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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 001084 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/13/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) U.S Treasury Secretary Geithner travelling to China, puts off 
trip to Japan (Nikkei) 
 
(2) DPJ official's remark "If the DPJ takes over reins of 
government, Japan will not buy U.S. government bonds" sets off 
dollar selling on NY market (Jiji Press) 
 
(3) Japan, Russia concludes nuclear agreement; Cooperation on 
resources with Russia to be increased (Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Russia Premier Putin makes no promise regarding territorial 
dispute, puts "strategic relationship" first (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Japan-US integration to apply pressure on North Korea on 
normalization (Sankei) 
 
(6) The election and industrial groups: Anxiety about post-Ozawa 
DPJ, as new president may redraw strategy (Nikkei) 
 
(7) DPJ becomes refreshed by Ozawa's resignation!? Needs to present 
policies to counter ruling camp (Part 2) (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(8) 2nd MSDF dispatch eyed for July against pirates (Nikkei) 9 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) U.S Treasury Secretary Geithner travelling to China, puts off 
trip to Japan 
 
NIKKEI (Internet edition) (Full) 
May 13, 2009 
 
Yusuke Yoneyama in Washington 
 
The U.S. Department of the Treasury on May 12 revealed that 
Secretary Geithner will travel to Beijing, China, and the end of 
this month for meetings with high-level Chinese officials on June 
1-2. There will be a broad range of talks on important bilateral 
issues, including relations between the two countries being 
strengthened in order to sustain economic growth. With the exception 
of such specific purposes as attending international conferences in 
certain countries, this will be the first time for the Secretary to 
visit a country for bilateral talks. 
 
According to a Treasury Department source, the Secretary because of 
a scheduling difficulty will not be stopping in Japan, but he has 
expressed his strong desire to visit there in the near future. 
 
The Obama administration during the U.S.-China summit meeting in 
April agreed to expand the strategic economic dialogue with China 
begun under the Bush administration. The two themes of the dialogue 
are political-security and economic affairs. The first meeting is 
planned to be held in Washington this summer, with Secretary 
Geithner serving as the American representative for the economic 
area. 
 
(2) DPJ official's remark "If the DPJ takes over reins of 
government, Japan will not buy U.S. government bonds" sets off 
dollar selling on NY market 
 
 
TOKYO 00001084  002 OF 010 
 
 
Jiji Com 
9:17, May 13, 2009 
 
New York, Jiji Press, May 12 
 
BBC of Britain on May 12 reported that Lower House member Masaharu 
Nakagawa, "Next Cabinet" finance minister, said, "If the Democratic 
Party of Japan (DPJ) takes over the reins of government, Japan will 
not purchase U.S. bonds." This statement has set off dollar-selling 
against the yen on the New York Foreign Exchange Market. It is 
believed that the expression of concern about the safety of the 
dollar by a senior official of the DPJ, an opposition party that 
could take the reins of government in the next general election, has 
fueled anxieties about the dollar. 
 
(3) Japan, Russia concludes nuclear agreement; Cooperation on 
resources with Russia to be increased 
 
YOMIURI (Page 11) (Abridged slightly) 
May 13, 2009 
 
Tsuyoshi Ito, Daisuke Segawa 
 
With the arrival in Japan of Prime Minister Vladimir Putin 
yesterday, great progress was made between Japan and Russia in such 
fields as resource and energy development, as seen in the signing of 
a bilateral nuclear agreement designed to promote the civilian use 
of nuclear power, such as nuclear power plants. Although Japanese 
companies pin great hopes on the promising Russian market, they also 
harbor strong distrust in Russia's policies, such as one giving 
preferential treatment to domestic companies. In order to deepen 
economic relations between the two countries, many challenges must 
be overcome. 
 
The Japan-Russia nuclear agreement is likely to offer many 
advantages to both countries. 
 
Japan is the third largest nuclear power-generating country 
following the United States and France. Japan also has excellent 
technology in manufacturing nuclear reactors and the like. Yet the 
country's self-sufficiency rate of enriched uranium that is used as 
fuel is less than 3%. This can explain why Japan has to rely heavily 
on imports from Europe. If Japan can import (enriched uranium) from 
Russia whose uranium enrichment capability reportedly accounts for 
40% of the global total, it would help the country stably secure 
resources. Meanwhile, Russia, which plans to build 40 nuclear 
reactors over the next two decades, is counting on Japan's advanced 
technology. 
 
The agreement is likely to give a momentum to Japanese corporations 
as well. Toshiba Corp. reached an accord yesterday with 
Atomenergoprom, Russia's state-owned nuclear energy company, to 
develop uranium-enrichment plants. The conclusion of the nuclear 
agreement has now made it possible to pursue technological 
cooperation and joint ventures between the two countries. 
 
Putin addressed a Japan-Russia economic forum in Tokyo yesterday in 
which he urged Japanese firms to participate in the development of 
the Russian Far East, saying, "Japanese companies could take part in 
the project to develop pipelines from Sakhalin to Vladivostok." He 
also called for cooperation in such fields as energy, timber 
processing, and transport. 
 
TOKYO 00001084  003 OF 010 
 
 
 
Japanese companies are highly alarmed at Russia's restriction on 
foreign investment. (In 2006), Shell and Japanese trading companies 
were forced by the Russian government to sell half their stakes plus 
one share in Sakhalin-2 to Gazprom, Russia's state-run natural-gas 
export company. 
 
Russia also raised tariffs on steel products and autos earlier this 
year as a support measure for the manufacturing industry. In his 
meeting with Putin yesterday, Aso expressed strong concern about 
Russia's protectionist moves, saying, "Russia has repeatedly raised 
tariffs." Putin rebutted Aso, noting, "We have been abiding by 
(international agreements to block protectionism)." 
 
Japan Oil, Gas and Metals National Corp. (JOGMEC), an organization 
affiliated with the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, 
announced yesterday that it would establish a joint venture with 
Irkutsk Oil Co. to begin exploration for the development of 
oilfields in East Siberia. 
 
They are expected to drill two blocks stretching over roughly 8,142 
square kilometers which is believed to hold a combined 100 million 
barrels of oil reserves. They will conduct drilling by 2013 to 
determine the reserves. If the exploration succeeds and the pipeline 
connecting Siberia with the Sea of Japan is completed, oil would be 
exported to Japan as well. 
 
(4) Russia Premier Putin makes no promise regarding territorial 
dispute, puts "strategic relationship" first 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
May 13, 2009 
 
Prime Minister Taro Aso and Russian Premier Vladimir Putin yesterday 
made it clear during their talks that the two countries would deepen 
their strategic relationship by promoting mutually beneficial 
cooperation in the economic area, such as energy development. The 
Japanese government has taken the move as a preparation to pave the 
way for making progress in the dispute over the four Russia-held 
islands off northeastern Hokkaido. Therefore, many in the Japanese 
government are greatly looking forward to seeing specific progress 
in the summit meeting in July between Aso and President Dmitry 
Medvedev. Some government officials are alarmed about developments 
because they sense that Moscow is simply flying a trial balloon 
because Putin refrained from making more specific remarks on the 
territorial issue. 
 
Both prime ministers were boisterous at a joint press conference 
after their meeting yesterday. 
 
Aso said: "(Their meeting) is an important step to raise the 
Japan-Russia relationship to a higher dimension." 
 
Putin: "I'm satisfied with dynamic developments in bilateral 
relations." 
 
The Russia economy, too, has been affected by the sharp plunge in 
crude oil prices and by the global economic recession. Therefore, 
Putin's major purpose to hold the meeting with Aso was to promote 
trade and economic exchanges. It can be said that Putin's Japan 
visit this time achieved such actual results as the signing of the 
Japan-Russia nuclear deal, which will pave the way for bilateral 
 
TOKYO 00001084  004 OF 010 
 
 
exchanges in the nuclear power area. 
 
Putin stated on the territorial issue during the meeting: "While 
global power relations are rapidly changing, Russia like Japan 
strongly hopes to eliminate the negative legacy of the past." At the 
joint press conference, as well, he said: "An every possible option 
will be discussed at the Japan-Russia summit in July." He hinted at 
possible improvement in the territorial dispute. 
 
Putin, however, did not refer to a "creative approach," on which Aso 
and Medvedev agreed in their meeting in February, to expedite work 
to resolve the territorial row. He also pointed out that Russia was 
ready to discuss a peace treaty. A senior Japanese Foreign Ministry 
official has already taken a precaution, noting: "There will be no 
fresh proposal from Russia in July, either." 
 
What will likely trigger controversy is the fact that Putin took up 
again the 1956 Japan-Soviet Joint Declaration which stipulated the 
return of the two islands - the Habomai islet group and Shikotan 
Island. Referring to the process of drafting the 2001 Irkutsk 
Statement, which was regarded as the basic legal document for peace 
treaty negotiations, Putin said: "We had a hard time at that time." 
His remark can be taken a message that the return of the two isles 
was the limit. 
 
The Japanese public are mainly still calling for the return of all 
four islands. The leaders' strong political bases in their countries 
are a precondition for progress on the territorial talks. Some 
government officials are motivated by a desire to link talks on the 
Northern Territories to boosting the popularity of the Aso 
administration. If the Russian side is determined that the Japanese 
political situation will uncertain with the House of Representatives 
election drawing closer, chances are slim that Russia will make 
concessions. While the commotion created by Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ) President Ichiro Ozawa's announcement of his resignation 
is spreading, prospects for progress in the territorial talks will 
gradually become bleak. 
 
(5) Japan-US integration to apply pressure on North Korea on 
normalization 
 
SANKEI (Page 7) (Full) 
May 13, 2009 
 
Hisahiko Okazaki, former ambassador to Thailand 
 
Former U.S. administration too impatient for results 
 
U.S.-DPRK negotiations since North Korea's development of nuclear 
weapons became an issue can be roughly classified into two types. 
First, there was the Framework Agreement during the Clinton 
administration. The basic assessment of the situation is quite clear 
from documents from that period: a military conflict might result in 
nearly 1 million casualties, so the only option was to compromise. 
The main points of the compromise were that the DPRK would freeze 
operations at the Yongbyon facility under IAEA inspections and would 
receive heavy fuel oil supplies in return. The DPRK abided by this 
compromise faithfully from 1994 to 2002. 
The other is the policy of calling North Korea part of an "axis of 
evil" after George W. Bush became president. Theoretically, this was 
a policy that would not be viable without a prediction of the DPRK's 
collapse. Subsequently, the Framework Agreement was suspended on 
 
TOKYO 00001084  005 OF 010 
 
 
grounds of North Korea's suspected enrichment of uranium. But the 
DPRK not only did not collapse, it went on to resume operations at 
Yongbyon and conduct a nuclear test in 2006. 
In that sense, the Bush policy failed. Yet, it had not been doomed 
to failure. After the nuclear test, Japan and the U.S. imposed tough 
sanctions on North Korea and the country was in trouble immediately. 
If such sanctions had continued one more year, compromise from the 
DPRK might have been possible, not as a result of a Clinton-type 
"carrot," but owing to Bush's "stick," which was the essence of his 
policy. However, the U.S. Department of State hastened to reap the 
fruits of sanctions, without consulting with its ally Japan. 
 
Bilateral talks effective for substantive issues 
 
As a result, North Korea was given the rewards of the lifting of 
financial sanctions and removal from the list of state sponsors of 
terrorism and parts of the Yongbyon facility were destroyed. But 
now, the DPRK has announced that the facility will be restored. In 
other words, with hindsight, the DPRK was given absolutely 
unnecessary rewards, and the next administration has come to inherit 
the situation that had existed prior to Clinton's Framework 
Agreement. 
It is quite obvious that North Korea will demand at least oil or 
money as reward for its halting the restoration of the Yongbyon 
facility. Yet, plutonium that has already been produced will 
probably not be discarded. So the only outcome will be preventing 
further production of plutonium. 
So, what can we fall back on? The Six-Party Talks have not been able 
to produce any substantive results. The only achievement has been 
North Korea showing up at meetings occasionally through China's 
mediation. Any diplomat knows that it is meaningless to negotiate 
for mere participation in meetings in exchange for substantive 
issues. 
The most successful U.S.-DPRK negotiations in the past were those 
conducted by former defense secretary William Perry from 1998 to 
¶1999. He succeeded in conducting on-site inspection of suspected 
underground nuclear facilities and restraining Taepodong launchings, 
while the only rewards given were the continuation of the Framework 
Agreement and some humanitarian aid. 
It is noteworthy that Perry based his negotiations on complete 
agreement with U.S. allies Japan and the ROK, and he held repeated 
trilateral talks. He succeeded in producing these results by 
presenting proposals approved by all three governments to the DPRK. 
The Japanese representative at that time, Ryozo Kato, who later 
became ambassador to the U.S., remembers this as the most successful 
and most satisfactory negotiations for Japan. 
As an issue for the future, I have no objections to resuming the 
Six-Party Talks. However, any diplomatic practitioner knows that as 
a general rule, bilateral talks are more suitable for resolving 
substantive issues than multilateral conferences. 
I would like to put my hopes on bilateral talks between the U.S. and 
North Korea based on full consultations with Japan and the ROK. 
 
Comprehensive denuclearization and complete solution to abduction 
issue 
 
I would like to present my proposals here. 
If diplomatic relations between Japan and North Korea are 
normalized, the DPRK will probably demand compensation comparable to 
the $500 million paid at the time of Japan-ROK normalization in 
¶1965. 
Considering the difference between the size of the population 
 
TOKYO 00001084  006 OF 010 
 
 
between North and South Korea and foreign exchange rate changes 
since then, the amount of compensation will be determined by the 
normalization talks. While the Japanese government has never 
mentioned any specific amount, 1 trillion yen is a widely talked 
about figure. This is an enormous amount compared to the concessions 
that the U.S. has ever offered and can possibly serve as a reward 
for comprehensive denuclearization. 
My proposal is to make this the joint asset of the Japan-U.S. 
alliance. That is, negotiations for normalization with the DPRK by 
Japan and the U.S. would be integrated; the comprehensive 
discontinuation of nuclear programs and a complete solution to the 
abduction issue would be made an uncompromising condition; and the 
U.S. would go into the negotiations as the representative of Japan 
and the ROK. 
The ROK will be the main beneficiary of the U.S.-DPRK and Japan-DPRK 
normalization, and it will most probably have an interest in the 
proper balance with the compensation paid at the time of Japan-ROK 
normalization, so its participation is quite natural. 
With such an explicit and just goal, there would be legitimate 
justification to continue to implement the strict sanctions imposed 
in light of the recent missile experiment, no matter how tough they 
are, until the goal is achieved. This will also bring about 
consistency in the strategy of Japan and the U.S. against North 
Korea. 
North Korea would probably react strongly, but militarily, its 
conventional forces are weak and its nuclear weapons and missiles 
are thought to be still in the developmental stage. It will probably 
not have a strategy to counter the above proposals for the time 
being. 
 
(6) The election and industrial groups: Anxiety about post-Ozawa 
DPJ, as new president may redraw strategy 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
May 13, 2009 
 
"President (Katsuya) Okada may be anti-labor union." 
"Will Mr Ichiro Ozawa still be involved with the next House of 
Representatives election?" 
 
Grassroots support to change? 
 
The election of the new Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) president on 
May 16 became a topic of discussion at an informal executive meeting 
at Rengo (Japanese Trade Union Confederation) headquarters on May 
¶12. Various opinions were voiced, but the officials merely decided 
to issue a public statement that went, "Our stance of seeking a 
change of administration remains unchanged." 
Rengo had been concerned that victory in the Lower House election 
will be difficult if the Nishimatsu Construction Company scandal 
dragged on. Rengo President Tsuyoshi Takagi remonstrated with Ozawa 
in April: "The election situation is very tough." In that sense, 
Ozawa's resignation came as a temporary relief. 
However, this does not mean that Rengo's concerns have been 
dispelled. Ozawa had shown admirable solicitousness -- by attending 
dinner parties with local labor groups and filling the cups of 
rank-and-file union members all around, for instance. If his 
successor negates Ozawa's campaign style, a senior Rengo official 
worries that "all our efforts so far will come to nothing." 
With Ozawa's announcement of his resignation, the DPJ is shifting 
even more to the combat mode for the next Lower House election. Will 
there be any changes in its efforts to enlist support groups? Rengo 
 
TOKYO 00001084  007 OF 010 
 
 
is not the only group that is watching this issue. Ozawa's efforts 
to encroach on Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)-affiliated 
organization so far also need to be watched closely. 
At the end of the day, the focus of attention is "who will be the 
next president?" Ozawa has indicated his intention to continue to be 
involved with campaign strategy after stepping down as president. If 
Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama, who has supported Ozawa, becomes 
the new president, the dominant view is that "there will be no 
change in the campaign strategy." 
 
Distance from the labor unions 
 
Okada, rumored to be a candidate for party president, once engaged 
in the first-ever policy consultation with the Nippon Keidanren 
(Japan Business Federation) in an attempt to reduce dependence on 
labor unions when he was president in 2005. It is believed that if 
he becomes president, he will give more importance to winning the 
support of unaffiliated voters. 
Meanwhile, the Postal Policy Research Institute (Yusei Seisaku 
Kenkyukai or Yuseiken), consisting of members of the National 
Association of Postmasters (Zenkoku Yubinkyokucho Kai or Zentoku), 
has decided to support 175 of the DPJ's 261 official candidates. It 
will maintain this posture regardless of the outcome of the 
presidential election. This group reckons that a change of 
administration is the shortcut to its long-cherished dream of 
reviewing the postal privatization policy. There are other groups 
with which Ozawa has developed a close cooperative relationship, 
such as the Association of Land and House Investigators, or the 
National Association of Private Day Care Centers. The distance the 
new DPJ leadership keeps from these groups will also be a focal 
issue from now on. 
 
(7) DPJ becomes refreshed by Ozawa's resignation!? Needs to present 
policies to counter ruling camp (Part 2) 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 23) (Full) 
May 12, 2009 
 
To a question of who is desirable as Democratic Party of Japan 
President Ichiro Ozawa's successor, Harumi Arima, a political 
commentator, replied: 
 
"It is said that both the Liberal Democratic Party and the DPJ lack 
competent members, but focusing on his being extremely scrupulous 
when it comes to money, I recommend Vice President Katsuya Okada. 
The current structure under the lead of Secretary General Yukio 
Hatoyama and Deputy President Naoto Kan, which was launched 10 years 
ago, has not been effectively working. Seiji Maehara failed to 
manage the party as a result of playing up his "youthfulness (or 
immaturity)." If Okada assumes the presidency, the party will surely 
be refreshed." 
 
Difficult finding of qualified successor 
 
Minoru Morita, a political commentator, also pointed out the lack of 
members who have the credentials to succeed Ozawa. He flatly said: 
 
"There is none who has the competence required to lead the DPJ. 
Hatoyama, who supported Ozawa until the last moment, might be the 
most likely candidate. But the DPJ lacks policies, so I think it 
unlikely for the party to be placed at an advantage in the next 
general election owing to Ozawa's resignation." 
 
TOKYO 00001084  008 OF 010 
 
 
 
Reiko Zanma, a freelance producer, considers that Maehara is a 
desirable successor to Ozawa. Maehara once assumed the party 
presidency but resigned, taking responsibility for an e-mail fiasco. 
She recommends Maehara through the process of elimination. 
"Hatoyama, Kan and Okada are no longer fresh. Their policy stances 
have already known, so they will be unable to appeal to voters' 
emotions. But Maehara is still an unknown quantity. In this sense, I 
think he is desirable." 
 
Hiroko Hagiwara, and economic journalist, remarked: 
 
"Mr. Ozawa has dragged an image of being engaged in money-driven 
politics since he was an LDP member. In contrast, Mr. Okada has 
given an image of being clean. If Okada becomes DPJ president, the 
party can distinguish itself from the LDP. If Akira Nagatsuma and 
other members support him, public support for the party may pick up 
again." 
 
Hideki Wada, a psychiatrist, made this remark: 
 
"Although this option might be a gamble, I pick Okada. If Okada, who 
has given an image of being serious and steady, is installed in the 
presidency, Prime Minister Aso might look silly in the eyes of 
people. The question is whether Okada, who seems to have little 
flexibility, can cleverly handle economic and diplomatic challenges. 
The key lies in whether the party can underscore the image that it 
implements policies after they are presented." 
 
Ozawa cited a change of government as the main reason for his 
resignation. Arima indicated that there is still a high possibility 
of a regime change, remarking: 
 
"The energy calling for a regime change is a matter separate from 
growing calls for Ozawa's resignation. Rather, Ozawa's resignation 
might encourage voters to support the DPJ without hesitation." 
 
But he added: "The DPJ might lose support from those who wanted to 
see Ozawa assume the premiership. 
 
Still many months left before general election 
 
Hagiwara presented a similar view to Arima's: 
 
"Although I do not think Mr. Ozawa did anything wrong, the arrest of 
his aide deteriorated the party's image, resulting in boosting 
public support of the LDP. The new-type influenza scare has also 
contributed to giving a boost to the Aso administration for its 
countermeasures. With this (Ozawa's resignation), I think, the 
situation will change." 
 
Even so, in the DPJ, there are also some grounds for concern. 
Hagiwara commented: 
 
"Some predict that the next general election might take place in 
September. During the period up to the election, the DPJ, a 
hodge-podge group, could be scattered apart. The question is whether 
such veterans as Mr. Ozawa will offer strong support (to the new 
president). Either way, the DPJ will face a crucial juncture from 
now." 
 
Wada made this remark: 
 
TOKYO 00001084  009 OF 010 
 
 
 
"If the main opposition party continues to take its conventional 
offensive approach against the ruling parties, no change will occur. 
... The Aso administration has begun to seriously tackle policies in 
the belief that the chance to win is now appearing before it, since 
it has made no errors. In order to turn around the tables, the DPJ 
needs to come up with policy measures capable of competing with the 
ruling parties' measures." 
 
Meanwhile, in analyzing the illegal donation cases, in which Ozawa's 
first state-funded secretary was arrested, Toin University of 
Yokohama Law School Graduate School Professor Nobuo Gohara, a former 
public prosecutor of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office, 
urged all people to continue to pay attention to this case, 
"considering what this case was." He said: 
 
"I wonder if this was that serious a case. Most lawmakers seem to be 
doing the same thing. (His office) did not hide the donations it had 
received, and their total amount was small. I have doubts about the 
prosecutor's charge that (Ozawa) should assume responsibility for 
infringing on the principle of making moves of political funds 
transparent. There is a problem in the arrest (of his secretary) by 
the prosecutor. ... Election circumstances probably were behind his 
decision, but if a candidate for the premiership is driven to step 
down over such an incident, the Japanese democratic system will 
collapse. ... The media's stance of paying attention only to whether 
(Ozawa) would resign also poses a problem" 
 
(8) 2nd MSDF dispatch eyed for July against pirates 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Abridged) 
May 2, 2009 
 
The government plans to send a second batch of Maritime Self-Defense 
Force destroyers in July for an antipiracy mission in waters off the 
eastern African coast of Somalia. A government-introduced antipiracy 
bill, now before the Diet, has already cleared the House of 
Representatives. This is the first legislation that allows the 
Self-Defense Forces to use weapons overseas outside the scope of 
legitimate self-defense and emergency evacuation. The Defense 
Ministry will provide MSDF personnel with special education and 
training for about a month in order to avoid bringing about an 
unexpected happening with the new set of standards for their use of 
weapons. 
 
The antipiracy bill passed through the House of Representatives on 
April 23, and the legislation will be debated in the House of 
Councillors after the early May holidays. The leading opposition 
Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) will not try to draw out the 
Diet deliberations, so the bill is expected to be enacted into law 
during the current Diet session. The new law will come into effect 
30 days after its Diet passage. After the legislation's enactment, 
the government will begin to make preparations in full swing for 
another MSDF dispatch to Somalia waters. The government will send 
out a second squadron of MSDF destroyers as soon as the new law 
comes into effect. 
 
The Defense Ministry is now working out its new rules of engagement 
(ROE) for SDF troops on overseas missions. The antipiracy 
legislation allows the SDF to fire on pirate ships if they refuse 
orders to stop or do not stop tailing commercial ships. Unlike the 
SDF's overseas activities in the past, this is the first ROE 
 
TOKYO 00001084  010 OF 010 
 
 
regulation that incorporates cases in which the SDF is allowed to 
use weapons before coming under fire. 
 
The question is what to do up until the second dispatch of MSDF 
destroyers is dispatched. The government has sent out the first 
squadron of MSDF destroyers to waters off Somalia under the current 
law. The dispatched MSDF destroyers, after arriving in the Gulf of 
Aden in late March, started to escort Japanese-registered and 
Japanese-chartered ships there for maritime security operations 
under the current law. The MSDF destroyers convoyed a total of 36 
ships in 12 shuttles during one month up until April 30. Under the 
current law, the MSDF is only allowed to escort Japanese ships and 
Japan-linked ships and use weapons for legitimate self-defense or 
emergency evacuation only. 
 
In the past month, however, the MSDF destroyers already received 
three radio calls from foreign ships for help. They rushed to those 
foreign ships and repelled suspicious boats with their search 
lighting and sound warning. However, something unexpected could 
happen there. Even after warning, the pirates may continue to attack 
commercial ships. In that case, what the MSDF can do under the 
current law is limited. 
 
The government is also mulling whether or not to let the MSDF 
destroyers break in between commercial ships and pirate ships. In 
that case, they could fall under attack from pirates with rocket 
launchers. 
 
The government and the ruling parties had plans to apply the new 
law, after its enactment, to the currently deployed MSDF destroyers. 
However, there could be an accident as a result of applying the 
different ROE regulation to one and the same squadron. "We only pray 
until the second squadron replaces the first one," said a senior 
Defense Ministry official. 
 
ZUMWALT