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RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 4564

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 000814 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/09/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Next DPJ head rumored to be Yukio Hatoyama, after Ichiro Ozawa 
suddenly resigns in late April (Nikkan Gendai) 
 
(2) Taepodong and Japan (Part 1): Pride and conflict of 
special-interest cliques in the Diet (Nikkei) 
 
(3) Wavering alliance: North Korea's missile launch (Part 1) -- 
Public understand deepening of MD system (Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Wavering alliance: North Korea's missile launch (Part 2 - 
conclusion): Security environment in East Asia might undergo change 
(Yomiuri) 
 
(5) Politics must take risks to maintain the alliance (Sankei) 
 
(6) Total debt of bankrupt companies tops 14 trillion yen: 2.4-fold 
increase over the previous year or fifth largest in postwar period; 
16,146 companies go under in fiscal 2008; Worst-ever: 45 listed 
companies go out of business (Sankei) 
 
(7) Shimamura tells Sankei that he did not attack Asahi bureaus 
(Sankei) 
 
(Corrected copy) Blanket export ban to be put on hold: Government 
eyes toughening sanctions, including lowering limit on bank 
remittances (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Next DPJ head rumored to be Yukio Hatoyama, after Ichiro Ozawa 
suddenly resigns in late April 
 
NIKKAN GENDAI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged) 
April 9, 2009 
 
At a press conference yesterday commemorating his three years in 
office, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Ichiro Ozawa, who 
has continued in his post despite his public secretary having been 
indicted, repeated his intention to stay on, saying, "I am dedicated 
to our party grabbing the reins of government." However, the 
prearranged plan calls for him to resign his position at some point, 
choosing the best timing. Until now, it had seemed that he would 
turn his post over to Katsuya Okada, just prior to the general 
election, but that has changed, and it now looks like Secretary 
General Yukio Hatoyama will become Ozawa's favorite choice. 
 
A source familiar with the situation stated: "At the earliest, even 
prior to Golden Week (holidays that start at the end of April), it 
seems likely that President Ozawa will resign. Prime Minister Aso 
will present the supplementary budget bill before the consecutive 
holidays, and it has been rumored that there is a possibility of his 
making the decision to dissolve the Lower House in May. If Ozawa 
were to resign after the Diet is dissolved, it would create the 
image that he has fled the scene. So, it appears that he will 
suddenly decide to resign at the end of April." 
 
An aide to Ozawa said that the idea has now emerged of making 
Secretary General Hatoyama the next party head. "If Okada became the 
president, it would be said that generational change was the 
decisive factor, and veterans like Hatoyama and Kan would lose their 
 
TOKYO 00000814  002 OF 010 
 
 
turn. If Katsuya Okada, who has distanced himself from Ichiro Ozawa, 
is appointed the next president, it would be as if an image of the 
downfall of Ozawa is being projected. For that reason, veterans in 
the party and aides to Ozawa have started to indicate their 
reluctance to having Okada as party president. On that point, there 
are no objections from anyone if Hatoyama became president. Shizuka 
Kamei of the Peoples New Party on April 6 threw his support to Yukio 
Hatoyama, according to a DPJ source, who indicated that this seemed 
to uplift the mood in the party. 
 
If Hatoyama were to declare his candidacy in the presidential race, 
Okada would not likely challenge him. The real problem would that 
the Ozawa group and the Hatoyama group would overwhelm the party 
with their numbers. 
 
A DPJ source said: 
 
"The reason for Hatoyama having disguised his longing to be party 
president has to do with the general election. No matter what one 
says about him, Ichiro Ozawa remains the most well informed about 
running elections. Going into the election, the party has no choice 
but to rely on Ozawa. However, it is inconceivable that Ozawa would 
resign his post to turn it over to Okada, who has a stiff and 
fundamentalist nature. If it were Hatoyama, who has a free and 
resourceful way of thinking, there should be no question in Ozawa's 
mind of entrusting him while Ozawa stayed in the election 
background. For the LDP, having Ozawa in the background making 
election decisions would be dangerous." 
 
(2) Taepodong and Japan (Part 1): Pride and conflict of 
special-interest cliques in the Diet 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
April 9, 2009 
 
"Why in the world did things turn out like this?" Defense Minister 
Yasukazu Hamada, 53, rebuked senior ministry officials on April 4 
immediately after the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) released false 
information that North Korea had launched a missile. He, however, 
told his subordinates, who were putting themselves on their guard: 
"Since I will take responsibility for the blunder, I want you to 
fulfill your duties as usual." 
 
Hamada is now serving in his fifth-term in the House of 
Representatives. He has built his career in the low-key national 
defense field by serving in such posts as parliamentary secretary 
for defense and senior vice minister for defense. Probably because 
of his pride as a member of the national defense policy clique in 
the Diet, he held on the afternoon of April 4 a press conference to 
express his apologies, giving no indication of his anger. A senior 
ministry official commented on the meeting with Hamada: "If the 
minister had yelled at us at that time ..." 
 
A lawmaker, who has close ties to Hamada, said: "His father was a 
good example of what not to do." His father, Koichi Hamada, was 
dubbed a rough neck in the political world. As a secretary to his 
father, Hamada watched for a long time his father who was unable to 
assume any prominent posts due to his extreme words and actions, 
which often caused controversy. 
 
After graduating from college, Hamada was put under the charge of 
LDP bigwig Michio Watanabe and worked in the politician's office. At 
 
TOKYO 00000814  003 OF 010 
 
 
that time, Watanabe let him work at his office under the fake name 
of Hirano. A person who knows about it said: "The name, Hamada, left 
a strong impression." 
 
All of Hamada's friends say that he is a gentle and polite person, 
stressing the differences between father and son. When he assumed 
the portfolio of defense minister in the Aso cabinet last September, 
he did not inform his father about his assumption of the post. It is 
said that Hamada has nothing to do with his father. 
 
Hamada has told persons close to him: "I don't like political 
grandstanding." The Defense Ministry places its hopes on Hamada, one 
senior official saying: "He has a feeling of security." He has 
acquired acclaim by drawing a line with his father. Probably giving 
consideration to his son, the father Koichi has quit making 
appearances on television programs after his son became defense 
minister. 
 
In contrast to his reputation in the ministry, however, there is 
lingering criticism of Hamada that he favors uniformed officers or 
personnel. He asserted behind closed doors that the order to use the 
missile defense system should be decided by the cabinet. He, 
however, took a cautious stance toward the maritime policing action 
in waters off Somalia. 
 
North Korea's threat still remains. There are many pending issues 
such as the passage of an anti-piracy bill and the realignment of 
U.S. Forces Japan. Hamada says that he has chosen national defense 
as his lifework, but that he is all thumbs. His true worth in making 
a decision that is beyond the framework of bureaucracy has yet to be 
tested. 
 
(3) Wavering alliance: North Korea's missile launch (Part 1) -- 
Public understand deepening of MD system 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Full) 
April 8, 2009 
 
The Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) faithfully carried out its 
mission of detecting and trailing the ballistic missile fired by 
North Korea. In a press conference yesterday, MSDF Chief of Staff 
Keiji Akahoshi praised his troops, remarking: "They performed their 
mission properly." However, when asked about the decision to 
disclose the details of units' missions this time, Akahoshi replied 
with a complex expression: "Although troop operations are not 
usually disclosed, the government decided to make an announcement." 
 
With the announcement of the deployment of land-based Patriot 
Advanced Capability-3 (PAC-3) missile units, there was fear that 
"radio communications might be intercepted," a senior Self-Defense 
Force (SDF) official said. The U.S. forces also expressed their 
misgivings about the possibility. In actuality, spy satellites from 
neighboring countries frequently fly over Japan. 
 
The government first issued a missile destruction order. In issuing 
such an order, there are two procedures: (1) If there is fear that a 
launched projectile might fall in Japan, an order is issued, based 
on a cabinet decision, but the contents of the order are not 
disclosed; and (2) In order to provide against a possible emergency, 
(the defense minister) may issue an order beforehand without 
announcing it, and without a cabinet decision being required. The 
Defense Ministry initially argued that a cabinet decision would be 
 
TOKYO 00000814  004 OF 010 
 
 
necessary even if the contents of the order were not disclosed. The 
Prime Minister's Office (the Kantei), however, insisted that an 
order should be issued in accordance with the procedure for coping 
with an emergency, but that the details of the order should be made 
public. The Kantei's aim was to give a boost to the administration 
by demonstrating its eagerness to remove the imminent "threat." 
 
But a government source said: "The government sidestepped the 
measures in the national citizen protection law required to take in 
coping with any 'threats'." Prefectural governments work out their 
respective national protection plans under the said law, but such 
plans are "no more than desktop plans, but since there is no 
satisfactory training, nobody can predict how such plans will work," 
noted a former governor. The government source made the above 
remark, apparently having this factor in mind. Defense Minister 
Hamada announced this view in the end: Since North Korea continues 
to claim it is planning to launch only satellites, it is hard to 
designate the launch as a 'threat'." This decision resulted in 
checking whether the central and local governments would be able to 
work in cooperation, contrary to the Kantei's intention. 
 
The Fire and Disaster Management Agency unprecedentedly did not 
designate the emergency office as the responsible office to deal 
with the North's expected missile launch. Instead, it named the 
national protection office and other offices. A senior official 
said: "Even in the event that the nation shoots down an incoming 
projectile, the Zenkoku Shunji Keiho System (J alert - a nationwide 
warning system) will not be employed this time." Kuzumaki-machi, 
Iwate Prefecture, assigned more duty persons than usual, and they 
engaged in communications with the government through the emergency 
information network Mnet system. Internal Affairs Ministry's 
planning section chief Hisao Murakami said: "We were able to take 
quick action." 
 
But problems have also been exposed through this experience. Under 
the J alert system, different siren sounds and messages are sent off 
according to different types of emergencies. But many people do not 
know this mechanism. There were also false alarms this time. In a 
meeting of the Liberal Democratic Party on April 6, a government 
official stressed the need to shift the weight of drills from such 
natural disasters as earthquakes to missile threat. 
 
Another side-effect of the North's missile launch is that an 
increasing number of people have begun to have interest in the 
nation's missile defense (MD) system. 
 
When PAC-3 missile units were moved to SDF bases in the Tohoku 
District for the first time about two years ago, a movement against 
the deployment was staged. But there was no protest movement carried 
out this time. It has already been known that the PAC-3 missile has 
a maximum range of only about 20 kilometers and that a PAC-3 unit 
and an Aegis destroyer-based Standard Missile 3 (SM-3) unit are 
priced at about 1,000 million yen and 500 million yen respectively. 
But a senior SDF official commented: "It has been proved that the 
PAC-3 and the SM-3 can provide advanced detecting and trailing 
capabilities. It is now possible to obtain public understanding of 
the MD system." 
 
(4) Wavering alliance: North Korea's missile launch (Part 2 - 
conclusion): Security environment in East Asia might undergo change 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Full) 
 
TOKYO 00000814  005 OF 010 
 
 
April 9, 2009 
 
Speaking before reporters at the UN Headquarters on the morning of 
April 7, Ambassador to the United Nations Yukio Takasu stressed: 
"Based on each country's position, we would like to make efforts to 
reach the most acceptable conclusion." A meeting was held (on April 
5) involving Japan, the U.S., Britain, France, China, and Russia 
over how the UN Security Council should respond to North Korea's 
launching of a missile. Takasu expressed his hopes to see progress 
made in talks by the six countries. 
 
However, a meeting of the ambassadors to the UN from those countries 
scheduled for the afternoon of April 7 was suddenly cancelled, 
probably at China's request. The cancellation exposed a wide gap 
between Japan and the U.S. on the one side, which insist on the need 
for a binding resolution, and China and Russia on the other side, 
which are reluctant about taking tough action. Japan also cannot 
afford to be optimistic about a response by the U.S. 
 
U.S. Special Representative for North Korea Policy Stephen Bosworth 
said in a press conference on April 3, two days before the North 
launched its rocket: "What we expect to work effectively to make the 
North give up its planned rocket launch is not just pressure but a 
combination of rewards and pressure." The U.S. daily Washington Post 
in an editorial \on April 7 called the Obama administration's North 
Korea policy "inconsistent." Although the administration has 
indicated a tough stance toward that nation, a conciliatory attitude 
also can be detected. The U.S. wants to give priority to the nuclear 
issue over the missile issue. 
 
Scott Snyder of the Asia Foundation said: "What we fear the most is 
to have nuclear weapons flowing out of that nation and proliferated 
across the world on the occasion of a change of government in the 
North." Keeping in mind North Korean leader Kim Jong Il's health 
problem, the U.S. is eager to resolve the nuclear issue at an early 
date. 
 
Foreign Minister Nakasone emphasized in a speech at the Foreign 
Correspondent's Club of Japan in Yurakucho yesterday: "Japan will 
continue to make efforts to normalize relations with North Korea 
through comprehensively resolving outstanding issues of concern with 
North Korea, including the abduction, nuclear and missile issues, 
and settling the unfortunate past." In the six-party talks on North 
Korea's denuclearization, however, the abduction issue has been 
regarded as a bilateral issue pending between Japan and North Korea. 
According to a source familiar with Japan-U.S. relations, the 
abduction issue comes after the nuclear and missile issues. Japan 
needs to chart a diplomatic strategy based on this fact. 
 
North Korea's missile launch might bring about a change in the 
security environment of East Asia. In an executive meeting on the 
7th, Senior Liberal Democratic Party member Goji Sakamoto made a 
remark that could be interpreted as suggesting that Japan should go 
nuclear. North Korea's missile launch has certainly prompted some 
persons to make radical remarks. The South Korean government 
announced on the 6th that it would review an agreement with the U.S. 
under which the ROK is constrained from exceeding 300 km in its 
missile range. 
 
In March, a senior Japanese Foreign Ministry official dined with the 
chief of mission at the Chinese Embassy in Tokyo. The Chinese 
official said: "Japan should deal with the matter in a cool-headed 
 
TOKYO 00000814  006 OF 010 
 
 
manner." But the Japanese official refuted: "I wonder what China 
would say if North Korea fired a missile in your direction." The 
Chinese official reportedly became silent 
 
China has concern that an overreaction by Japan and South Korea to 
North Korea's act might speed up the military buildup in the region. 
That is why China has asked these countries to refrain from taking 
harsh measures. The North's missile launch has also affected the 
military balance in the region. 
 
(5) Politics must take risks to maintain the alliance 
 
SANKEI (Page 1) (Abridged slightly) 
April 8, 2009 
 
Akio Takataha, editorial writer 
 
The Japan-U.S. alliance under the current bilateral security treaty 
marks its 50th anniversary next year, which is a golden wedding 
anniversary in human terms. But as if to dampen the festive mood, 
the North Korea launched a missile. 
 
The missile and its debris did not fall into Japanese territory. It 
did not reach the United States, either. As such, neither the United 
States nor Japan had to intercept the missile with the missile 
defense (MD) system, which was not bad. Working-level coordination 
in tracking the missile's trajectory with radar also seems to have 
gone well. 
 
At the same time, we fear that time might go by without Japan and 
the United States verifying whether they fulfilled their respective 
political, military, and psychological responsibilities 100 PERCENT 
as allies. 
 
People are relieved for how. Nevertheless, North Korea is not the 
only country that is bent on building up a missile arsenal in 
Japan's vicinity. People must be wondering: "What kind of missile is 
going to fly over Japan next?" and "Is the next one going to allow 
Japan to again avoid using its missile shield?" The threat has 
certainly not gone away. 
 
Such a sense did not exist several years ago. The predecessor of the 
current security treaty was inked in 1951, the same year as the San 
Francisco Peace Treaty. Counting from that year, 2001 marked the 
50th anniversary of the security treaty. Celebrations took place in 
San Francisco and elsewhere. 
 
Several days later, on September 11, 2001, U.S. nerve centers were 
attacked by terrorists. Then-Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi sent 
Washington a strong message vowing to work closely with the United 
States. This was followed by the enactment of two special measures 
laws on Afghanistan and Iraq and the Self-Defense Forces' dispatches 
for overseas missions. 
 
Against all odds, including public opinion and stiff resistance from 
opposition parties, the government managed to "show the flag" and to 
send "boots on the ground." This can said to have ensured a sense of 
trust between Japan and the United States as allies. 
 
It has only been seven and a half years since 9/11, so where does 
this apprehension come from? 
 
 
TOKYO 00000814  007 OF 010 
 
 
If a Japanese asks, "Is America really going to protect Japan?" an 
American might ask back, "Is Japan going to take action suitable for 
our protection?" If we continue turning our backs on the fundamental 
question, trust might turn into distrust. 
 
Despite its long history, Japanese leaders did not use the word 
"alliance" until 1979 -- exactly 30 years ago. Then Prime Minister 
Masayoshi Ohira used it for the first time as the Japanese leader 
during a welcome ceremony in the United States. 
 
It may seem unbelievable to young people, but the word "alliance" 
for a long time was a taboo word in Japanese politics. There was an 
atmosphere that prohibited calling an alliance an alliance. Two 
years later, the prime minister at the time said, "An alliance does 
not have a military aspect," and the foreign minister resigned in 
protest. 
 
As seen from this, there are more questions and problems in Japan 
than in the United States regarding the bilateral alliance. That is 
why the question of Japan's right to collective self-defense has not 
been resolved and the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan is behind 
schedule. 
 
Needless to say, in order to maintain an alliance, political leaders 
must take risks. An alliance does not stand without political 
leaders' determination to risk their political lives, as troops on 
the ground risk their lives for an ally. 
 
The catchphrase describing the significance of the Japan-US alliance 
used in a bilateral summit shifted from "the Japan-U.S. alliance in 
a global context" in 2003 to "the Japan-U.S. alliance of the new 
century" in 2006 to "the unwavering alliance" in 2007. Without 
politics taking risks to underpin the catchphrase, the alliance 
might end up as merely rhetoric. 
 
(6) Total debt of bankrupt companies tops 14 trillion yen: 2.4-fold 
increase over the previous year or fifth largest in postwar period; 
16,146 companies go under in fiscal 2008; Worst-ever: 45 listed 
companies go out of business 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
April 9, 2009 
 
According to the fiscal 2008 statistics on corporate bankruptcies 
(debt of 10 million yen or more) released on April 8 by Tokyo Shoko 
Research, the aggregate indebtedness of companies that went bankrupt 
reached 14.189 trillion yen, the fifth largest amount in the 
post-war period and 2.4 times larger than the previous year's level. 
The number of bankruptcies has increased for three consecutive 
years, reaching 16,146 cases, a jump of 12.39 times over the 
previous year's level. The figure topped the 16,000 level for the 
first time in six years since 2002. The number of bankruptcies of 
listed companies came to 45, the worst ever in the postwar period, 
highlighting the serious impact of the economic crisis. 
 
Many companies have so far survived owing to financial assistance 
that the government and the Bank of Japan (BOJ) extended to help 
them manage their cash flows. However, there is concern that if the 
recession becomes protracted, those companies, too, might find 
themselves in serious financial trouble and the number of 
bankruptcies would leap even further. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000814  008 OF 010 
 
 
The increase in the aggregate amount of indebtedness is mainly 
ascribable to the collapse of Lehman Brothers Securities (with debts 
totaling 3.4314 trillion yen), Japan corporation of a major U.S. 
securities house. Major bankruptcies involving debts worth more than 
10 billion yen, such as the bankruptcy of Urban Corporation (with 
debts totaling 255.8 billion yen), reached 134, double the previous 
year's level. 
 
The number of all-industry bankruptcies exceeded the previous year's 
level. The collapses of realtors and construction-related companies 
were pronounced in the first half of the year due to the impact of a 
downturn in the market following the financial crisis. The trend 
spilled over into the manufacturing sector, such as automakers, 
which were directly hit by export decline. 
 
Looking at bankruptcies according to causes, sluggish sales 
accounted for the largest portion with 10,603, up 14.1 PERCENT . A 
lack of operating funds and the ripple effect of the bankruptcies of 
other companies significantly increased. 
 
The number of employees in those failed companies totaled 172,076, 
topping the 150,000 level for the first time in five years. Tokyo 
Shoko Research is concerned that the deteriorated employment 
situation will adversely affect personal consumption and regional 
economies. 
 
The number of bankruptcies in March 2009 alone, released 
concurrently, marked 1,537, up 14.1 PERCENT  over the same month 
last year. The figure topped the 1,500 level for the first time in 
six years -- a record for March, making it clear that many companies 
went down, failing to manage their cash flows. 
 
The implementation of emergency countermeasures designed to 
guarantee loans to small- and medium-size businesses by the 
government and the BOJ since last fall has begun producing effects 
of reducing bankruptcies mainly in local regions, according to Tokyo 
Shoko Research. However, the reality is that unless demand picks up, 
fundamental improvement of business performances cannot be hoped 
for. 
 
According to Tokyo Shoko Research, audit corporations and banks are 
expected to assume a harsh stance in the run-up to the release of 
the March settlement of accounts, bringing about a specific 
phenomenon, such as increased bankruptcies. The research company is 
increasingly alarmed about an occurrence of March crisis as a result 
of an increase in bankruptcies. 
 
(7) Shimamura tells Sankei that he did not attack Asahi bureaus 
 
SANKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
April 9, 2009 
 
The Sankei Shimbun was able to interview Masanori Shimamura, 65, who 
previous had confessed in his notes, carried by the weekly magazine 
Shukan Shincho (published by Shinchosha Publishing Co.) that he had 
carried out four attacks on the major daily Asahi Shimbun., 
including one on the Hanshin bureau in Nishinomiya, Hyogo Prefecture 
(in which a reporter was shot to death and another seriously 
wounded). In the interview, Shimomura denied what the weekly 
magazine had reported as the contents of his notes, saying: "I did 
not carry out the attacks. The articles contained many elements that 
are untrue, and they annoyed me." With Shimomura's denial of the 
 
TOKYO 00000814  009 OF 010 
 
 
attacks, the foundation for the series of articles has collapsed. 
Shukan Shincho has announced that in its issue that will go on sale 
on April 16, it will explain the sequence of events that led to the 
publication of Shimamura's notes. Nevertheless, it is inevitable 
that the magazine will be pressed for a detailed explanation on how 
it gathered the materials for the series and on the process leading 
up to the publication of Shimamura's notes. 
 
In a series of four articles from its February 5 issue, Shukan 
Shincho ran personal notes written by Shimamura, who claimed to have 
attacked the Asahi newspaper's bureaus. The series was titled," I 
Attacked the Asahi Shimbun Hanshin Bureau." 
 
According to the articles, Shimamura admitted that: 1) he had 
carried out four incidents, including the attack on the Hanshin 
bureau, 2) he blamed himself for the suicide of his accomplice, 3) 
he carried out the attacks at the request of a male employee of the 
U.S. Embassy in Japan, and 4) he carried them out for money. 
 
In the interview with the Sankei, Shimamura explained the four 
points: "I made my subordinate (who is now deceased) carry out all 
the attacks under the instruction of a U.S. Embassy employee. I 
myself did not carry them out. I was in Hokkaido when the Hanshin 
bureau incident occurred." The articles carried detailed 
descriptions of the crime scene. But Shimamura said to the Sankei: 
"How could I know in detail about an attack I did not carry out?" 
 
Further, the articles claimed that Shimamura: (1) asked the late 
right-wing activist Shusuke Nomura to make statements claiming 
responsibility, (2) was the leader of a rightist group in Tokyo's 
Ikebukuro district, (3) used a bomb made from grenades in the 
attempted bombing of the Shizuoka bureau, and (4) received Buddhist 
prayer beads from the late (right-wing war criminal) Yoshio Kodama, 
the fixer, as a remembrance. In the Sankei interview, Shimamura 
denied all those details, saying, "There is no truth to any of 
them." 
 
Shimamura also said: "I can't remember everything exactly of what I 
said to Shincho. Swept up by the story of the person in charge, I 
told many (lies)." How the Shincho side gathered news materials to 
support the articles could be a point at issue. 
 
The Asahi ran two articles examining the contents of the weekly 
magazine, and concluded that the reports were untrue. Police 
authorities are also skeptical about Shimamura's involvement in the 
attacks. 
 
In response to an inquiry by the Sankei, Shukan Shincho commented: 
"What Mr. Shimamura said can be verified by the tapes containing 
interviews with him. We did not make up a fictitious story. It is 
not true that we had forced (Mr. Shimamura) to make statements in 
line with that story." There was no reply to a question asking how 
it collected news materials to support its articles. 
 
(Corrected copy) Blanket export ban to be put on hold: Government 
eyes toughening sanctions, including lowering limit on bank 
remittances 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Full) 
April 9, 2009 
 
The government on April 8 in setting additional sanctions against 
 
TOKYO 00000814  010 OF 010 
 
 
North Korea, following its firing of a ballistic missile, decided to 
toughen regulations on the amounts of cash travelers to the DPRK 
could carry and place limits on bank remittances. It will shelve for 
the time being the imposition of a blanket ban on exports, which had 
been requested by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 
 
The proposed sanctions will be adopted today by the ruling camp's 
task force on North Korea missile countermeasures. On the 10th, the 
cabinet will approve the proposals and extend economic sanctions for 
an additional year instead of for six months, as has been the case 
in the past. 
 
Specifically, the limit on bank remittances requiring notification 
(to the government) will be lowered from 300 million yen or more to 
100 million yen or more. The value of currency that travelers (to 
the DPRK) must declare will also be lowered from 1 million yen or 
more to 300,000 yen or more. The figures are based on the proposal 
for additional sanctions of the LDP's Special Commission to Deal 
with the Abduction Issue. 
 
The special commission also proposed a blanket export ban. However, 
since Japan's exports to North Korea have already sharply declined 
to approximately 800 million yen, as a result of current sanctions, 
the government has determined that a blanket ban would produce 
little results. 
 
ZUMWALT