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Viewing cable 09TOKYO1093, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/14/09

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09TOKYO1093 2009-05-14 07:26 2011-08-26 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO4034
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #1093/01 1340726
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 140726Z MAY 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 2937
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 6307
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 3977
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 7779
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 1604
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 4508
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 9253
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 5271
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 5037
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 001093 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/14/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Senior U.S. official agrees to consider President's visit to 
Hiroshima in response to Shizuka Kamei's request, calling it "very 
interesting" (Jiji Press) 
 
(2) BBC report that if DPJ takes over the reins of government, Japan 
will not buy dollar-denominated U.S. government bonds sets off 
dollar selling (Asahi) 
 
(3) PNP Shizuka Kamei expresses willingness to actively purchase 
U.S. bonds if government change occurs (Nikkei) 
 
(4) Interview with former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori: Ozawa's 
resignation signifies Aso's victory (Yomiuri) 
 
(5) With passage of extra budget at Lower House, choices lessens for 
timing of Lower House dissolution (Nikkei) 
 
(6) LDP banking on revival of "old bonds"; Risk of abandonment by 
unaffiliated voters (Nikkei) 
 
(7) Difference in eagerness evident between MSDF and GSDF on 
elevating Japan-U.S. alliance to global stage (Mainichi) 
 
(8) Marines, Okinawa's burden: 610 billion yen to be paid under 
"false" pretext (Akahata) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Senior U.S. official agrees to consider President's visit to 
Hiroshima in response to Shizuka Kamei's request, calling it "very 
interesting" 
 
Jiji Com 
10:44, May 14, 2009 
 
Washington, Jiji Press, May 13 
 
Shizuka Kamei, deputy leader of the People's New Party (PNP), held a 
meeting with Gary Samore, coordinator for nonproliferation of 
weapons of mass destruction of the National Security Council (NSC), 
at the White House on May 13. He requested a visit by President 
Barack Obama, who advocates a nuclear-free world, to the atomic 
bombing site in Hiroshima when he visits Japan. Samore responded 
with: "This is a very interesting proposal. We will consider it." 
 
Kamei stressed that, "I greatly appreciate President Obama's 
advocacy of a nuclear-free world. If the President makes his pledge 
for efforts toward denuclearization before the monument at the 
atomic bombing site as a representative of mankind, his appeal will 
carry even more weight." He also pointed out that the impact will be 
even greater if the President makes a speech at the peace memorial 
ceremony held on August 6. 
 
On relations with North Korea, Kamei asked that, "If the U.S. and 
North Korea talk directly, the U.S. should not impose the results on 
Japan ex post facto, but should hold close consultations with Japan 
simultaneously." Kamei also met assistant secretary of 
state-designate J.C. Bancroft Davis and Democratic Congressman 
Sander Levin on the same day. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001093  002 OF 009 
 
 
(2) BBC report that if DPJ takes over the reins of government, Japan 
will not buy dollar-denominated U.S. government bonds sets off 
dollar selling 
 
ASAHI (Page 6) (Full) 
May 14, 2009 
 
BBC of Britain on May 12 reported that Lower House member Masaharu 
Nakagawa, "Next Cabinet" finance minister, made a remark to the 
effect that if the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) takes the reins 
of government, Japan will not buy dollar-denominated government 
bonds. With the statement setting off dollar selling, the yen 
exchange rate on the Tokyo Foreign Exchange Market briefly rose to 
95 against the dollar on the 13th after a hiatus of about two 
weeks. 
 
In response to an interview with Asahi Shimbun, Nakagawa said what 
he meant was that in order to avoid losses from exchange 
fluctuations, too, the government should consider buying 
yen-denominated U.S. government bonds instead of dollar-denominated 
ones. He explained that he did not mean that the Japanese government 
would not buy any dollar-based U.S. bonds. 
 
Since the Japanese government would face valuations losses, if the 
abrupt appreciation of the yen develops, DPJ lawmakers, including 
Nakagawa, during Diet deliberations once urged the government to ask 
the U.S. government to issue yen-denominated government bonds. 
 
One can say that market responses to the overseas media report on 
the remark of a DPJ lawmaker reflects that the possibility of a 
change of power is growing. According to the U.S. Treasury 
Department, Japan possesses as of February U.S. bonds worth 661.9 
billion dollars, the second largest amount after China. 
 
(3) PNP Shizuka Kamei expresses willingness to actively purchase 
U.S. bonds if government change occurs 
 
NIKKEI ONLINE 
May 14, 2009 1:34 PM 
 
"A change of government will certainly take place in Japan." 
"(Japan) should help the U.S. rebuild its economy as much as 
possible." People's New Party (PNP) acting head Shizuka Kamei, now 
visiting the U.S., gave a press conference in Washington on May 13, 
in which he disclosed that he had conveyed Japan's willingness to 
actively purchase U.S. government bonds when he met with National 
Security Council (NSC) Asian Affairs Director General Jeffery Bader 
and other key members of the administration of President Barack 
Obama. Government bonds are issued to finance economic stimulus 
measures. 
 
Kamei clearly said that a coalition government will be undoubtedly 
established by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the Social 
Democratic Party, and the PNP as a result of the next House of 
Representatives election. (Jiji) reported a remark by DPJ "shadow 
cabinet" Finance Minister Masaharu Nakagawa indicating that a DPJ 
government would be reluctant to purchase dollar-denominated 
Treasury Bonds. This remark prompted massive selling of the U.S. 
dollar, pushing down its value. Bearing this experience in mind, 
Kamei said: "I will never allow (a DPJ-led government) to do so. We 
will extend full support to the U.S." 
 
 
TOKYO 00001093  003 OF 009 
 
 
With respect to the DPJ presidential race (scheduled for May 15) to 
select a successor to Ichiro Ozawa, Kamei said: "A person who can 
push ahead with election cooperation and policies with us must be 
elected. 
 
(4) Interview with former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori: Ozawa's 
resignation signifies Aso's victory 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) 
May 14, 2009 
 
-- Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Ozawa announced his 
decision to step down. 
 
I had expected this development to some extent, but I had 
anticipated it would come much later. I have been paying respect to 
him as a politician who can do things boldly but elaborately, and he 
takes decisive action. However, he did not properly deal with the 
aftermath (of a fund-raising scandal that led to the arrest of his 
secretary). He shirked his duty in this case, too. 
 
-- Do you think Ozawa's resignation will affect Prime Minister Aso's 
strategy on Diet dissolution? 
 
I think there will be some impact. Even Mr. Ozawa said he would 
select his successor after prospects are in sight for the fiscal 
2009 supplementary budget bill to clear the Diet. He apparently 
considers it is important to enact the extra budget, but it is 
uncertain whether he bears the passage of the related bills in mind. 
Assuming that the next president takes an "adult attitude" (such as 
approving the enactment of the extra budget and related bills), such 
a situation is not necessarily favorable for the Liberal Democratic 
Party. 
 
-- Some observers take the view that Mr. Ozawa's resignation would 
result in calls for ousting Aso once again. 
 
Mr. Ozawa's resignation obviously signifies the prime minister's 
victory. Despite calls growing for Diet dissolution from outside 
(the LDP) and calls for his replacement from within the party, the 
prime minister has stuck it out. At a time when people have begun to 
favorably evaluate (the prime minister), why is it necessary to 
replace him? If trouble occurs in the party, its image will be 
surely hurt. If there are members who do not notice this, they 
should leave the party. I heard that former Secretary General 
Hidenao Nakagawa had said, "We have yet to reach the point (of 
beginning moves to dump him)." I am depressed by his remark that 
could be interpreted as people waiting for a disturbance (in the 
LDP). He might have some ulterior motive." 
 
-- Do you think the cabinet should be reorganized before the next 
House of Representatives election? 
 
There is teamwork between members (in the cabinet). When the fiscal 
2009 budget was enacted, I considered it would be desirable to 
change the cabinet lineup and hold an election, but the situation 
has changed since then. 
 
 -- Calls are growing for restrictions on candidacy by persons who 
come from families of politicians. 
 
What we should think first is whether the party can pick a candidate 
 
TOKYO 00001093  004 OF 009 
 
 
who can win, rather than considering whether heredity is good or 
bad. Even if the son or wife of a politician is elected, the winner 
should not be criticized because the voters made the choice. Such 
criticism is unreasonable in view of the Constitution (which 
specifies free choice of occupation). For now, I have no idea (about 
suggesting to any of my kin to become a politician). 
 
(5) With passage of extra budget at Lower House, choices lessens for 
timing of Lower House dissolution 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
May 14, 2009 
 
With the supplementary budget for fiscal 2009 passing through the 
House of Representatives, Prime Minister Taro Aso has now overcome 
the first hurdle for the dissolution of the Lower House and a 
general election. It is predicted that five bills related to the 
extra budget, which include measures to help support corporations 
facing capital shortfalls, will clear the Lower House in late May or 
later. The handling of those bills is directly linked to an 
extension of the current Diet session and to the timing of Lower 
House dissolution. With less than four months left for the 
expiration of the terms of the Lower House members, Aso's options 
for the timing of the dissolution of the Lower House are gradually 
lessening. 
 
Implementation of 90% of the extra budget possible 
 
Even if the opposition camp drags out deliberations on the extra 
budget at the House of Councillors, the budget will be enacted on 
June 12, 30 days after clearing the Lower House, based on the 
constitutional rule. Therefore, more than 90 percent of the budget 
for such measures as increasing employment adjustment subsidies and 
granting 'eco-points' that give discounts on the purchase of 
eco-friendly home electronic appliances, which are key elements of 
the additional economic stimulus package. For Aso, who has placed 
top priority on economic recovery, the enactment of the extra budget 
is a requirement at least in determining the date for dissolution. 
 
Of the six related bills, the tax system reform legislation, 
including a reduction in the gift tax, cleared the Lower House along 
with the extra budget. But a vote on the five other bills, including 
one amending the Development Bank of Japan Inc. Law (New DBJ Law), 
has been put off. 
 
The prime minister's aide stressed: "We will enact all bills related 
to the extra budget." Senior ruling camp members, including Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General Hiroyuki Hosoda and New 
Komeito Secretary General Kazuo Kitagawa, confirmed yesterday 
morning that they would make efforts to pass the related bills as 
early as possible. Since the ruling coalition prioritizes 
deliberations on the extra budget, it is predicted that the passage 
of the remaining bills at the Lower House will be delayed to late 
May or after. 
 
If the Upper House drags out deliberations on the related bills, it 
will be necessary for the ruling camp to consider using the 
'constitutional 60-day rule' that allows the Lower House to readopt 
them by the two-thirds votes of the lawmakers attending the voting 
session. Many in the ruling bloc think that the ongoing Diet session 
should be significantly extended by late July. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001093  005 OF 009 
 
 
The Emperor and the Empress will visit Canada and the United States 
on July 3-17. The dominant view is that it is difficult to dissolve 
the Lower House and kick off an official campaign for a general 
election during that timeframe. The New Komeito has asked that the 
general election and the July 12 Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly 
election not be held close together. If that is the case, the Lower 
House will be dissolved in last July and the election will be held 
August 2 or 9. 
 
Possibility of Lower House dissolution in June 
 
Some LDP members have said that the Lower House should be dissolved 
in June after the extra budget clears the Diet. Former Prime 
Minister Shinzo Abe emphasized at an LDP lawmaker-hosted party 
yesterday noon: "Most of the budget can be executed even if the 
related bills are not enacted. I want (Aso) to make up his mind (to 
dissolve the Lower House) at an appropriate time." 
 
Abe and LDP Election Strategy Council Chairman Makoto Koga have 
called for dissolution in June. The reason is that in case 
dissolution is pushed forward as much as possible, it will turn 
against the ruling camp's election campaign, because the image 
becomes stronger that Aso was pushed into a corner. If eying on an 
overriding vote in the Lower House on such key bills as the 
antipiracy bill, a possible option would be dissolution in late June 
and the general election on July 12, the same day with the Tokyo 
election. 
 
There is a possibility that the DPJ will regain party strength under 
the new leader and that Aso will lose the best timing for 
dissolution. There is also a possibility that the snap election will 
be held 30 days before the terms of the Lower House members end or 
in mid-October. 
 
(6) LDP banking on revival of "old bonds"; Risk of abandonment by 
unaffiliated voters 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
May 11, 2009 
 
Both the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ) are working to deepen their "bonds" with industrial 
organizations in anticipation of the House of Representatives 
election that will come not later than this fall. Defying criticisms 
of "pork barrel" spending, the LDP has incorporated many of the 
demands of industrial groups in the FY2009 supplementary budget. On 
the other hand, the DPJ is also giving priority to considerations 
aimed at enlisting the support of groups supporting the LDP. 
However, reliance on industrial associations may lead to abandonment 
by unaffiliated voters. 
 
On the evening of May 8, senior officials of as many as 40 
industrial associations, including those from the construction 
industry, land developers, the Japan Medical Association (JMA), and 
so forth, assembled at a banquet hall in a hotel near the Diet. This 
was a dinner party of the LDP and the senior officials of its main 
support groups. Prime Minister Taro Aso, who stopped by, bowed 
deeply and said: "We are working hard on the economic measures. We 
hope for your support in the next election." 
 
Budget for economic measures 
 
 
TOKYO 00001093  006 OF 009 
 
 
This was the first time in two years that representatives of the 
LDP's main support groups have gathered in one place. The prime 
minister personally filled the cups of the participants all around, 
demonstrating his "desire to deepen bonds with these organizations 
once again" (in the words of a senior official). 
 
The LDP has been incorporating the demands of its support groups in 
the economic measures since last fall. It has allocated an 
additional 100 billion yen in de facto subsidies for rice production 
adjustment (gentan) as a step to woo the Japan Agricultural 
Cooperatives. Some 2.3 trillion yen in public work projects was also 
appropriated in consideration of the construction industry, thus 
shelving the policy of cutting back on public work implemented since 
the Koizumi administration. 
 
The LDP has not also forgotten the business sector. Party leaders 
have held meetings with business leaders of Kansai, Tohoku, 
Hokuriku, and elsewhere since the beginning of 2009. Mikio Aoki, 
former chair of the LDP caucus in the House of Councillors, has also 
held several meetings with senior officers of Nippon Keidanren 
(Japan Business Federation), playing a role in the introduction of 
the system of subsidies for buying environment-friendly cars. 
 
Will moves suggesting the revival of old LDP politics, termed the 
triangle of politicians, the bureaucracy, and business, be a quick 
fix for the next Lower House election? 
 
In mid-April, right after the ruling bloc compiled its additional 
economic measures, the president of a small construction business 
told a senior official of the Associated General Contractors of 
Japan (Zenken): "We are in a situation of life or death. We have no 
time to campaign." 
 
"After the organization has disintegrated" 
 
Zenken mainly consists of some 23,000 small and mid-sized 
construction companies. In 2008, a record 580 companies went out of 
business and 2009 is expected to see a continuation of this trend. 
Officials are voicing their resentment, with one senior Zenken 
officer saying, "It is too late to make budget allocations now that 
the organization has disintegrated." 
 
There is also a mood of "election fatigue" in organizations which 
had fielded their own candidates in the last Upper House election, 
such as the Nippon Izokukai (Association of War Bereaved Families) 
and the JMA. After the next Lower House election, another Upper 
House election is scheduled for summer 2010. A senior Nippon 
Izokukai official says: "Even if you ask people to campaign for the 
election two years in a row, the organization will not move." 
 
At a meeting with former defense minister Yuriko Koike and others in 
Tokyo on the evening of April 30, former prime minister Junichiro 
Koizumi, who is blamed by the LDP for the weakening of LDP support 
groups, stated emphatically that, "One cannot get elected by relying 
on support organizations; the unaffiliated voters will run away." 
 
 
(7) Difference in eagerness evident between MSDF and GSDF on 
elevating Japan-U.S. alliance to global stage 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged) 
May 14, 2009 
 
TOKYO 00001093  007 OF 009 
 
 
 
The First Tokyo Seminar on Common Security Challenges was held in 
March in Tokyo under the auspices of the Defense Ministry. The 
seminar's purpose was to constructively discuss ways to facilitate 
regional cooperation in the Asia Pacific region on common 
challenges, such as disasters and terrorist attacks. 
 
In a speech at the seminar, Administrative Vice-Defense Minister 
Kohei Masuda boldly proposed defense cooperation among Japan, China 
and South Korea by taking advantage of antipiracy missions in waters 
off Somalia. 
 
In late December, China sent its Navy to fight Somalia pirates. The 
step was followed by swift decisions by Japan and South Korea to 
dispatch naval vessels on antipiracy missions. What Masuda had in 
mind was conducting joint exercises among Japan, China, and South 
Korea in waters off Africa as a simulation of the envisaged East 
Asia security system. 
 
"The matter is being studied by a variety of channels," a senior 
Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) official said. 
 
The MSDF's antipiracy mission has hidden strategic significances, 
such as being the first overseas dispatch for defending Japan's 
national interests in the postwar period and testing military 
cooperation with China and South Korea. Forming ties with the U.S. 
Africa Command (AFRICOM) is of greater significance, according to a 
high-ranking MSDF officer. 
 
The MSDF is scheduled to dispatch in late May a P-3C patrol plane 
unit to Djibouti, Africa. Djibouti is the operation base for 
AFRICOM, which was established in 2007. The U.S. media regard the 
establishment of AFRICOM as a response to China, which has made 
inroads into the continent with an eye on abundant natural resources 
there. One of the AFRICOM deputy commanders is a civilian female 
ambassador from the State Department. "Once ties are established 
between the MSDF and AFRICOM, they are certain to help expand 
Japan's diplomatic options," the senior MSDF official noted. 
 
During the Cold War era, the MSDF's only partner was the U.S. 
Pacific Command, which covered the area spanning from the west coast 
of the American continent to the Indian Ocean. Following 9/11, Japan 
has joined in the war on terror and the MSDF has sent senior 
officers to the U.S. Middle East Command in Tampa, Florida, whose 
area of responsibility covers the entire Middle East and part of 
Central Asia. MSDF fuelers have refueled the naval vessels of other 
countries (in the Indian Ocean). The MSDF is about to expand its 
ties to AFRICOM and elevate the Japan-U.S. alliance to the global 
stage. 
 
Meanwhile, a certain psychological distance exists between the 
Ground Self-Defense Force (GSDF), which has actively carried out 
overseas missions, and the U.S. military. 
 
GSDF Col. Ryuta Ando served as Japan's first defense attach in 
Afghanistan for just over one year from January 2003. During that 
period, he was engaged in the disarmament project in collaboration 
with the forces of other countries. Western logic does not work in 
warlord-controlled tribal societies. To collect weapons, there was 
no other option but to forge relations of trust with tribal chiefs 
through eating and drinking with them. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001093  008 OF 009 
 
 
"Every day, I became keenly aware of the complexity and the depth of 
the society there. The U.S. military's highhanded approach of 
pushing its military might to the forefront does not work. The only 
thing the GSDF was able to do was to deliver fuel to the forces of 
other countries, and Afghans' gaze became less hostile." 
 
In January 2004, Japan sent GSDF troops to Iraq - for the first time 
to a "battle field" - to offer reconstruction assistance. Every 
dispatched GSDF member wore small Japanese flags on four spots: the 
right chest, the left shoulder, the back, and the helmet. 
 
Looking back on those days, then GSDF Chief of Staff Hajime Massaki 
(currently a Defense Ministry advisor) made this comment: "We wanted 
to make clear that the Japanese troops were different from the U.S. 
forces and that their purpose was to support the Iraqi people's 
reconstruction efforts rather than to occupy their land. That was 
most important for ensuring the safety of the GSDF troops." The 
GSDF's base was in the southern Iraqi city of Samawah, which is far 
away from the U.S. military's base in Baghdad. 
 
After withdrawing from Iraq, the GSDF has not been dispatched to 
overseas. A mission in Afghanistan was temporarily projected, but 
the U.S. Obama administration is reportedly expecting Japan to play 
a nonmilitary role. The GSDF appears somewhat relieved. 
 
Overseas missions will continue, and their objectives, activities, 
and strategic significances are certain to change. How should Japan 
deal with the U.S. military - the most powerful military force in 
the world? The difference in eagerness between the GSDF and the MSDF 
to deal with the U.S. military shows that the quality of the 
Japan-U.S. alliance must change on the military front as well. 
 
(8) Marines, Okinawa's burden: 610 billion yen to be paid under 
"false" pretext 
 
AKAHATA (Page 3) (Full) 
May 14, 2009 
 
The agreement on the "relocation" of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to 
Guam, which will require the use of tax money by Japan as a 
sovereign country for the construction of military bases on U.S. 
territory, was approved by the Diet on May 13. This agreement, which 
imposes the legal obligation to pay $2.8 billion (approximately 280 
billion yen) for the construction of U.S. military bases in Guam, 
was approved through extremely speedy deliberations - three days in 
the House of Representatives and four days in the House of 
Councillors - just more than a month after substantial debate began 
on April 3. No solution has been found for the serious harmful 
effects this agreement will have on the people of Okinawa and 
Japan. 
 
Reconfirmation 
 
The first harmful effect is that the Marines' "relocation" to Guam 
is tied to the promotion of the construction of a new base in 
Okinawa as a "package." The agreement stipulates that the Guam 
"relocation" will "depend on concrete progress" in the new base on 
the coast of Camp Schwab (in Nago City, Okinawa) and so forth 
(Article 3). This reconfirms the fact that all the plans for U.S. 
Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment are one "package." 
 
On this point, while Director General Kazuyoshi Umemoto of the 
 
TOKYO 00001093  009 OF 009 
 
 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs North American Affairs Bureau stated 
that, "The Japanese government has indicated its intention (to build 
the new base) in this agreement. This does not impose any new legal 
obligation" at the Upper House Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee 
on April 23, he had told the Lower House Foreign Affairs Committee 
on April 8 that, "If there is no progress in one (Nago), the other 
(Guam) will also be affected." 
 
Possible increase of troops 
 
Second, the excuse for the Guam "relocation" is that this will 
"lighten the burden of the Okinawan people," but this was found to 
be a complete lie. The government has stated repeatedly during Diet 
deliberations that the "reduction of 8,000 troops" refers to the 
reduction of the designated troop size and that the actual number of 
troops to be relocated may change, which suggests that there might 
even be an increase of troops. Thus, the very purpose of the 
agreement, "reduce the burden of the local communities, including 
Okinawa" (in the preamble) will be compromised. 
 
Third, not only is the fiscal spending of $2.8 billion 
(approximately 280 billion yen) completely unjustified, the forcible 
implementation of this "relocation" will require unbridled further 
injection of tax money. 
 
The Japanese and U.S. governments agreed in the roadmap for USFJ 
realignment in May 2006 that under the pretext of "reducing the 
burden on Okinawa," Japan will foot the bill for some $6.1 billion 
(approximately 610 billion yen) of the total cost of $10.3 billion 
(approximately 1.03 trillion yen) for "relocating" 8,000 marines in 
Okinawa and their families. 
 
Of this amount, $2.8 billion will be direct fiscal spending, while 
"investment and loans" will cover $3.3 billion for the construction 
of housing for U.S. military families and other infrastructure. 
However, failure to recoup such "investment and loans" will require 
tax money to cover the loss. Furthermore, it was also found that 
Japan may possibly have to shoulder the cost for not only the 
relocation of the marines, but also expenditures for the 
construction of navy and air force facilities and the training and 
transport of marines. 
 
Sacrifice 
 
U.S. Marine commander General James Conway testified at a U.S. 
Congress hearing on May 6 that a review of the Guam "relocation" 
plan itself is possible. There is no guarantee that the U.S. side, 
which is facing a serious economic crisis, will be able to implement 
its share in the relocation cost without fail. 
 
The "Guam" agreement, which sacrifices the Japanese people's 
livelihood by imposing the supply of funds up to 2014 for such a 
project, is absolutely unacceptable. 
 
ZUMWALT