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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 001245 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 06/03/09 
 
INDEX: 
(1) Japan, U.S. placing priority on financial sanctions against 
North Korea; Final coordination on UNSC resolution (Nikkei) 
 
(2) Legal hurdles lie before obligatory ship inspections (Tokyo 
Shimbun) 
 
(3) Ruling parties to make diplomacy, security areas of divergence 
with opposition camp in Lower House election campaign (Tokyo 
Shimbun) 
 
(4) 4 F-22 jets arrive at Kadena (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(5) Illusion of reducing the burden (Part 2): F-22 Raptors 
repeatedly arrived at Kadena; No fundamental step for solution; 
"U.S. military operation" blocks request (Okinawa Times) 
 
(6) Interview with METI Minister Nikai: Mid-term goal to cut 
greenhouse gasses; Importance should be attached to feasibility, 
burden on households (Asahi) 
 
(7) Appointment of Roos as U.S. ambassador to Japan: Sign of mature 
relations with Japan (Nikkei) 
 
(8)  Rare metals: METI drafts strategic plan to use ODA for stable 
supply (Nikkei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Japan, U.S. placing priority on financial sanctions against 
North Korea; Final coordination on UNSC resolution 
 
NIKKEI (Page 8) (Full) 
June 3, 2009 
 
Hiroyuki Nakamae, New York 
 
The United Nations Security Council, which is rushing to adopt a 
resolution against North Korea's second nuclear test, started 
fine-tuning the details of sanction measures yesterday. Since it is 
expected that China, which has a close connection with Pyongyang, 
will take a cautious stance toward such measures as cargo 
inspections of North Korean ships, Japan and the United States 
intend to place priority on financial sanctions. Tokyo and 
Washington are placing emphasis on a strategy of putting the brakes 
on the North's nuclear and missile development by restricting bank 
transactions. Therefore, whether to impose financial sanctions 
against North Korea is now being floated as one of topics of 
discussion. 
 
The five permanent UNSC members, Japan, and South Korea are expected 
to hold an ambassadorial-level meeting on the afternoon of June 2 
(on the morning of June 3, Japan time) with the aim of adopting a 
resolution before the end of the week. At a press conference at UN 
headquarters on the morning of June 2, Russian Ambassador to the UN 
Churkin told the press corps: "We are gradually reaching (an 
agreement)." He indicated that discussions were making headway. 
 
According to Japanese Ambassador to the UN Yukio Takasu, Japan and 
the United States have decided to place emphasis on imposing 
financial sanctions on the North in consideration of how to enhance 
the effectiveness of the resolution. 
 
TOKYO 00001245  002 OF 008 
 
 
 
The draft resolution that Japan and the United States presented to 
the UNSC includes a ban on new financial and economic assistance to 
the North, excluding humanitarian aid, in addition to a ban on 
transactions with North Korea's Foreign Trade Bank and Korea Daesong 
Bank. The draft resolution also calls for expanding the scope of 
organizations whose assets will be frozen, as well as for making a 
list of target individuals. These measures are designed based on the 
perception by the U.S. government that Washington's independent 
sanction measure to freeze Macau-base Banco Delta Asia's assets 
dealt a blow to North Korea. 
 
However, there is a possibility that North Korea will strongly 
oppose the introduction of financial sanctions for the very reason 
that financial sanctions appear to be effective. 
 
China and Russia have so far taken a cautious stance. 
 
In an ambassadorial-level meeting on June 1, the five permanent UNSC 
members, Japan, and South Korea agreed on the perception that they 
would make a strong and clear resolution. In order to adopt a 
resolution that is tougher than the resolution of 2006, coordination 
between such sanction measures as the cargo inspections included in 
the Japan-U.S. draft resolution and domestic laws will be 
complicated. 
 
(2) Legal hurdles lie before obligatory ship inspections 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
June 3, 2009 
 
The governments of Japan and the U.S. have been calling for 
including a measure to make cargo inspections onboard ships 
mandatory in a new resolution to be adopted at the UN Security 
Council (NSC) in reaction to North Korea's latest nuclear test. 
Their aim is to seriously damage North Korea, but there are 
obstacles to overcome before Japan carries out ship inspections. 
 
The purpose of ship inspections is to inspect ships sailing between 
Japan and North Korea on the open sea to see whether nuclear-related 
materials are loaded on it. 
 
Following North Korea's first nuclear test in 2006, the UN Security 
Council (UNSC) adopted a resolution that incorporated the ship 
inspection measure. But faced with opposition from China, the UNSC 
designated ship inspections not as a requirement but as a request. 
This measure therefore produced no positive results. This time, in 
response to calls from Japan, the U.S. and other countries, the 
draft resolution specifies ship inspections as "mandatory." 
 
Even if this resolution is adopted with no change, Japan will find 
it difficult to carry out ship inspections under the relevant 
domestic law. 
 
The Ship Inspection Operations Law authorizes the Maritime 
Self-Defense Force (MSDF) to conduct cargo inspections based on a UN 
resolution, but it stipulates that the law is applicable only when 
it is concluded that Japan could be attacked by a foreign armed 
force. Prime Minister Aso, however, has said: "I do not think that 
the Law regarding Emergencies in the Areas near Japan should be 
immediately applied, so it is impossible for MSDF to conduct ship 
inspections under the relevant law. 
 
TOKYO 00001245  003 OF 008 
 
 
 
To enable Japan's ship inspections, the Ship Inspection Operations 
Law must be amended to remove the condition of Japan being in a 
stage of emergency; and new legislation must be prepared. 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party's group to cautiously promote policy 
toward North Korea submitted new legislation to the current Diet 
session yesterday. For legal preparations, difficulties also lie 
ahead. 
 
It is inconceivable that a ship carrying nuclear-related materials 
will meekly allow a cargo inspection. It is, therefore, necessary to 
work out measures to enable inspections even without consent by the 
ship's captain, which is required under the relevant law, and to 
ease the rules on the use of weapons, which restrict the use only 
for self-defense and other limited purposes. 
 
But if the crew on the ship put up resistance, MSDF members might 
have to use force. A government source said: "It is necessary to 
dissolve constitutional problems." With the run-up to the next House 
of Representatives election, though, it is uncertain whether the 
ruling and opposition parties can thoroughly discuss this issue. 
 
Under this situation, some government officials suggest including 
tighter financial sanctions in the new resolution, saying that 
sanctions are more desirable than ship inspections. 
 
(3) Ruling parties to make diplomacy, security areas of divergence 
with opposition camp in Lower House election campaign 
 
Tokyo Shimbun online (Full) 
11:25 a.m., June 3, 2009 
 
Secretaries general and Diet affairs committee chairmen of the 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the New Komeito met in Tokyo on 
the morning of June 3. Participants agreed to highlight the 
differences between the ruling and opposition camps on such 
occasions as party head talks, by characterizing diplomacy and 
security in connection with the situation in North Korea as major 
differences with the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) in the next 
Lower House election. 
 
Emerging from the meeting, LDP Diet Affairs Committee Chairman 
Tadamori Oshima told reporters, "We will take a firm stand against 
the DPJ on every available occasion." He thus called for holding 
party head talks on the 10th. New Komeito Diet Affairs Committee 
Chairman Yoshio Urushibara also stressed, "The general election is 
drawing near. We need to clearly present a dichotomy between the two 
parties." 
 
The meeting also endorsed a stance of stepping up support for the 
ruling parties' candidates in the Chiba Mayoral election, the 
Shizuoka gubernatorial election, and the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly 
election with Urushibara noting, "Those elections will serve as a 
prelude to the Lower House election." 
 
(4) 4 F-22 jets arrive at Kadena 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
June 3, 2009 
 
Four state-of-the-art F-22A stealth fighter jets arrived at the U.S. 
 
TOKYO 00001245  004 OF 008 
 
 
Kadena Air Base yesterday at around 2:50 p.m. after their flight 
from Langley Air Force Base in the U.S. state of Virginia. The U.S. 
Air Force plans to deploy 12 F-22 jets to Kadena temporarily. As of 
yesterday, eight F-22s have arrived there. The remaining four are 
expected to arrive today or later. 
 
The F-22A Raptor fighters touched down after circling over the base 
runway from Chatan. According to Kadena Town, its readout of noise 
was 78 decibels (equivalent to noise in a subway train) during their 
circular flights. Soon after their arrival, KC-10 and KC-135 air 
tankers also arrived after stopping over at Hickam Air Force Base in 
Hawaii. 
 
Toshiyuki Kinjo, chairman of the Kadena Town Assembly's special 
committee on base affairs, watched the F-22 fighter jets arriving at 
the airbase. He was at the 'Michi-no-Eki Kadena' parking area that 
commands a view of Kadena Air Base. Kinjo said: "Chances are high 
that noise will intensify with the training missions of the F-22 
fighters and other aircrafts coming from outside. The environment of 
local residents will be destroyed." His committee will meet today to 
confer on countermeasures. 
 
(5) Illusion of reducing the burden (Part 2): F-22 Raptors 
repeatedly arrived at Kadena; No fundamental step for solution; 
"U.S. military operation" blocks request 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full) 
June 3, 2009 
 
Shin Yoshida of the Political and Economic Department, Marino Hiyane 
of the central branch 
 
"The arrival of aircraft from outside Okinawa is often criticized by 
the media in the prefecture. The U.S. government needs to rotate 
(its military aircraft) for a variety of operational reasons. We 
make no distinction between aircraft from outside Okinawa and the 
aircraft based in the prefecture." 
 
Asked about the temporary deployment of F-22 Raptors at Kadena Air 
Base during a regular press conference, held at the U.S. Consulate 
General in Urasoe on May 14, Consul General Kevin Maher, who is 
scheduled to become Japan desk director at the State Department this 
summer, expressed his perplexity as if to say, "What is the 
problem?" 
 
"There have been rotations since early times in order to contribute 
to the defense of Japan and the maintenance of security and peace in 
the Far East." 
 
Suffering noise damage, local residents want to grasp the actual 
situation in order to arrive at a solution, but they remain unable 
to do so because "operations by the U.S. military" stand in their 
way. 
 
Repeated arrivals of fighter squadrons 
 
In 2005, the U.S. Air Force began operating the F-22, which is 
regarded as the world's most advanced fighter jet, boasting high 
stealth performance. Kadena Air Base was selected as the first 
overseas base to temporarily host the state-of-the-art fighter. The 
27th Fighter Squadron from Langley Air Force Base in Virginia stayed 
for the first time at the base for three months from February 2007. 
 
TOKYO 00001245  005 OF 008 
 
 
 
In January this year, the same fighter squadron again arrived at 
Kadena. This time around, the 94th Fighter Squadron from the same 
base is deployed at Kadena on a temporary basis. 
 
Like the 27th Fighter Squadron, the 94th Fighter Squadron plans to 
conduct joint exercises with Kadena and Air Self-Defense Force F-15 
fighter jets and the U.S. Navy's FA-18 Hornets with the aim of 
increasing the ability to take a joint action. 
 
A senior officer of Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii, the planned 
site for the permanent deployment of F-22s, also indicated to a 
Hawaiian newspaper that F-22s would be temporarily deployed to 
Okinawa and Guam in the future. 
 
More noise likely with an increase in exercises 
 
Contrary to local residents' opposition to the temporally deployment 
(of F-22s) believing that an increase in exercises would result in 
more noise, there is a high likelihood that F-22 units will be sent 
to Kadena one after another from across the United States. 
 
"Due to a large joint rapid-response exercise between the Marine 
Corps and the Air Force, the temporary deployment of F-22s, and the 
repeated arrivals of F-16s and FA-18s, it can hardly be said that 
the burden (on Kadena Air Base) has been visibly reduced recently." 
 
On May 12, the day the latest F-22 deployment was announced, 
Yoshiyuki Uehara, head of the governor's executive office, made a 
request to Kadena Air Base and the government. 
 
Governor Hirokazu Nakaima, who supports the realignment (of U.S. 
forces in Japan) said, "We have repeatedly asked, but it was like 
beating the air. We want to deal with the matter squarely." 
 
In response to a request from the local head, Col. Kelly Fletcher, 
commander of the 18th Mission Support Group, Kadena Air Base, simply 
said, "The plan was formulated by the military's upper echelons, and 
we at the base do not know what is going on." In reality, it is 
impossible to find a breakthrough in the situation at the local 
level. 
 
(6) Interview with METI Minister Nikai: Mid-term goal to cut 
greenhouse gasses; Importance should be attached to feasibility, 
burden on households 
 
ASAHI (Page 7) (Full) 
June 3, 2009 
 
Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) Minister Toshihiro Nikai in an 
interview with Asahi Shimbun underscored his view that priority 
should be given to feasibility and the resultant national burden 
when setting a mid-term goal to cut greenhouse gas emissions. He 
said, "This is not simply a matter of aiming high." He indicated his 
eagerness to compile the goal in the run-up to formal adoption by 
the government early this month. 
 
Cautious toward 15 PERCENT  cut 
 
The government in April presented six options for a goal to cut 
greenhouse gas emissions to be achieved by 2020. Environmental 
groups want to see a 25 PERCENT  cut from the 1990 level adopted. 
 
TOKYO 00001245  006 OF 008 
 
 
Environment Minister Saito also claims that a 15 PERCENT  cut is 
feasible. The Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren) and key 
labor unions are in favor of a 4 PERCENT  increase on the basis of 
the negative impact of emissions cuts on Japan's international 
competitiveness and employment. 
 
Nikai indicated a cautious stance to the adoption of a 15 PERCENT 
cut as a mid-term goal, noting, "We must think about feasibility and 
how much burden households can bear." 
 
The 4 PERCENT  increase supported by Nippon Keidanren is achievable 
with the same level of reduction efforts as before. There is a 
deep-rooted view that this option is lenient towards industrial 
circles. In view of deteriorating business performance in the wake 
of the global economic crisis, Nikai showed understanding, "I hear 
business leaders complaining that under the present economic 
situation, they cannot shoulder any more burdens (emissions cuts)." 
He also sought further efforts from industrial circles, saying: "We 
must have industrial circles do their utmost. Otherwise, it will be 
difficult for Japan to maintain its honorable status in the 
international community. We must have their cooperation." 
 
The growing view among government officials is that a 7 PERCENT  cut 
is most likely to be adopted. This figure is based on the long-term 
energy supply-demand outlook released by METI last year. Nikai 
steered clear of citing a specific target figure, saying, "It is not 
appropriate for me to give any specific percentage." 
 
He also criticized countries with high emission volumes, such as the 
U.S. and China, that are not members of the Kyoto Protocol, saying, 
"There is a hole in the agreement." Touching on Japan's pursuit of 
technical cooperation with the U.S. and China in the 
energy-conserving and environment areas, Nikai said, "Such 
cooperation will lead to the development of new technologies." He 
thus indicated his stance of persuading the U.S. and China to join 
the post Kyoto Protocol framework. 
 
(7) Appointment of Roos as U.S. ambassador to Japan: Sign of mature 
relations with Japan 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
Evening, June 2, 2009 
 
Tsuyoshi Sunohara, editorial staff member 
 
Japan and the United States are allies in security policy but rivals 
in the economic field. U.S. President Barack Obama has entrusted the 
great responsibility of mediation between the two countries as 
ambassador to Japan to an obscure lawyer, John Roos. What sort of 
"change" will this appointment bring to the bilateral relationship? 
 
Roos is said to have virtually no acquaintances in Japan, but he 
actually has a little-known "connection" with Japan. Roos, an ardent 
Democratic supporter, once backed former senator Bill Bradley as a 
presidential candidate. Bradley was one of the most prominent 
experts on Japan in Congress who was repeatedly regarded as a strong 
candidate for president in the early 1990s. 
 
U.S. ambassadors to Japan have belonged to three main categories: 
(1) "heavyweights" who had had rich experience in the U.S. 
administration or Congress; (2) scholars or bureaucrats who were 
knowledgeable about Japan-U.S. relations; and (3) businessmen or 
 
TOKYO 00001245  007 OF 008 
 
 
lawyers with personal connections to the president. 
 
A typical example of category one is Mike Mansfield (Senate floor 
leader) who once stated unequivocally that the Japan-U.S. 
relationship is "the most important bilateral relationship in the 
world." Walter Mondale (vice president), Thomas Foley (speaker of 
the House of Representatives), and Howard Baker (Senate floor 
leader) all fall under this category. 
 
Representatives of the second category are Dr Edwin Reischauer, who 
worked very hard to strengthen the Japan-U.S. relationship during 
the Kennedy administration, and former under secretary of state 
Michael Armacost, who was nicknamed "Mr Gaiatsu (foreign pressure)" 
in the 1980s. Our memories of Thomas Schieffer, who succeeded Baker 
during the second Bush administration and who has just left his 
post, are still fresh. He belonged to the third category. 
 
Many people both in Japan and the U.S. regard Roos as belonging to 
the third category. Roos offered his support to Obama and not 
Hillary Clinton (incumbent secretary of state) in last year's 
presidential election and is unmistakably a "personal connection." 
 
However, the Bush-Schieffer relationship was backed by a long 
history of co-managing a Major League baseball team through thick 
and thin. It is hard to say that the same kind of close relationship 
in which he could call the president's office "directly" (Schieffer) 
whenever he felt like it also exists between "a supporter and a 
presidential candidate." 
 
A U.S. administration official explains that Roos's appointment also 
has the elements of a fourth category, the "British and French 
model." Ambassadorial appointments to the UK and other European 
allies traditionally have a strong element of a "reward." The 
appointment of "Ambassador Roos" was made in part because the 
Democratic Party "ran out of heavyweights" (senior Obama 
administration official), and this is viewed as a combination of the 
third and fourth categories. 
 
U.S. relations with Britain and France, where there are no serious 
bilateral problems despite occasional differences in opinion and 
where social interaction is an important factor, is essentially 
different from U.S. relations with Japan. On the other hand, there 
is also no denying that the "stability" in the U.S. relationship 
with Britain and France is absent in the Japan-U.S. relationship. In 
other words, the appointment of "heavyweight ambassadors" in the 
past was also a sign of the immaturity of the bilateral 
relationship. 
 
Former ambassador Howard Baker, who still takes an interest in the 
Japan-U.S. relationship, declares that "heavyweight ambassadors are 
no longer necessary for mature Japan-U.S. relations." 
 
It can be said that with the 50th anniversary of the Japan-U.S. 
Security Treaty approaching next year, President Obama's desire to 
upgrade the Japan-U.S. relationship to a level similar to U.S. 
relations with Britain and France is also a factor behind the 
appointment of the ambassador. 
 
(8)  Rare metals: METI drafts strategic plan to use ODA for stable 
supply 
 
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
 
TOKYO 00001245  008 OF 008 
 
 
Evening, June 3, 2009 
 
The Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) on June 3 drafted 
a comprehensive strategy for stable supply of rare metals, which are 
indispensable for the manufacturing of steel products and electronic 
home appliances, on the domestic market. According to the draft 
plan, major supply sources will be the active use of official 
development assistance (ODA) for infrastructure development in areas 
around mines overseas and the recycling of mobile phones. Demands 
for rare metals are increasing also in the energy-conserving and 
environment areas. METI will use all measures from the perspective 
of strengthening the international competitiveness of domestic 
industries. 
 
Reserves of rare metals, which include 31 kinds of metals, such as 
nickel and platinum, are scarce. METI will formally adopt the plan 
as early as July, after presenting the draft at a meeting of the 
subcommittee on mining industry of the Advisory Committee on Natural 
Resources and Energy to be held today. 
 
The draft cites as efforts involved in a strategy to secure rare 
metals: (1) securing overseas natural resources; (2) recycling; (3) 
development of alternative materials; and (4) stockpiling. Since 
rare metals are often found in developing countries, the draft 
incorporates the use of ODA for infrastructure development in areas 
around mines. The aim is to secure interests through the provision 
of yen loans for the building of infrastructure, including the 
construction of power generation plants, railroad systems, ports and 
harbors, in those areas. As a first case of such a project, METI is 
looking into the possibility of assisting with yen loans road 
construction in areas around mines located in northwestern Vietnam. 
 
Concerning recyclable rare metals, the draft stresses that securing 
natural resources through recycling should be characterized as a key 
policy. It points out that it is important to create a system of 
recycling mobile phones and digital cameras, which use a lot to rare 
metals. Accordingly, the draft notes that adjustments of views 
should be made with the possibility of setting a policy direction 
regarding the recycling of mobile phones before year's end. 
 
In an effort to technically eliminate concern over dwindling rare 
metal supplies, METI will put a lot of work into the development of 
alternative materials. To be precise, the draft cites promoting 
cooperation among industry, government and academia. Regarding 
stockpiling of rare metals, the draft points out that unloading and 
stockpiling should be made in a flexible manner, based on 
supply-demand trends. 
 
ZUMWALT