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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 SEOUL 000806 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PREL PGOV MARR ECON KPAO KS US
SUBJECT: SEOUL - PRESS BULLETIN; May 20, 2009 
 
TOP HEADLINES 
------------- 
 
Chosun Ilbo 
Most ROK Companies Unprepared 
for Stronger EU Environmental Regulations 
 
JoongAng Ilbo 
President Lee's Friend Questioned as Bribery Scandal Expands 
 
Dong-a Ilbo 
Collective Bargaining Agreement between Seoul Office of Education 
and Korean Teachers and Education Workers Union 
to Become Null and Void Next Month 
 
Hankook Ilbo, Segye Ilbo, All TVs 
President's Friend Faces Indictment for Bribery, Influence Peddling 
and Tax Evasion 
 
Hankyoreh Shinmun 
Korea Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) "Proposes Talks" with the 
Government, but Police Seek Arrest Warrants 
for KCTU Leaders 
 
Seoul Shinmun 
Banks Accused of Profiteering; They Ignore Struggles of Low-income 
Families and Small and Mid-Sized Companies and 
Raise Lending Rates 
 
 
DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS 
--------------------- 
 
 
USTR Ron Kirk said on May18 that Seoul and Washington have agreed to 
make every possible effort to address their own domestic political 
concerns in order to explore ways to move the KORUS FTA forward 
(towards ratification.) The USTR met with ROK Trade Minister Kim 
Jong-hoon on May 14. (JoongAng) 
 
A joint team of U.S. and ROK officials has begun excavation to 
uncover the remains of American soldiers killed in action during the 
1950-53 Korean War. It is the first time that the allies have 
integrated as a full excavation team for recovery of war remains of 
fallen U.S. soldiers. (All) 
 
 
INTERNATIONAL NEWS 
------------------ 
 
North Korea recently confirmed the participation of its foreign 
minister in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) which is scheduled for 
July in Thailand. Accordingly, chances are high that Secretary of 
State Hillary Clinton and North Korean Foreign Minister Pak Ui-chun 
may meet during the ARF. (Hankook, Hankyoreh, Seoul, VoiceofPeople) 
 
Dong-a Ilbo featured an article claiming that North Korea chose June 
4 as the trial date for the two U.S. journalists who have been 
detained in the North because the date carries special meaning for 
the communist state; June 4 was the day a Korean guerilla battle was 
fought against the Japanese in 1937. By holding the trial that day, 
North Korea may be intending to show its own citizens that it can 
"stand tall and strong" before the world's superpower. 
 
 
MEDIA ANALYSIS 
-------------- 
 
-North Korea 
------------ 
 
-  Possibility of a Meeting between Top U.S. and North Korean 
Diplomats 
 
SEOUL 00000806  002 OF 003 
 
 
Citing a senior Thai Foreign Ministry official, most ROK media 
reported that North Korea's Foreign Minister Pak Ui-chun will attend 
the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) slated for July in Thailand.  The ROK 
media noted that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will also attend 
the regional meeting, and speculated that the two might hold talks 
for the first time since the launch of the Obama Administration and 
the North's launch of a long-range rocket in April. 
 
-  U.S. Journalists Held in North Korea 
Conservative Dong-a Ilbo featured an article claiming that North 
Korea chose June 4 as the trial date for the two U.S. journalists 
who have been detained in the North because the date carries special 
meaning for the communist state.  According to the Dong-a report, 
June 4 was the day a Korean guerilla battle was fought against the 
Japanese in 1937.  By holding the trial that day, North Korea may be 
intending to show its own citizens "a spirit of standing tall and 
strong" before the world's superpower and to send Washington a 
message that, once the trial is over, follow-up measures will depend 
on the attitude of the U.S. 
 
President Obama Announces New Auto Emission Standards 
Newspapers carried the following headlines: "U.S. to Ban Sales of 
Cars under 35.5 Miles Per Gallon Beginning in 2016" (conservative 
Chosun Ilbo); "U.S. Embarks on Greenhouse Gas Regulations by 
Boosting Fuel Efficiency of Cars to 35.5 Miles per Gallon by 2016" 
(moderate Hankook Ilbo); "U.S. Orders Stricter Fuel Efficiency 
Standards for Autos" (left-leaning Hankyoreh Shinmun); and U.S. 
Heralds "Innovation" in Car Industry" (conservative Segye Ilbo) 
 
 
OPINIONS/EDITORIALS 
------------------- 
 
U.S.-CHINA-JAPAN COOPERATION AND ROK'S NETWORK DIPLOMACY 
(Dong-a Ilbo, May 20, 2009, Page 30) 
 
By Kim Sung-han, professor of international relations at Korea 
University Graduate School of International Studies 
 
In Northeast Asia, a trilateral relationship between the U.S., China 
and Japan is very interesting.  The three nations are deeply 
concerned that the two of them may be united against the other, but 
at the same time, they share the need for mutual cooperation. 
Japan's perception of the U.S.-China relations is summarized as its 
fear that the U.S. and China may sideline Japan and establish their 
bilateral structure in East Asia.  When the U.S. announced President 
Richard Nixon's planned visit to China without prior consultations 
with Japan on July 15, 1971, Japan suffered the so-called "Nixon 
Shock."  In 1998, when President Bill Clinton declared a "strategic 
partnership" with China during his visit there and did not stop by 
Tokyo on his way back to Washington, Japan was also shocked. 
 
China's perception of the U.S.-Japan relations is not relaxed, 
either.  China takes a positive view of the fact that the U.S. 
Forces in Japan has "softened" Tokyo's external strategies so far. 
However, China objects to a U.S. move to strengthen Japan's role, 
thereby encouraging Japan's military expansion and expanding the 
range of the U.S.-Japan alliance.  This is because China thinks that 
the U.S. and Japan may work together to hold China in check. 
 
A strategic judgment about "trilateral talks" is needed. 
 
The United States worries that China and Japan may institutionalize 
"East Asian regionalism" without the U.S. involvement.  East Asian 
regionalism, which excludes the U.S., was revealed when Malaysia 
proposed forming the East Asia Economic Center (EAEC) under the 
leadership of Japan in 1990; when Japan advocated creating the Asian 
Monetary Fund (AMF) during the 1997 financial crisis in East Asia; 
and when Malaysia suggested establishing the East Asia Summit (EAS) 
involving all ten members of the Association of Southeast Asian 
Nations (ASEAN) plus the ROK, China and Japan.  The U.S., a country 
(bordering the) Pacific Ocean , decided not to accept the 
institutionalization of East Asian regional cooperation, which is 
led by China and Japan, and made clear its opposition to all those 
 
SEOUL 00000806  003 OF 003 
 
 
proposals. 
 
However, the U.S.-China-Japan trilateral relationship, fraught with 
jealousy and doubt, is gradually changing these days.  China, which 
gained confidence through its remarkable economic growth, shook off 
its complex about being possibly blocked by the U.S. and Japan and 
recently proposed the "U.S.-China-Japan trilateral talks."  What is 
more interesting is that the U.S. and Japan seem to be welcoming it. 
 While watching China assert itself following the U.S. financial 
crisis, Japan feels the need to have the U.S-China-Japan cooperative 
relationship in place before the U.S.-China bilateral structure 
takes root.  Foreign policy and security officials in the Barack 
Obama Administration also think that U.S.-China-Japan cooperation is 
essential to stability and prosperity in East Asia, and they have 
reportedly started preparations to institutionalize the cooperation. 
 
 
Such developments compel the ROK to pay attention to tripartite 
talks involving the U.S., China and Japan.  This is because the 
Korean Peninsula issue could be addressed behind closed doors by 
powerful countries without the ROK's engagement.  This concern is 
not unreasonable since, in the past, the fate of the Korean 
Peninsula was sealed through a "chess game" by powerful countries. 
 
 
However, we need to think of this issue more objectively from a 
strategic perspective.  We would fall into a situation of "complex 
diplomacy" if we react extremely negatively by concluding that these 
three countries will make decisions at their (sole) discretion on 
the Korean Peninsula issue, while (at the same time) considering 
U.S.-China-Japan cooperation to be  essential to assure the 
stability and peace of East Asia.  China proposed the 
U.S-China-Japan tripartite talks as a strategic consideration after 
overcoming the obsessive thought that the U.S.-Japan alliance will 
lead to containment of China. 
 
Therefore, we need to respond to moves by the U.S., China and Japan 
to institutionalize their tripartite cooperation, based on a few 
principles.  For example, (first), we should initiate talks (with 
those countries) not at a ministerial or vice-ministerial level but 
at a lower level.  (Second), we should first deal with 
non-traditional security issues such as the environment, drugs, 
human trafficking or piracy instead of traditional security issues 
such as the crisis on the Korean Peninsula, and then should 
gradually move to traditional security issues.  (Finally), should 
the tripartite talks touch upon the issue of the Korean Peninsula,, 
we must ensure that they discuss the matter with the ROK's 
engagement. 
 
The ROK should develop a 'cooperative framework' in which it takes 
the lead. 
 
The ROK should maintain these three principles and brace itself 
against the formalization of U.S.-China-Japan cooperation.  The ROK 
should institutionalize its own tripartite cooperation involving the 
ROK-U.S.-Japan, ROK-China-Japan, or ROK-U.S-China and take the lead 
in its development.  The 21st century is an era of "network 
diplomacy."   The ROK should make an effort to build a network 
capable of maximizing its capabilities with confidence and 
creativity rather than openly opposing cooperation among powerful 
countries.  This is what we call 'global Korea' diplomacy. 
 
 
 
STANTON