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RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 5087

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 001120 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/18/09 
 
INDEX: 
(1) Japan's choice: Yukio or Taro (Part 1: Policies) (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
 
(2) Okada, Hatoyama both mum on constitutional revision, giving 
consideration to former Japan Socialist Party members (Mainichi) 
 
(3) Ozawa to hold real power for election strategy in DPJ (Nikkei) 
 
(4) Where is Ozawa and Hatoyama-led DPJ headed? (Part 1): With 
continued reliance on Ozawa, party hardly regarded as revitalized 
(Mainichi) 
 
(5) Prime Minister Aso proposes Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry 
be split in two (Yomiuri) 
 
(6) Hatoyama's policy on Futenma to be focus of attention; All eyes 
on his leadership in opposition united front in next Lower House 
election (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(7) Hatoyama and Okinawa: Strong interest in military base issues, 
consistent advocate of base relocation outside Okinawa (Ryukyu 
Shimpo) 
 
(8) Japan to provide PKO education to AU as joint effort with UN 
(Mainichi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Japan's choice: Yukio or Taro (Part 1: Policies) 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Full) 
May 18, 2009 
 
Will President Hatoyama be able to demonstrate a fraternal society? 
Prime Minister Aso plays up economic measures 
 
At long last, the paradigm for choosing the next administration is 
now in place. The choice is between Prime Minister Taro Aso 
(president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)) and Democratic 
Party of Japan (DPJ) President Yukio Hatoyama. There are indeed 
doubts about whether these two have the "makings of a prime 
minister," but there is practically no doubt that one of them will 
take the helms of Japan as a result of the next House of 
Representatives election. We compare the two and look at prospects 
for the Lower House election and Japan's future. 
 
Hatoyama put forward the idea of "fraternity" (yuai) in the DPJ 
presidential election. This is an idea that came from the spirit of 
"liberty, equality, and fraternity" of the French Revolution and was 
made popular by Hatoyama's grandfather, former prime minister Ichiro 
Hatoyama shortly after the end of World War II. 
 
Hatoyama, who has not hesitated to declare that, "I was born to 
realize a fraternal society," has consistently adhered to this 
concept as a politician. In 1995, when Hatoyama was still a member 
of the (now defunct) New Party Sakigake, he stated during 
representative interpellation at the plenary session of the Lower 
House that, "I would like to bring the spirit of fraternity 
advocated by my grandfather onto the political stage once again." 
His thinking has remained unchanged for 14 years. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001120  002 OF 009 
 
 
However, the problem is that the people do not have a clear picture 
of "yuai." To be sure, the concept's goal is to build a society of 
mutual respect among people and giving each other a helping hand in 
times of trouble. This is Hatoyama's version of the DPJ's ideals of 
"self-reliance and coexistence." However, how will Hatoyama 
incorporate the fraternal spirit into the economic measures, which 
he himself admits "need to be implemented quickly"? 
 
It seems that the proposals for constitutional revision presented by 
Hatoyama in 2004 provided some clues. In these proposals, Hatoyama 
showed a strong desire to enhance the "right to a minimum standard 
of living." He added to the "the right to maintain the minimum 
standards of wholesome and cultured living" a "guarantee of 
comfortable dwellings." This shows his determination not to produce 
any "losers" in a society of disparities, such as Internet caf 
refugees, under his administration. 
 
In his speech at the DPJ presidential election on May 16, Hatoyama 
cited a society in which the disabled can take pride in their work 
and the aged can live out their days in happiness at their homes as 
examples of a fraternal society. However, this is still vague. 
 
It is reported that the word "yuai" will be printed on the cover of 
the DPJ manifesto for the next Lower House election. The question is 
whether this concept can be integrated into the manifesto from page 
2 and beyond. 
 
Meanwhile, Aso will be facing Hatoyama's challenge. He says: "For 
now, the top priority is economic measures." He has been working on 
the "three-stage rocket" of economic measures consisting of the 
second FY08 supplementary budget, the FY09 budget, and the FY09 
supplementary budget. 
 
Now that it has become clear that Hatoyama will basically inherit 
the policies of former president Ichiro Ozawa, Aso reckons that 
there is no need to change his strategy of facing off against the 
DPJ by putting forward his achievements in terms of economic 
measures. 
 
Aso has attacked the DPJ's policies for "failing to identify revenue 
sources." He plans to highlight the irresponsibility of Hatoyama, 
who has gone as far as saying "there is no need to discuss 
increasing the consumption tax rate for some time." 
 
Aso was president of Aso Cement Company before becoming a 
politician, and he is confident that his experience as a business 
operator will help him come up with practical economic measures. 
However, the viewpoint of a business operator may be perceived as 
"condescending" by ordinary folks. 
 
(2) Okada, Hatoyama both mum on constitutional revision, giving 
consideration to former Japan Socialist Party members 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) 
May 16, 2009 
 
Both Okada and Hatoyama have remained cautious in their campaigns 
about making statements on constitutional revision. Although Okada 
did not rule out the necessity for revising the Constitution, he 
noted, "Its priority is rather low." Hatoyama, who is supposed to be 
an advocate of constitutional reform like his grandfather, Ichiro 
Hatoyama, who was once a prime minister, said, "The situation is not 
 
TOKYO 00001120  003 OF 009 
 
 
conducive to allow me to revise the Constitution as soon as I become 
prime minister." 
 
Hatoyama has no choice but to stifle constitutional debate in aiming 
at a change in government with an all-party setup, as it could 
become a source of internal contention. At the same time, Hatoyama 
apparently gave consideration to the former Japan Socialist Party 
members who are protectors of the present Constitution. They have 
become the target of both the Okada and Hatoyama groups' active 
attempts to collect as many supporters as possible as May 16, voting 
day, arrives. 
 
The Liberal Forum (consisting of 15 lawmakers, including Lower House 
member Hideo Hiraoka), a policy group that objects to Japan using 
the right to collective self-defense, adopted a set of policies on 
May 14 and 15 that includes adherence to Article 9 of the 
Constitution. It warned the party not to press ahead with debate on 
constitutional revision. 
 
(3) Ozawa to hold real power for election strategy in DPJ 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
May 18, 2009 
 
Calling Katsuya Okada at his private residence in Ichigaya, Tokyo, 
on the evening of May 17, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President 
Yukio Hatoyama asked him to assume the post of secretary general. He 
then said, "I will put Mr. Ozawa on" and handed the receiver to 
Ozawa. At this moment, it was made clear that it was not Secretary 
General Okada but Acting President for election strategy Ozawa who 
was in  charge of elections, including the next House of 
Representatives election. 
 
When Hatoyama announced the new lineup, Ozawa was next to him, a 
smile beaming on his face. Okada told reporters: "I will say what 
should be said in my role, but Mr. Ozawa is in charge of election 
strategy." Hatoyama also said: "I will naturally get a grip on the 
reins of the party, but I will ask Mr. Ozawa to be responsible for 
matters related to elections." The Hatoyama-Ozawa leadership was set 
in motion, in effect. 
 
Lawmakers close to Okada were concerned about how Ozawa would be 
treated in the new leadership. If Ozawa takes charge of election 
strategy, he will be responsible for managing election funds and 
candidate endorsements, resulting in weakening the substantial power 
of the president and the secretary general. 
 
A member of the Okada group disclosed this inside story: 
"'Appointing Okada as secretary general' was a phrase in the 
presidential race to attract junior and mid-ranking party members 
(who are supportive of Okada)." 
 
It was Okada who reiterated the importance of party unity in the 
presidential election campaign. Some observers take the view that if 
he declined Hatoyama's offer for the post of secretary general, the 
picture of confrontation between pro-Ozawa and anti-Ozawa members 
would be underlined and that criticism would eventually be directed 
at him. 
 
A senior House of Councillors member who supports Ozawa said: "Since 
the new leadership will just last until the next Lower House 
election, we do not mind whoever becomes secretary general." 
 
TOKYO 00001120  004 OF 009 
 
 
 
In order for Hatoyama to secure party unity, it was imperative to 
give a key post to Ozawa and appoint Okada as secretary general. He 
could not ignore relations with the Social Democratic Party, the 
People's New Party (PNP) and other opposition parties. Given that 
Ozawa established cooperative relations with the other two parties 
on elections strategies, the role of overseeing elections went to 
him. 
 
Hatoyama attended a general meeting of Zentoku (the national 
association of postmasters), which supports the PNP, in Chiba after 
noon of May 17, in which he asked the participants for their support 
in the next general election: "If we assume political power, we will 
implement our promise without fail of reviewing the privatization of 
postal services on a priority basis." 
 
Some of the party members who distance themselves from Ozawa harbor 
dissatisfaction (at the favorable treatment of Ozawa). A junior 
member in the Okada group criticized the appointment of Ozawa as 
acting president, saying: "I see the limits of the DPJ. ... If I 
were a Liberal Democratic Party member, I would sharply criticize 
the appointment. He is like Putin." He cited the name of Putin, who 
has continued to hold power in Russia even after appointing Dmitry 
Medvedev as his successor. 
 
Seiji Maehara, who resigned as party president to take 
responsibility for the fake e-mail fiasco, openly applied pressure 
on Ozawa before the lineup of party executives was unofficially 
announced, saying: "When I stepped down, newly appointed President 
Ozawa asked me to become vice president. But I thought it would be 
improper to assume the post immediately after the resignation." A 
female party member made this comment just before Hatoyama's DPJ was 
launched: "A pattern of confrontation between the LDP and anti-LDP 
might be formed. Uncertainty seems to be looming over party unity." 
 
(4) Where is Ozawa and Hatoyama-led DPJ headed? (Part 1): With 
continued reliance on Ozawa, party hardly regarded as revitalized 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
May 17, 2009 
 
It has been over two months since Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) 
President Ichiro Ozawa's secretary was arrested. Ozawa announced his 
decision (on May 12) to step down from the post, as he failed to 
realize his plan to quell public criticism and turn the tables. The 
DPJ consequently selected Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama, who 
"shares the fate of Ozawa," as new president instead of Vice 
President Katsuya Okada, who is more popular with the public. The 
gap with public opinion comes from the party's dependence on Ozawa, 
the election strategist, and a feeling of awe toward him who 
provides a sense of stability. This series of articles examines the 
challenges associated with the DPJ that has opted for an 
Ozawa-Hatoyama leadership which is strongly tinged with an Ozawa 
policy imprint. 
 
The outcome of the DPJ presidential election was announced shortly 
after 2 p.m. May 16 at the Hotel Okura in Tokyo's Toranomon 
district. Learning of his victory, Hatoyama stood up to his feet and 
bowed deeply. He then firmly shook hands with Okada and the two 
raised their hands in the air on the stage to play up their 
determination to solidify party unity. Ozawa was not on the stage. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001120  005 OF 009 
 
 
"It's a huge margin," Ozawa said to himself as the results were 
announced. Ozawa then said, "Thank you," as he shook hands with 
Hatoyama who came down from the stage. Ozawa then immediately left 
the hall. Behind Ozawa's words, an Ozawa aide felt a sense of relief 
that Okada was not able to catch up with Hatoyama. 
 
The DPJ was established 11 years ago as a patchwork party with the 
aim of bringing about a two-party system. The party has often been 
criticized for its lack of unity. Ozawa brought stability to the 
party with elections as the "glue." The DPJ achieved a victory in 
the Chiba Constituency 7 by-election on April 24, 2006, under Ozawa 
who assumed the presidency after Seiji Maehara resigned from the 
post on March 31 for taking responsibly for a fake email scandal. 
Ozawa maintained his grip on power within the DPJ by achieving 
victories in critical elections, including the 2007 House of 
Councillors election. Last September, he secured his third term as 
DPJ president without a vote. 
 
As the Ozawa-led DPJ took root, the party lost its positive 
qualities, such as open and free policy debate. Some party lawmakers 
became discontent with Ozawa's approach of sealing off policy debate 
and monopolizing results of constituency surveys. 
 
Backed by lawmakers who were keeping themselves at arm's length with 
Ozawa, Okada called for a departure from the Ozawa policy course in 
his campaign speech on May 16, saying: "Our party has the culture 
the Liberal Democratic Party does not have. We freely discuss 
matters and respect results. Our party is managed in a transparent 
fashion. Let us enhance such strengths." Given Ozawa's resignation 
as DPJ president in the face of public rejection of the DPJ's old 
LDP-like nature, how to break away from its dependence on Ozawa was 
supposed to be at issue in the latest party presidential election. 
Despite that, DPJ lawmakers elected Hatoyama as their president who 
asked them to embrace Ozawa's thinking. 
 
The House of Councillors contributed significantly to Hatoyama's 
victory. The 2007 Upper House election produced the so-called 
Koizumi children. The DPJ's Upper House Caucus Chairman Azuma 
Koshiishi clearly told the press corps that he had voted for 
Hatoyama, while expressing his hope that Hatoyama would build a 
united party. Meanwhile, Vice President Seiji Maehara, who had 
backed Okada, admitted to the press that the Upper House blocked 
Okada's presidency. 
 
The party's endorsement of continued reliance on Ozawa, a far cry 
from the goal of remaking the DPJ via the presidential election, is 
likely to linger on as a source of conflict in the party. 
 
Immediately after assuming the post, President Hatoyama had a 
tete-a-tete with Okada to ask him to join the new party leadership 
in order to enhance party unity. 
 
In response, Okada warned against using party posts as rewards for 
backing Hatoyama during the presidential race. 
 
With the next House of Representatives election approaching, 
Hatoyama failed to achieve the goal of breaking away from the 
influence of Ozawa, the election strategist. As new DPJ president, 
Hatoyama now finds himself on the horns of dilemma. "There would 
always be criticism about Mr. Hatoyama being a puppet of Mr. Ozawa. 
Would the public regard the DPJ as revitalized?" a mid-level DPJ 
lawmaker said with a sigh. 
 
TOKYO 00001120  006 OF 009 
 
 
 
(5) Prime Minister Aso proposes Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry 
be split in two 
 
YOMIYRI (Top Play) (Full) 
May 16, 2009 
 
Prime Minister Taro Aso revealed on the night of May 15 a plan to 
split the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry into two ministries: a 
social security ministry in charge of medical, nursing care, pension 
and other social security issues, and a ministry for people's lives 
charged with matters related to employment and the falling 
birthrate. Aso revealed the plan at the third meeting of the council 
to realize a secure society, which is a government advisory panel 
comprising experts. In order to place importance on the daily lives 
of the people, he intends to realign government ministries and 
agencies along with a Consumer Affairs Agency, which is scheduled to 
be launched probably before the end of this year. 
 
Aso said in the meeting: 
 
"Let's not think that we are simply splitting the Ministry of 
Health, Labor and Welfare, but let's instead see this as reinforcing 
a ministry that takes charge of the goal of realizing a society 
where people can live without anxiety." 
 
Aso said he was considering various names for the new ministries, 
including the "ministry for the daily lives of the people" for one 
and the "social security ministry" for the other. In his plan, the 
new social security ministry would take over the Health, Labor and 
Welfare Ministry's responsibility for medical treatment, nursing 
care, pension and related services; and the new ministry for 
people's livelihoods would take over the Health, Labor and Welfare 
Ministry's responsibility for employment and administration of 
nursery schools, as well as some duties of the Cabinet offices such 
as addressing the nation's declining birthrate and realizing a 
gender-equal society. Aso said: "We need to work out the details of 
the proposal, but I believe it's desirable to split the Health, 
Labor and Welfare Ministry in this way." 
 
At the meeting, Tsuneo Watanabe, chairman of the board and editor in 
chief of The Yomiuri Shimbun Holdings, proposed splitting the 
ministry in two and create a ministry governing employment and 
pension and another (ministry or agency) taking charge of medical 
treatment and elderly care. Aso disclosed the plan based on 
Watanabe's proposal. 
 
Referring to the Internal Affairs and Communications Ministry, which 
was established in 2001 by integrating the Home Affairs Ministry, 
the Pots and Telecommunications Ministry and the Management and 
Coordination Agency, Aso said: "The ministry is too big. I believe 
it would operate more effectively if it is split without increasing 
the number of officials." If the two ministries are reorganized, the 
present framework of the government ministries and agencies would 
change drastically. The present structure was made in 2001. There is 
a possibility that Aso's realignment plan will be included in the 
Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) manifesto (set of campaign pledges) 
for the next House of Representatives election. 
 
While the public's anxiety has been complicated, there is concern 
about the evils of the vertically fragmented system of 
administration because such issues as the declining birthrate and 
 
TOKYO 00001120  007 OF 009 
 
 
aging population, employment and childcare are managed by such 
ministries as the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry and the Cabinet 
Office. This is the reason why Aso made the proposal. 
 
The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare was established in 2001 by 
integrating the Health and Welfare Ministry and the Labor Ministry. 
The ministry is known for its gigantic size, with an allocation of 
about 25 trillion yen in the general accounting budget for fiscal 
¶2009. The ministry is in charge of wide-ranging areas including 
medical services, pension and labor administration. In recent years, 
the Social Insurance Agency, an external organ of the Ministry of 
Health, Labor and Welfare, has undermined public trust over the 
government's administration on social security after the agency was 
revealed to have been involved in falsifying pension records. Since 
then, some in the government have called for a review of the 
ministry, in which the budget and duties are unevenly distributed. 
 
(6) Hatoyama's policy on Futenma to be focus of attention; All eyes 
on his leadership in opposition united front in next Lower House 
election 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
May 17, 2009 
 
Shoichiro Yonamine 
 
With Yukio Hatoyama's election as the new president of the 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the party's manifesto for the next 
House of Representatives election is likely to follow the policies 
of the Ozawa leadership. With regard to Okinawa issues, the focus of 
attention will be on whether the DPJ will set this as a point of 
contention with the Liberal Democratic Party-New Komeito 
administration based on its "Okinawa Vision 2008," which calls for a 
drastic review of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement and the 
relocation of the US Forces' Futenma Air Station outside Okinawa or 
outside Japan. 
 
 
Political situation in Okinawa 
 
Hatoyama has visited Okinawa many times for election campaigns, and 
the DPJ Okinawa chapter has supported him because "he is more deeply 
involved with Okinawa than Mr. Okada." In his speech given after 
taking over the DPJ presidency, Hatoyama talked about the 
"relocation of Futenma outside Okinawa," thus indicating his 
position on the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment plans agreed 
upon by the Japanese and U.S. governments. 
 
Meanwhile, with regard to the return of the Futenma base, there is a 
persistent view in the DPJ that, "Inasmuch as we claim to be a party 
preparing to take over the administration, we need to come up with a 
responsible counterproposal on the relocation site." Furthermore, 
with the agreement on the relocation of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to 
Guam - premised on the construction of an alternative facility for 
Futenma in Henoko, Nago City - already approved by the Diet, how 
serious is the party about pressing for a review of USFJ realignment 
plans? Its posture in negotiations with the U.S. will be put to the 
test. 
 
Since the Okinawa issues are directly linked to the question of 
security, which is regarded as the biggest problem for the DPJ, this 
will be a litmus test for the new president's ability to unite the 
 
TOKYO 00001120  008 OF 009 
 
 
various forces in the party. 
 
With regard to the political situation, how Hatoyama steers the 
opposition united front with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and 
the People's New Party (PNP) - on which former president Ichiro 
Ozawa had attached great importance - will affect the outcome of the 
election in the Okinawa constituencies. 
 
The DPJ will endorse the PNP's official candidate in the first 
district of Okinawa. This is an electoral district that will be 
watched nationally for the success of election cooperation, since 
the outcome will provide clues for the plan for a tripartite 
coalition government by the three opposition parties. The official 
DPJ and SDP candidates will compete in the third district, and this 
will cast a shadow on election cooperation in the second and fourth 
districts. Whether Ozawa, who is very likely to be responsible for 
campaign strategy under the new Hatoyama leadership, will intervene 
in this matter is a question of high interest. 
 
(7) Hatoyama and Okinawa: Strong interest in military base issues, 
consistent advocate of base relocation outside Okinawa 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
May 17, 2009 
 
Tokyo 
 
Yukio Hatoyama, who was just elected as the new president of the 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), has consistently advocated the 
relocation of the U.S. military bases in Okinawa to outside the 
prefecture since the 1990s. He has served as the chair of the 
cross-party group of opposition Diet members, the Diet members' 
panel on Okinawa and U.S. military base issues, since it was founded 
in 2005 and has been involved with Okinawa base issues for many 
years. 
 
When campaigning for Masahide Ota's bid to become Okinawa governor 
in November 1998, Hatoyama said in his speech that, "All politicians 
should think more seriously about whether there is a suitable 
relocation site in his own constituency. This is not a problem that 
can be resolved if everybody abhors the idea of having (a U.S. 
military base) moved into his district." He asserted that U.S. 
military base issues should be regarded as a national problem. 
 
At a Lower House plenary session in 2005, Hatoyama challenged then 
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to "demand the return of the 
Futenma base without requiring a replacement facility from the U.S." 
He has also advocated the need to revise the Japan-U.S. Status of 
Forces Agreement (SOFA) on various occasions and has shown his 
support for reducing the burden on Okinawa imposed by the high 
concentration of bases. 
 
Regarding economic development, Hatoyama mentioned Okinawa's 
potential for developing industries based on its geographical 
advantage at an interview with Ryukyu Shimpo in 2006. "The idea of a 
'one country, two systems' scheme specific to Okinawa is an 
option." 
 
(8) Japan to provide PKO education to AU as joint effort with UN 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) 
May 16, 2009 
 
TOKYO 00001120  009 OF 009 
 
 
 
Hiroaki Wada, Cairo 
 
The UN, the African Union (AU), and Japan will jointly hold a 
training session in Cairo for senior AU officials who are in charge 
of peacekeeping operations (PKO), starting on May 24. The training 
is in response to a request by the AU, which wants to boost its 
capability to deal with conflicts and civil wars. This is the first 
time for Japan to conduct such training jointly with the UN and the 
AU. 
 
According to a related source, the training will be held for about 
two weeks at the Cairo Regional Center for Training on Conflict 
Resolution & Peacekeeping in Africa (CCCPA) of the Egyptian 
government. 
 
Hosei University Professor Sukehiro Hasegawa, former special 
representative of the Secretary General of the UN in Timor-Leste and 
head of the UN mission of support in East Timor (UNMISET) and Ground 
Self-Defense Force (GSDF) Major General Muneo Sakakieda, who has 
broad experience in PKO planning, will participate as trainers from 
Japan. 
 
About career track 25 officers in the Africa Standby Force, which 
the AU aims to streamline by 2010, will receive the training. 
Participants will carry out PKO training exercises according to 
their assigned roles. Trainers will instruct them based on their 
actual experiences. Portions of the costs of the training will be 
financed from the 3 million dollars that Japan has disbursed to the 
CCCPA through the UN Development Program (UNDP). 
 
The conflict in the Darfur region of western Sudan, where 200,000 
people have presumably died, and the Somali civil war are continuing 
in Africa. UN PKO troops cannot handle all of the required 
operations. 
 
The AU aims to boost its capability to settle disputes. However, 
there are many challenges to these efforts, including how to improve 
training and unify the chain of command. 
 
In recent years, Japan has assisted Africa in strengthening its 
peacekeeping capabilities. Japan extended financial assistance to 
the PKO training centers in five African countries last year, and 
also dispatched two Self-Defense Forces officers to Egypt as 
trainers. 
 
ZUMWALT