VZCZCXRO5846
RR RUEHDBU RUEHLN RUEHPOD RUEHSK RUEHVK RUEHYG
DE RUEHMO #1401/01 1491211
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 291211Z MAY 09
FM AMEMBASSY MOSCOW
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 3545
INFO RUCNCIS/CIS COLLECTIVE
RUEHXD/MOSCOW POLITICAL COLLECTIVE
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 MOSCOW 001401 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM PINR KDEM KCOR RS
SUBJECT: MEDVEDEV CAPITALIZES ON MOSCOW POLICE FORCE 
SACKINGS 
 
¶1. (SBU)  Summary:  An April 27 police shooting spree that 
was captured on video and placed on the internet rocked 
Moscow and gave President Medvedev an opportunity to burnish 
his anti-corruption credentials.  In sacking Moscow police 
chief Vladimir Pronin and four other high-level police 
officials, Medvedev got political mileage over Moscow Mayor 
Luzhkov's failure to hold the police leadership accountable. 
However, the President is still under pressure to prove that 
his liberal gestures will amount to a fundamental course 
correction.  End Summary. 
 
Bloodbath Rocks Moscow to the Core 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶2. (SBU)  On April 27, police Major Denis Yevsyukov, the head 
of the Tsaritsino police precinct in southern Moscow, wrapped 
up a drinkfest by shooting dead a cab driver using a pistol 
reported missing and then walking into a supermarket where he 
shot eight more people, killing two.  A video from the 
store's closed-circuit cameras of Yevsyukov calmly walking 
down the grocery store aisles shooting at shoppers played on 
all major Russian television stations and was posted on the 
internet.  On May 5, a Moscow court charged Yevsyukov with 
murder, attempted murder, and possession of an illegal 
firearm. 
 
¶3. (SBU)  The Yevsyukov episode hit a nerve with Muscovites, 
frustrated by the rampant corruption in the police force. 
The daily Izvestiya reported on May 8 that Yevsyukov paid USD 
25,000 to get his current position and extorted money from 
local establishments to maintain his sinecure.  Izvestiya 
also reported that Yevsyukov used a gun that the police took 
from detained Chechens to commit his crime.  According to 
Colonel Chernousov, former Moscow police official and now 
defense attorney at the human rights organization "For Human 
Rights," Yevsyukov's alleged drinking problem was not the 
main problem; as a policeman he was simply used to acting 
above the law.  According to Novaya Gazeta, 30 percent of the 
Moscow police force have psychological problems and almost 
half of the policemen suffer from alcoholism.  Pronin was the 
third Moscow police chief in a row that the Kremlin fired, 
which presented a staffing problem for Luzhkov.  Lev 
Ponomarev, leader of For Human Rights, told us that the law 
enforcement system remains in a state of crisis: "people can 
buy any position in Russia--every position needs to be 
bought." 
 
¶4. (SBU)  While the Interior Ministry pledged to provide 
support and assistance to the victims and their families and 
to conduct inspections in Moscow police departments, there 
was no immediate move to hold MVD officials responsible for 
Yevsyukov's actions.  According to our contacts, Luzhkov and 
Moscow Police Chief Pronin were close allies.  Pronin was 
known for doing Luzhkov's dirty work in Moscow, cracking down 
on gay parades and other "disturbances."  According to media 
reports, Pronin skirted dismissal in the past.  Vladimir 
Putin appointed him to the post in 2001, but Pronin submitted 
his resignation in 2002 after a football fan riot killed two 
people and injured 72.  However, Interior Minister Rashid 
Nurgaliyev would not accept Pronin's voluntary resignation. 
Pronin came under fire again that year for not preventing 
Chechen terrorists from seizing the Dubrovka theater. 
Nevertheless, he managed to win work-related awards as 
recently as 2008, and remained Luzhkov's close ally. 
Unconfirmed reports surfaced that Pronin may have offered to 
resign this time as well. 
 
Medvedev Seizes Opening to Put a Bite on Corruption 
--------------------------------------------- ------ 
 
¶5. (SBU)  On April 28, Medvedev circumvented Luzhkov and 
intervened directly to sack Pronin as part of his 
reinvigorated "anti-corruption" drive.  In addition to 
Pronin, Medvedev fired the head of Moscow's southern police 
district Viktor Ageyev, and three of Ageyev's deputies.  (On 
May 12, Izvestiya reported that the Tsaritsino police station 
was missing 13 weapons and that one of the sacked deputies, 
Alexey Safonov, had been trading arms.)  Luzhkov was caught 
flat-footed during a local T.V. interview when he expressed 
his dismay over Pronin's dismissal and praised his work 
during a live television interview on April 28.  According to 
the Moscow Times on May 5, City Hall now faces a lawsuit over 
the cop's rampage and the victims will seek compensation. 
 
Political Pointscoring, but Little Reform 
----------------------------------------- 
 
¶6. (SBU)  According to Ponomarev, Pronin's firing will not 
 
MOSCOW 00001401  002 OF 002 
 
 
solve the many problems that permeate the Moscow 
law-enforcement system.  A real solution, he told us, 
required a complete overhaul of the police force.  Ponomarev 
said that Pronin was not the worst Moscow police chief, since 
he was "friendly" and maintained some contact with human 
rights organizations.  While Ponomarev argued that Medvedev 
was serious about anti-corruption, he acknowledged the need 
for tangible results.  In his view, sacking these five 
individuals was a good step, if only a small one. 
 
¶7. (SBU)  The former St. Petersburg Police Chief Mikhail 
Vanichkin tipped to be the new police chief of Moscow has 
been characterized by the press as a compromise figure 
acceptable to Medvedev, Putin, and Luzhkov.  According to 
press reports, Vanichkin has a reputation for being tough on 
crime and is well-connected with politicians in both St. 
Petersburg and Moscow.  Kommersant reported on May 12 that 
St. Petersburg Governor Valentina Matviyenko, who is close to 
Putin, personally lobbied for his appointment. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
¶8. (SBU)  Medvedev's move to hold the Moscow police chief 
accountable played well among the public and provided a 
political boost.  However, absent fundamental law enforcement 
reform and implementation of existing anti-corruption 
legislation, cynicism will mount, with the President under 
pressure to show that his liberal gestures will translate 
into a new policy direction. 
 
BEYRLE