the ruling camp in the upcoming 
House of Representatives election, opposition parties are now 
accelerating moves to form "a coalition government." While calling 
on the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the People's New Party 
(PNP) to resolve minor differences in order to form a coalition, the 
main opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) is speeding up the 
work of drafting common policy measures along with the two minor 
opposition parties. The three opposition parties are expected to 
encounter difficulties in formulating common security policy. There 
are a lot of issues to be resolved. 
 
"I'm very pleased indeed to have this opportunity to talk to you in 
a friendly atmosphere," DPJ President Yukio Hatoyama said and bowed 
his head in an informal meeting yesterday with PNP leader Tamisuke 
Watanuki and the political organization called "Postal Policy Study 
Association" composed of retired special postmasters and others. In 
the meeting, they reconfirmed the agreement that the DPJ will 
stipulate a review of the postal privatization program in its 
manifesto (set of campaign pledges) for the next general election, 
and that the postal association will support the campaigning of DPJ 
candidates recommended by the PNP. 
 
With the sharp fall in the Aso cabinet's public approval ratings, 
there is a possibility that political change will occur and the 
 
TOKYO 00001367  003 OF 011 
 
 
talks between the three parties will become bogged down. Since a 
policy of reviewing the postal privatization program is included in 
the three parties' common policy, if a coalition government of the 
DPJ, SDP, and PNP is inaugurated, the postal privatization program 
will be reviewed. The SDP decided on June 11 to take part in 
consultations on a coalition government in case the opposition camp 
outnumbers the ruling camp in the snap election. Even if the DPJ 
wins a majority of the Lower House in the general election, it will 
be indispensable for it to form a coalition with the SDP and PNP 
because the DPJ does not have an outright majority in the House of 
Councillors. 
 
However, security policy is bound to hit rocky terrain. The SDP has 
taken the stance of opposing the dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces 
(SDF) overseas. The SDP still maintains the view in that it should 
provide off-cabinet support to the DPJ, because of its experience of 
having been forced to change its policy in 1994, when it was a 
member of in the Murayama administration, which was backed by the 
SDP, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), and Sakigake Party. 
 
Consultations on amending the Worker Dispatch Law are still 
underway. Although the SDP and PNP have called for stricter 
restrictions, many in the DPJ, which has lawmakers from labor 
unions, have been cautious about amending the law. With regard to 
the DPJ's policy of completely prohibiting donations by 
corporations, the PNP has been prudent about it, citing "It is wrong 
to ask us to come up with an instant answer." 
 
With the political situation after the general election in mind, a 
leadership struggle has already begun. When Hatoyama hinted at the 
possibility of dissolving the coalition if it gains an outright 
majority in next year's Upper House election, the PNP fiercely 
rebutted. The PNP put off its plan to recommend on June 16 
candidates expected to run on the DPJ ticket. There is no guarantee 
that the relations of the three parties will go smoothly even if the 
opposition block outnumbers the ruling camp in the upcoming general 
election. 
 
(3) "Pro-U.S." smile, but action is the opposite - Part two of 
series "DPJ's risky 'fraternal' foreign policy" 
 
SANKEI (Page 3) (Full) 
June 17, 2009 
 
"Some Americans misunderstand me for disliking America. I like 
America." (from U.S. records) 
 
This was at a conference room in Hotel Okura, which is next door to 
the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo, on the evening of February 17. Democratic 
Party of Japan (DPJ) President Ichiro Ozawa made it a point to smile 
his "pro-U.S." smile during his meeting with Secretary of State 
Hillary Clinton, who was visiting Japan. He said that, "I have 
always advocated the importance of the Japan-U.S. alliance," and 
added that, "The alliance needs an equal partnership." 
 
On that evening, the U.S. side was nervous that "Ozawa might lose 
his temper" because Clinton's dinner with Prime Minister Taro Aso 
before this meeting ran late and Ozawa was made to wait nearly 30 
minutes. There were no snacks on the table where he met the 
Secretary, and only plastic bottles of water were placed there 
casually. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001367  004 OF 011 
 
 
Yet, Ozawa tried to flatter Clinton as a heavyweight politician. He 
told her: "The Secretary has a lot of experience with elections. You 
must know elections well." Clinton responded genially: "Sure, of 
course I know about elections." Yukio Hatoyama, who was also 
present, introduced himself and said in English toward the end of 
the meeting: "I studied at Stanford University. Please give my best 
to my fellow alumna Miss Chelsea (the Secretary's only daughter)." 
Although the meeting lasted only 30 minutes, everyone was all smiles 
at Ozawa's first meeting with the Secretary. However, there had been 
a "battle behind the scenes" that lasted a few weeks before this 
meeting. 
 
"Battle behind the scenes" before meeting materialized 
 
The U.S. side was the first to inquire about holding a meeting. 
Clinton, who had chosen Japan as her first country to visit, had 
conveyed her desire to "meet with the leaders of the number one 
party in the House of Councillors." 
 
However, according to an informed source, Ozawa's office gave a 
reply that was absolutely unthinkable in terms of protocol: "Bring a 
letter of request signed by the charg d'affaires." The duration of 
the Secretary's stay was only three days, so for a while, the U.S. 
side gave up on arranging the meeting. 
 
However, when Hatoyama and Diet Affairs Committee chief Kenji 
Yamaoka learned about this, they panicked and instead requested to 
the U.S. side that they would like to have the meeting. The U.S. 
side retaliated with: "Then write a letter of request," and the 
meeting finally materialized. 
 
The atmosphere at the meeting was indeed amicable. Yet, despite the 
words said about being "pro-U.S." and "giving importance to the 
alliance," the U.S. side was left with serious doubts. 
 
Neither Ozawa nor any of his colleagues gave a clear answer on the 
pending issues between the two countries, including U.S. Forces 
Japan (USFJ) realignment, host nation support, Status of Forces 
Agreement, and aid to Afghanistan. 
 
Such doubts about the DPJ remain even after Ozawa stepped down as 
president and was replaced by Hatoyama. The party's voting record in 
the Diet clearly indicates a direction opposite to what Ozawa says 
about the "importance of the alliance." The DPJ opposed the 
extension of the refueling mission in the Indian Ocean and USFJ 
realignment; it demanded the relocation of Futenma Air Station 
outside Okinawa; and opposed sharing the cost of relocating U.S. 
marines to Guam, as well as host nation support. Its actions negate 
almost all the cooperation that has been undertaken by the Japanese 
government under the security alliance. 
 
A source on Japan-U.S. relations voices his skepticism: "I don't 
understand the substance of Mr Hatoyama's fraternal (yuai) foreign 
policy." In a speech in Tokyo in February, Hatoyama declared that, 
"It is important to use the United Nations to make the Japan-U.S. 
alliance function better." 
 
Contributed article on downsizing SDF 
 
However, as seen in the case of the UN Security Council resolution 
on sanctions against North Korea, the functions of the UN can only 
be reinforced with Japan-U.S. cooperation. It is not true that the 
 
TOKYO 00001367  005 OF 011 
 
 
UN can be used to make the Japan-U.S. alliance work; it is the other 
way around. Hatoyama's reasoning can be said to be upside down. 
 
The above source also expresses his amazement with Ozawa's 
controversial statement that "the Seventh Fleet will be sufficient 
for U.S. military presence," since, the source says, "the Seventh 
Fleet has a wide operation area, and it is not in areas near Japan 
half of the time. How can it protect Japan's security?" He adds 
that, "If Japan is taking over the tasks of the U.S. Forces, that is 
very welcome, but (the DPJ) also opposes building up defense 
capability. It is incomprehensible." Ten years ago, Ozawa 
contributed an article to Bungeishunju claiming that, "The 
Self-Defense Forces (SDF) has fulfilled its historical mission and 
will be downsized from now on." 
 
The Obama administration and China will begin a fresh round of 
substantial dialogue on security and economics in July. Tensions are 
also high in the North Korean and Iranian nuclear issues. Japan and 
the U.S. will mark the 50th anniversary of the Japan-U.S. Security 
Treaty next year amid major changes in the security environment both 
at home and abroad. 
 
It is time for Japan to rethink the Japan-U.S. world strategy at a 
high level while maintaining and managing the alliance through USFJ 
realignment and missile defense cooperation, for instance. 
 
At a time like this, can the nebulous "fraternal foreign policy" 
fulfill Japan's responsibility to the United States and the world? 
The U.S. side indeed has some hopes that the DPJ "will shift to 
slightly more realistic policies after taking over the 
administration." 
 
However, the above source on bilateral relations asserts that, "One 
thing we know for sure is that hopes do not become policies." 
 
(4) Editorial: Can cargo-inspection mission be properly performed 
without SDF? 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
June 17, 2009 
 
Following a resolution adopted against North Korea by the UN 
Security Council (UNSC), the government intends to enact a new 
special measures law to authorize cargo inspections onboard ships to 
and from North Korea. 
 
Japan has called for a stricter UNSC resolution but has not prepared 
legislation to enable ship inspections on the high seas. There is a 
gaping hole in our legal system. It is an obligation for all 
political parties to enact the special legislation at an early 
date. 
 
The UNSC resolution demands that the member countries carry out 
cargo inspections onboard North Korean ships on the high seas and in 
territorial waters, the aim being to prevent materials related to 
weapons of mass destruction, conventional weapons, and luxury goods 
from being transported to North Korea. If a ship refuses inspection, 
the resolution notes that the ship be escorted to a nearby port to 
be subjected to inspection. 
 
The government is considering a plan for the Japan Coast Guard (JCG) 
to be responsible for inspection, giving consideration to cautious 
 
TOKYO 00001367  006 OF 011 
 
 
views about mobilizing Self-Defense Force's (SDF) ships in the 
government and the ruling parties. The government reportedly intends 
to allow the JCG to conduct ship searches on the high seas and also 
plans to ease its weapon-use standard. 
 
But it is inconceivable that North Korean ships will meekly agree to 
a demand for inspection. They can be expected to respond fiercely. 
It might be necessary to mobilize escort ships, which can serve as a 
strong deterrent. When Japan assists inspections by warships from 
the U.S. and other countries or collects information, Japan must 
depend on the SDF. 
 
Many LDP members are calling for giving consideration to mobilizing 
the SDF for this duty. In the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), 
President Yukio Hatoyama has approved the need for new legislation 
and a discussion has already started. It has not rejected the idea 
of mobilizing the SDF. 
 
It would be better for Prime Minister Taro Aso, without sticking to 
the policy of allowing only the JCG to carry out cargo inspection, 
to ask the DPJ for cooperation. 
 
Meanwhile, the government has adopted in a cabinet meeting its own 
sanctions, including a total ban on exports to North Korea. Japan 
newly decided to not to allow foreign residents in Japan who visited 
North Korea to enter Japan again if they are judged to have violated 
the sanctions the Japanese government has already introduced. But 
these are not enough. 
 
It has been reported that North Korean engineers living in Japan 
have frequently visited North Korea through third countries, such as 
Russia. Taking seriously the outflow of technologies through 
exchanges of persons and goods, Japan should consider additional 
stricter sanction measures. 
 
In reaction to the sanction resolution, North Korea has demonstrated 
a stance of confrontation, announcing a plan to produce weapons with 
newly extracted plutonium and the start of uranium enrichment work. 
The international community needs to unite and steadily implement 
the sanctions in the resolution. 
 
(5) United States wavering over provision of F-22s to Japan; 
Government, Congress at loggerheads over its propriety 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
Evening, June 16, 2009 
 
Tsuyoshi Sunohara, senior writer 
 
The United States is wavering over the question of providing F-22 
fighter jets to Japan. Japan regards the state-of-the-art stealth 
fighter F-22 as the top candidate to become the country's 
next-generation mainstay fighter jet (FX). Secretary of Defense 
Robert Gates, who made the decision this April to stop producing 
F-22s for the U.S. Air Force, is dismissive about providing the 
aircraft to Japan. At the same time, there is a move in the U.S. 
Congress to search for ways to sell F-22s to Japan. A tug-of-war is 
intensifying. 
 
A U.S. government source, exploring behind the scenes the 
possibility of providing Japan with F-22s, commented, "It will be 
inevitable that the price will have to be increased by 50 million 
 
TOKYO 00001367  007 OF 011 
 
 
dollars (or 5 billion yen) per unit." Lockheed Martin Corp. has 
already stopped the F-22 production line. For this reason, the view 
is that even if the green light is given, an additional cost would 
be required for reopening the production line for exports to Japan. 
 
Armed with state-of-the-art technologies, such as a radar-evading 
stealth function and high-power engines, the F-22 is said to be the 
world's strongest fighter. The Defense Ministry has regarded the 
F-22 as the most promising candidate for its next generation fighter 
(FX) since the administration of President George W. Bush. 
 
But Gates in ruling out exporting F-22s, cites U.S. law (Obey 
amendment) prohibiting the export of advanced military technologies. 
Gates has strongly urged Japan to introduce the F-35, another 
fifth-generation stealth fighter under development with Britain and 
other countries. Apparently in an effort to press Japan harder, a 
Pentagon spokesperson publicly announced on June 8 that the U.S. 
government has recommended the F-35 to the Japanese government. 
 
"Secretary Gates has become obstinate toward Congress," a Pentagon 
source noted. From a viewpoint of securing jobs, the U.S. Congress 
reacted strongly to (Gates') announcement to stop producing F-22s as 
a symbolic step to reduce the country's defense spending. The 
Pentagon source's view is that Gates is giving Japan the cold 
shoulder in order to contain the moves of Congress. 
 
Senate Appropriation Committee Chairman Daniel Inouye, who has 
strong influence in budget compilation, favors exporting F-22s to 
Japan. According to Reuters, Inouye told Gates and Japanese 
Ambassador to the U.S. Ichiro Fujisaki that a Japan model would cost 
25 billion yen. 
 
Former Secretary of Defense William Perry also supports the idea of 
selling the aircraft to Japan. Perry clearly says that it is 
possible to provide Japan with F-22s if the country bears the 
additional cost required for the resumption of the production line. 
He apparently wants to keep the F-22 production line in an 
operational state (by using a Japan model) to be prepared for a 
possible shift in U.S. defense policy in the future. 
 
An increasing number of people in favor of exports to Japan believe 
that the Obey amendment can be cleared. The remaining problem is the 
price. An F-22 even for the U.S. military is said to cost 15 billion 
yen. The price of a Japan model that does not include highly 
confidential equipment might exceed 40 billion yen. Japan would need 
a total of 2 trillion yen to implement the Air Self-Defense Force's 
(ASDF) plan to introduce some 50 fighter jets for two flight 
battalions. 
 
The F-35, which is under development by a number of countries, would 
be less costly than the F-22. "There is a possibility for a Japanese 
corporation to engage in licensed production," Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of Defense Michael Schiffer said. This can explain why 
some in industrial circles are calling for the introduction of the 
F-35 for the maintenance of the foundation of the defense industry. 
But the ASDF, which puts high priority on combat capability in an 
emergency situation, has not given up the introduction of the F-22. 
 
"If I were Japan's defense minister, I would regard the F-22 as a 
piece of necessary equipment," Perry said. But obtaining F-22s will 
not be easy. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001367  008 OF 011 
 
 
(6) Mr Obama, please come to Hiroshima! Atomic bombing survivors see 
a light of hope from the speech on "elimination of nuclear arms" 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
Evening, June 16, 2009 
 
Tetsu Miyata 
 
Since his speech in Prague in the Czech Republic in April declaring 
his determination to "seek a world without nuclear weapons," there 
have been widespread calls in Hiroshima and Nagasaki for U.S. 
President Barack Obama to come visit those sites. What sort of hope 
do the people who experienced the ravages of the atomic bombs place 
on the President setting foot on the sites of the bombings? We 
talked to people around the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park. 
 
Emiko Okada, 72, from Higashi-ku, Hiroshima City, was exposed to 
radiation from the atomic bomb at her house, which was 2.8 
kilometers from the bombing site. She was then eight, and has since 
suffered from hypoplastic anemia. Her 12-year-old sister, who went 
out on that day, never returned. She says: "From Mr Obama's words, I 
could see a light at the end of the tunnel." 
 
Okada is an ordinary housewife who was not involved with the 
anti-nuclear movement until she was 50, when she was encouraged by 
an American woman to tell her story about her experience with the 
atomic bombing. She has always thought about the misfortune brought 
by wars to children. When she was telling her story in Pakistan, a 
nuclear power, she met Afghan children living in a refugee camp that 
did not even have a well. This brought back her memories of the 
orphans of the atomic bombing after World War II. 
 
Before the Hokkaido-Lake Toya Summit in 2008, she wrote a letter 
inviting the G-8 leaders to visit Hiroshima with the thought "these 
people control the nuclear button." People told her: "Your letter is 
probably in the trash can." The invitation to visit was turned down, 
but replies came from the U.S. and Germany. 
 
Okada has always felt that "we have been working in a tunnel." No 
matter how much the atomic bombing survivors talk and act, there has 
been no progress in the elimination of nuclear weapons. When she 
speaks overseas, people sometimes refute her with "the atomic 
bombing was good for world peace." That is why Obama's words were so 
encouraging and made her "see a light of hope." 
 
"Mr Obama alone cannot eliminate nuclear arms. Each and every person 
on earth must think 'we need to change'." 
 
Okada headed for New York in May. She was attending a meeting 
organized by the mayors' conference for peace to coincide with the 
preparatory committee for the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) 
Review Conference with her granddaughter, six-grader Yuki Tominaga, 
¶11. Before leaving for the U.S., Yuki wrote a letter to Obama's 
family saying: "I would like to meet the President, Malia, Natasha 
(his daughters), and their dog Bo." 
 
At the meeting, Yuki said: "The children of Hiroshima have the 
responsibility to tell the world about the horror of atomic bombs." 
The mayor of Akron, Ohio approached Yuki, praised her speech, and 
showed her a photo: "Look at my grandchild." She felt that she was 
right in thinking that "if you go talk to people, you can be friends 
with them." 
 
TOKYO 00001367  009 OF 011 
 
 
 
"I would like Mr Obama to talk to the survivors of the atomic 
bombing. I would like him to think about how to avoid making victims 
of children in the future." 
 
Obama said in a speech on Father's Day (June 15) last year: "Life 
will be meaningless if we do not have the will to leave a better 
world for all children." 
 
Tadashi Tsuboi, 84, chairman of the federation of atomic bombing 
survivor groups in Hiroshima Prefecture, was also touched by the 
Prague speech. "It is good to have lived this long. The path is now 
open." 
 
Tsuboi says: "We suffered the most from the atomic bombing, so 'a 
world without nuclear weapons' touches our heart. We would like Mr. 
Obama to visit and see for himself the negative legacy of mankind." 
Tsuboi hopes that he comes to realize that man sometimes does 
foolish things and resolve not to bring tragedy to mankind again. 
 
Tsuboi has also been discouraged. An exhibit on the atomic bombing 
(organized by the Japan Confederation of A- and H-Bomb Sufferers 
Organizations) was held at the UN headquarters to coincide with the 
NPT Review Conference in 2005, but the conference ended in failure. 
"I came home crying." However, he thinks that things are changing. 
"I would like to go" to the next conference in 2010 "no matter 
what." 
 
The calls for Obama to visit the sites of atomic bombing continue. 
Nagasaki Mayor Tomihisa Tanoue called for the visit at a meeting of 
NGOs under the preparatory committee for the NPT Review Conference. 
Hiroshima Mayor Tadatoshi Akiba also made the same request at his 
meeting with Democratic members of the U.S. House of 
Representatives. Survivors' and citizens' groups have been sending 
letters. 
 
Akihiro Takahashi, 77, a Hiroshima survivor and former curator of 
the atomic bombing museum, also sent a letter to the President. He 
imagines President Obama sending out a message on eliminating 
nuclear weapons from the Peace Memorial Park. "That would  be the 
significance of his visit. We do not ask for an apology." 
 
After being bed-bound for more than one year, Takahashi's elbow and 
fingers in the right arm, which suffered burns during the atomic 
bombing, became paralyzed. He also has scars from burns on his back. 
He used to think: "I hate America for making my body like this," but 
now tells himself: "There can be no peace where there is hatred." He 
exchanged letters for more than 10 years with the (late) pilot of 
the airplane that dropped the bomb on Hiroshima. When students come 
to him to ask him about his experience of the atomic bombing, he 
tells them about the exchange of letters and the importance of 
overcoming hatred. 
 
Young people also want Obama to visit. The Hiroshima Jogakuin High 
School (in Naka-ku, Hiroshima City) has been conducting a signature 
campaign to demand that the nuclear powers destroy their nuclear 
arms. Yuriko Nogami, 16 (second year student), chair of the 
signature campaign committee, says: "We hope he will talk about what 
he saw in Hiroshima in his speeches and let the American people 
know." 
 
The people in the atomic bombed areas were touched by Obama's 
 
TOKYO 00001367  010 OF 011 
 
 
honesty when he talked about the "moral responsibility of the only 
nuclear power to have used a nuclear weapon" and found encouragement 
in his "determination to seek a world without nuclear weapons." 
However, Obama also said in his speech in Prague: "I'm not naive. 
This goal will not be reached quickly -- perhaps not in my 
lifetime." 
 
Yasuhiko Yoshida, visiting professor at the Centre for Asia Pacific 
Partnership of Osaka University of Economics and Law and former 
public relations chief of the International Atomic Energy Agency 
(IAEA), explains that: "Russia and the U.S. have 4,000 to 5,000 
nuclear warheads, while France, China, and the UK have only 200-300. 
Unless the U.S. and Russia reduce their warheads by a few hundred, 
they cannot engage others in reduction talks. Numerous issues, 
including the effectuation of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty 
(CTBT), have to be resolved. We can only proceed in stages." 
 
A male firefighter from Los Angeles, 45, who was visiting the Peace 
Memorial Park as a tourist in the late afternoon, says: "A world 
without nuclear weapons is a wonderful goal, but can we do it? It 
can only be achieved if everybody in the world follows the path to 
the elimination of nuclear arms." 
 
Even Tsuboi does not demand that Obama come up with results right 
away. "Anybody can talk about ideals. (The important thing is) 
working on this steadily." 
 
As the sun goes down, a girl in yukata approaches the "Statue of the 
A-bomb Children" and folds her hands in prayer. The orange street 
light shines on her back. She is Natsuki Arita, 8, a third-grader. 
Her mother Naomi, 35, says: "She grew up near the park, so she is 
used to praying for peace." Sixty-four years have passed since the 
tragedy, and children who pray for peace are growing up and leading 
a normal life here. 
 
I think it would be really good for Obama to come to Hiroshima. In 
many of his speeches, Obama has cited the life of ordinary folks and 
talked about "hope." If he gets to meet the many Emikos and Natsukis 
in Hiroshima, he will surely see them as the embodiment of new 
"hope." 
 
(7) A year after agreement on joint development of gas field: China 
strangely remains inactive 
 
SANKEI (Page 5) (Abridged slightly) 
June 17, 2009 
 
June 18 marks the first anniversary of the Japan-China agreement on 
joint development of gas fields in the East China Sea. However, 
talks to sign a treaty have made little progress. The same holds 
true regarding other pending issues, including poisoning incidents 
involving Chinese-made gyoza dumplings and Japan-China joint 
research into history. Main reason for the impasse is that China, 
which will have the 60th anniversary of its national foundation in 
October, is forgoing domestically controversial issues by placing a 
moratorium on them. Japan is becoming impatient with issues making 
little progress. However, a Japan-China diplomatic source revealed 
an unexpected opinion, "Actually, the current situation is 
comfortable to Japan." 
 
Foreign Minister Hirofumi Nakasone said, "It is imperative to resume 
talks on the gas field issue at an early date." 
 
TOKYO 00001367  011 OF 011 
 
 
 
Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi noted, "I want to maintain 
working-level contacts." 
 
Nakasone took up the issue at the bilateral foreign ministerial 
meeting held on the 7th. Yang made a perfunctory response. The 
meeting between Prime Minister Taro Aso and Premier Wen Jiabao in 
April also ended up in a similar way. 
 
Both countries in the agreement reached in June 2008 pledged that 
they jointly develop the Asunaro natural gas field on a level 
playing field and that Japan makes capital contribution for the 
development of the Shirakaba gas field, which China had been 
developing on its own, and receives the money earned from the sale 
of natural gas in proportion to the ratio of the amount it 
invested. 
 
However, Chinese public opinion reacted against the agreement as 
concessions to Japan or weak-kneed diplomacy. China at first said 
that it would not be able to take action before the August Beijing 
Olympic Games, according to a foreign ministry source. However, it 
has continued to remain inactive even after the Olympic Games. The 
ratio of capital contribution by Japan has not been set yet. 
Officials are becoming nervous so as not to cause any problems this 
year, according to the same source. It appears that such a situation 
has affected the resumption of talks on the development of the gas 
field. However, a senior foreign ministry official pointed out that 
it is the Chinese side that is becoming impatient. 
 
He continued: "While talks remain at an impasse, the Chinese side is 
unable to drill at the Shirakaba gas field, which is almost ready 
for that stage, after expending much time and money. Japan will 
suffer no damage, because it has not started the development of any 
gas fields in the area." 
 
The envisaged joint development has made little progress due to the 
delay in the submission of a report from July 2008 to the end of 
that year and then to this spring and Japan-China joint research 
into history, which has yet to be realized, as well as the poisoning 
incidents involving Chinese-made gyoza dumplings. 
 
China in May this year stopped Hong Kong activists from going to the 
Senkaku islands to claim China's sovereignty over the islands. It is 
thus desperately trying to prevent any trouble with Japan. That is 
because it is concerned that if it ineptly allows any disputes to 
occur between the two countries, it would instantly cause a flare up 
in nationalism, which could easily turn into anti-government 
movements. The current stance of the Chinese government probably 
reflects that it attaches importance to its people's pent-up 
dissatisfaction. This situation is not that bad for Japan's Foreign 
Ministry. A diplomatic source familiar with Japan-China relations 
said, "There is an atmosphere in which Japan finds it easier to 
advantageously pursue diplomacy at such settings as a summit 
meeting." 
 
It is of course best if various pending issues are settled at an 
early date. However, diplomats in the field appear to be having 
their grudges satisfied behind the series of "setbacks." 
 
ZUMWALT