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Viewing cable 09SEOUL660, SEOUL - PRESS BULLETIN; April 23, 2009
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09SEOUL660 | 2009-04-23 07:40 | 2011-08-26 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Seoul |
VZCZCXRO7061
OO RUEHGH
DE RUEHUL #0660/01 1130740
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
O 230740Z APR 09
FM AMEMBASSY SEOUL
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 4124
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC 8474
RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASHINGTON DC
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC//DDI/OEA//
RHHMUNA/USCINCPAC HONOLULU HI//FPA//
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHINGTON DC
RUEKDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC//DB-Z//
RUEHMO/AMEMBASSY MOSCOW 9624
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 5758
RUEHKO/AMEMBASSY TOKYO 5851
RUEHGH/AMCONSUL SHANGHAI 0616
RUEHSH/AMCONSUL SHENYANG 4280
RUEHIN/AIT TAIPEI 3283
RUEHGP/AMEMBASSY SINGAPORE 6480
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 0896
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA 2234
RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON 1303
RUEHFR/AMEMBASSY PARIS 1917
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 SEOUL 000660
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PREL PGOV MARR ECON KPAO KS US
SUBJECT: SEOUL - PRESS BULLETIN; April 23, 2009
TOP HEADLINES
-------------
Chosun Ilbo
ROK Company in Kaesong: "If N. Korea Wants Its Workers to Receive as
Much Wages as Their Chinese Counterparts, It Should Open Up Like
China Did"
JoongAng Ilbo, Segye Ilbo, Seoul Shinmun, All TVs
Former President Roh Given Questionnaire in Bribery Scandal
Dong-a Ilbo
¶N. Korea Wishes to Maintain Dialogue with ROK
Hankook Ilbo
Seoul to Review N. Korea's Demands and Make Counter-Proposal on
Kaesong Industrial Complex
Hankyoreh Shinmun
Two Key Officials of Lee Myung-bak Administration Allegedly
Intervened in Appointing POSCO CEO
DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS
---------------------
The ROKG yesterday decided to pursue additional government-level
talks with North Korea to discuss the operation of the joint Kaesong
Industrial Complex. (All) It is doubtful, however, whether such any
ROKG efforts will improve icy relations with the communist state.
(Chosun)
According to ROKG sources and North Korea's notice presented at the
April 21 inter-Korean meeting released yesterday, Pyongyang
apparently wishes to maintain dialogue with Seoul. North Korea
proposed to set the date of the next meeting "as soon as possible"
and indirectly expressed its willingness to maintain the complex.
(Chosun, JoongAng, Dong-a)
In a related development, a key Blue House official said yesterday:
"The (April 21) meeting provided a momentum for inter-Korean
dialogue. We will analyze North Korea's intentions, but believe that
the North doesn't want to ruin inter-Korean ties." (Chosun, Dong-a,
Hankook, Hankyoreh, Segye, Seoul)
Foreign Minister Yu Myung-hwan, during yesterday's parliamentary
session, expressed Seoul's intention to take the issue of the ROK
worker being detained in the North to the UN. The ROK has not been
granted access to the worker since his arrest on March 30 for
allegedly criticizing the North's political system and encouraging a
female North Korean worker to defect. (Chosun, JoongAng, Hankook,
Segye, Seoul)
A senior U.S. Administration official recently notified the ROKG
that the U.S. would welcome Seoul's decision to fully join the
U.S.-led Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), which is aimed at
preventing the transfer of weapons of mass destruction. The U.S.
Administration also clarified its position that the joint Kaesong
Industrial Complex should be kept open, since it does not want the
last remaining inter-Korean channel of exchange to close down.
(Chosun)
A National Assembly committee yesterday passed a motion ratifying
the KORUS FTA despite protests from opposition parties. The ruling
GNP plans to put the motion to a vote at the Assembly's plenary
session following the planned U.S.-ROK summit in June. (All)
USFK Commander Gen. Walter Sharp, in a speech yesterday, said that
the U.S. and ROK militaries are prepared for instability in North
Korea. He mentioned Operation Plan (OpPlan) 5029, which specifies
the type of military action that would be used to counter
SEOUL 00000660 002 OF 007
instability in the North, such as a regime change or mass outflow of
North Korean refugees. (JoongAng, Dong-a, Hankook, Hankyoreh, Seoul,
VoiceofPeople)
MEDIA ANALYSIS
--------------
-North Korea
------------
Aftermath of Inter-Korean Talks Regarding the Kaesong Industrial
Complex
Citing ROKG sources and North Korea's notice presented at the April
21 inter-Korean meeting released yesterday, most ROK media reported
that Pyongyang apparently wishes to maintain a dialogue with Seoul.
According to media reports, North Korea said during the meeting that
it wanted to meet with the ROK again within a week, while urging the
ROK to set the date of the next meeting "as soon as possible."
Conservative Dong-a Ilbo's front-page article cited the North's
notice, which indirectly expressed its willingness to maintain the
joint industrial complex.
The ROK media also gave attention to Seoul's decision yesterday to
pursue additional government-level talks with North Korea to discuss
the operation of the joint Industrial complex. A key Blue House
official was widely quoted: "The (April 21) meeting provided a
momentum for inter-Korean dialogue. We will analyze North Korea's
intentions, but believe that the North doesn't want to ruin
inter-Korean ties."
Conservative Chosun Ilbo commented that it is doubtful whether such
any ROKG efforts will improve icy relations with the communist
state. Right-of-center JoongAng Ilbo editorialized: "If North
Korea's motivation is based on the purely economic interest of
withdrawing benefits, we could persuade them on the grounds that
they are being shortsighted. However, the problem is that the North
is taking a political approach by passing the buck to the South for
worsening inter-Korean relations. Given that politics takes
priority over other matters in the North Korean system, it may be
difficult to reach a compromise regarding the North's demands."
Conservative Dong-a Ilbo's editorial argued: "It may be important
for Seoul to try to maintain the momentum of dialogue amid strained
ties with the North. What is more important, however, is for Seoul
to accurately read Pyongyang's intentions and deal with them wisely.
Considering the string of measures and demands made by Pyongyang
following President Lee Myung-bak`s inauguration, we wonder if the
North has been hatching a plot to close the industrial complex in
the judgment that the complex no longer serves its interests.
Pyongyang`s demand is seen as threatening the ROK with either
continuing the complex by paying hefty prices or shutting it down on
its own." Moderate Hankook Ilbo's editorial stressed the importance
of keeping the momentum of inter-Korean dialogue alive, and
left-leaning Hankyoreh Shinmun headlined its editorial: "North
Korea's Demands Excessive, but Should Be Used to Turn Around the
Situation."
-Obama's Overtures toward "Rogue States"
---------------------------------------
Chosun Ilbo's Senior Reporter Kang In-sun observed in a commentary:
"(North Korean leader) Kim Jong-il rudely rejected President Obama's
outstretched hands. He may have calculated that the move may
enhance the North's leverage in negotiations. However, some in the
Obama Administration are aware of, yet choose to endure, this
erratic North Korean behavior. ... North Korea is giving the U.S.
more foreign policy options, rather than increasing its bargaining
power."
OPINIONS/EDITORIALS
-------------------
SEOUL 00000660 003 OF 007
"SEVEN-MINUTE RUN" IN THE OBAMA ERA
(Chosun Ilbo, April 23, 2009, Page 33)
By Assistant Political Editor Kang In-sun
North Korean leader Kim Jong-il rudely rejected President Obama's
outstretched hands.
He may have calculated that the move may enhance the North's
leverage in negotiations.
If Bush's foreign policy was to "tighten the noose" around headache
countries, Obama's foreign policy is to "loosen the noose." If
every single step in Bush's foreign policy reflected Washington's
hypersensitivity to security in the wake of the September 11
terrorist attacks, Obama's foreign policy starts from reflection on
uncertainties caused by Bush's foreign policy. Thanks to Bush,
Obama scored points without difficulty. Obama did not need to
present new ideas. He won acclaim simply by saying, "I will be
different from Bush."
Obama's (style of) diplomacy was first seen in his approaches toward
countries hostile to the U.S. While Bush warned the three "Axis of
Evil" members -- Iraq, Iran and North Korea -- that if they
continued to make trouble, he would "get them", Obama took a soft
approach, saying, "Let's have a dialogue." He proposed settling old
scores and sitting down at the table for talks.
Obama sent a sign of reconciliation to Cuba, a nation which is
geographically close to the U.S. and has many personal exchanges
with the U.S. but was out of U.S. favor for a long time. The U.S.
eased its 50-year-old blockade policy against Cuba and allowed
Americans to visit or send money to the nation. Cuba reminds us of
Dictator Castro -- cigar and sugar canes -- but it reminds Americans
of the Cuban missile crisis in 1962. When U.S. senior citizens were
asked, "When were you worried the most about a war?" most of them
chose the "Cuban missile crisis." Since the Soviet Union's missiles
were deployed to Cuba, which is almost like the U.S.'s backyard,
Americans felt that they would be on the brink of war.
It may not sound believable now but at that time, when the Cold War
between the U.S. and the Soviet Union was at its height, nuclear war
posed a clear and present threat. A U.S. columnist wrote that when
he was in elementary school, he was told to determine how long it
took him to run from school to home. It was to find out whether
children could arrive home in seven minutes, the time period between
the detection of a Soviet Union's incoming nuclear attack to the
actual start of the attack. The columnist said that children who
could not make it to their houses within seven minutes burst out
crying.
In that era, Cuba was the nation that almost dragged the U.S. into a
nuclear war. Obama rolled his sleeves up to settle the 50-year-old
scores.
The younger generation still has a vivid sense of hostility toward
Iran. This is due to the hostage crisis in Iran in 1979. When
Iranian revolutionaries took 52 U.S. diplomats hostage in the U.S.
Embassy in Tehran for 444 days, the U.S. failed to rescue the
hostages and suffered an insult (to national pride.) This incident
dealt a severe blow to then-President Carter, who had already lost
popularity and, as a result, he lost the presidential election that
year. Afterwards, U.S.-Iranian relations irreversibly
deteriorated.
Now, Iran is willing to talk with the U.S. At a recent U.N.
anti-racism conference, Iranian President Ahmadinejad, who has often
made unexpected derogatory remarks against Israel, said that Iran is
ready to forget the past to begin a new era.
Also, Venezuelan President Chavez, the strongest anti-American
leader, grabbed Obama's outstretched hand at the Summit of the
Americas.
SEOUL 00000660 004 OF 007
North Korea is the only country left. Last month, North Korea
ignored Special Representative for North Korea Policy Bosworth's
proposal to visit North Korea and, in return, launched a long-range
rocket. North Korea has followed a stereotypical path of putting
pressure on the U.S. and straining inter-Korean relations. It
appears that when North Korea struck back at the U.S., it was
saying, "North Korea will demonstrate its long-range missile
capability first and then talk later." North Korea may have
calculated that this would make it possible to negotiate under more
favorable conditions. North Korea may be misguided in thinking that
by escalating tensions, the tide would turn in its favor.
However, few people in the Obama Administration will wait forever
for North Korea (to change its behavior) because they know that
North Korea's behavior is unpredictable. The international
community is keeping watch on North Korea which has responded
harshly to both Bush's hard line and Obama's conciliatory gesture.
In fact, (by taking these actions,) North Korea has given the U.S.
more diplomatic options instead of increasing North Korea's own
bargaining power.
IT IS WASHINGTON'S TURN TO MOVE ON KORUS FTA
(Dong-a Ilbo, April 23, 2009, Page 31)
The National Assembly Committee on Unification, Foreign Affairs and
Trade passed a bill ratifying the ROK-U.S. Free Trade Agreement
(FTA) yesterday despite opposition from the minority party lawmakers
yesterday, 22 months after the ROK and the U.S. officially signed
the agreement on June 30, 2007. This is rather fortunate,
considering that some opposition lawmakers who opposed the
submission of the bill to the Committee armed themselves with
hammers and occupied the Standing Committee's conference room and
the National Assembly floor last December. The ruling Grand
National Party plans to send the bill to the floor during a June
extra session of the National Assembly after observing the results
of the U.S.-ROK summit set for June 16 in the U.S.
Now, the attitudes of the U.S. government and Congress are key.
Even before stepping into office, the Obama Administration took a
skeptical view of ratifying the FTA this year, claiming that the
auto provisions of the FTA were "unfair." However, there is now a
glimmer of hope since Presidents Obama and Lee Myung-bak agreed to
cooperate on the FTA issue on the sidelines of the London G-20
summit earlier this month. During the June summit, they should take
a big step toward the effectuation of the deal.
The ROK and the U.S. already share the view that if the U.S.-ROK FTA
comes into effect, it will greatly help the two nations overcome the
economic crisis by expanding bilateral trade and increasing job
opportunities. It will also boost the U.S.-ROK alliance's joint
response to North Korea's threats, which intensified after the
missile launch. For the two months remaining before the U.S.-ROK
summit, the ROKG should do its utmost to fully promote the necessity
of the U.S.-ROK FTA to the U.S. so that Congressional efforts to
approve the pact may gain momentum. This is the time for the ROKG
to use all diplomatic channels to their fullest.
It is true that some groups in the U.S. are opposed to the
ratification of the FTA because of the auto provisions and the beef
issue. However, we can seek a win-win solution for both sides
through mutual understanding while leaving the existing FTA intact.
Moreover, the FTA contains most of the provisions long-demanded from
the U.S. auto industry. U.S. vehicles do not sell well in the
wide-open ROK market is because of their low competitiveness. Once
the U.S.-ROK FTA takes effect, the U.S. will only scrap tariffs on
ROK cars with engines smaller than 3,000 cc, but the ROK will lift
tariffs on additional U.S. vehicles, thereby giving U.S. cars much
easier access to the ROK market.
Although U.S. beef producers demand that the ROK should import beef
irrespective of the age of the cow, the ROK is currently importing
beef from "cattle younger than 30 months," although Japan only
imports beef from "cattle younger than 20 months." Even if the ROK
SEOUL 00000660 005 OF 007
fully opens its beef market, the market share of beef imports from
cattle older than 30 months will be negligible. Now it is the U.S.
government and Congress' turn to respond to the approval of the FTA
bill by the National Assembly Committee on Unification, Foreign
Affairs and Trade.
CONTROVERSIES ON THE KORUS FTA SHOULD BE REMOVED
(Hankook Ilbo, April 23, 2009, Page 35)
The National Assembly Committee on Unification, Foreign Affairs and
Trade passed a motion to ratify the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement
(KORUS FTA). In protest, opposition lawmakers attempted to block
the passage of the trade agreement. However, the motion passed
without incident, two years after the U.S. and ROK governments
signed the agreement in April 2007. The KORUS FTA issue rocked the
Lee Myung-bak government which had just taken office, creating a
severe divide in public opinion. Also, a decision to import U.S.
beef earlier than scheduled, which triggered the 'Mad Cow Disease
Scandal' last year, dealt a further blow to the Lee Myung-bak
government.
What matters now is when a plenary session of the National Assembly
will ratify the free trade pact. The government and political and
academic fields have been bitterly at odds over when to ratify the
pact. Some argued for ratifying the KORUS FTA prior to U.S.
ratification, while others insisted on ratifying the trade deal at
the same time as the U.S. Congress because of the possibility of
renegotiation. It was good that the ruling party delayed a final
vote until the end of U.S.-ROK summit scheduled for June. The ROK
needs to gather the opinions of the opposition party and farmers to
compensate industries harmed (by the FTA) such as agriculture,
livestock, and fisheries, and devise ways to enhance the
competitiveness of each industry. The ROK should consider that the
U.S. will unveil its detailed position after the ROK-U.S. summit.
It makes sense for the ROK to pressure the U.S. through prior
ratification. However, it is uncertain whether the ROK can overcome
the U.S. Congress' negative views on the KORUS FTA (even if it
pushes for early ratification).
The ROKG should coordinate with U.S. trade authorities before the
bilateral summit and put an end to questions about (the possibility
of) renegotiation and additional negotiation on the automotive
sector, which was brought up by some members of the U.S. Congress
and administration. Unless the two countries clarify their
positions, 'candle light vigils' may again occur. President Obama,
who criticized the KORUS FTA as unfair during his campaign, moved
positively to cooperate on the FTA's progress during his meeting
with President Lee Myung-bak at the G20 summit this month.
The ROK should make sure that the KORUS FTA will pass a final vote
since it could add momentum to strengthening the U.S.-ROK - alliance
and expanding the export market. The ROK also should make
significant progress through consultations prior to the U.S.-ROK
summit to create an atmosphere favorable to ratification in both
countries. The ROKG should carefully listen to opinions from the
opposition party and farmers to avoid dividing public opinion.
¶N. KOREA AS A HOSTAGE TAKER
(Dong-a Ilbo, April 23, 2009, Page 31)
North Korea has demanded that ROK companies raise wages for North
Korean workers in the industrial complex in Kaesong to 70-75 U.S.
dollars a month and for the ROK to pay rent for land four years
ahead of time. Pyongyang also unilaterally demanded that Seoul sign
a new land lease though they had agreed that ROK companies use the
land for 50 years. It was suggested as a demand for renegotiation
but virtually constituted a unilateral notice. While again claiming
that Seoul's participation in the Proliferation Security Initiative
would constitute a declaration of war, the North also unexpectedly
linked the issue with the inter-Korean industrial complex in
Kaesong. The North also failed to mention the Hyundai Asan employee
who has been detained for 25 days.
SEOUL 00000660 006 OF 007
The Seoul delegation hurriedly headed to Kaesong in the early
morning to try to use the encounter as a means towards official
bilateral talks. As the North delayed holding the meeting for as
long as 11 hours, however, the actual meeting only lasted for 22
minutes, which was truly embarrassing. The Seoul delegation did not
even have a chance to see the Hyundai Asan employee who was detained
in the building where the meeting was held. Still, the presidential
office in Seoul tried to give meaning to the talks, saying, "We can
construe the occasion as a momentum for dialogue." ROK Unification
Minister Hyun In-taek remained low key in making his post-meeting
comments, saying, "We will carefully consider the proposal for
renegotiation."
It may be important for Seoul to try to maintain the momentum of
dialogue amid strained ties with the North. What is more important,
however, is for Seoul to accurately read Pyongyang's intentions and
wisely deal with them. Considering the string of measures and
demands made by Pyongyang following President Lee Myung-bak`s
inauguration, we wonder if the North has been hatching a plot to
close the industrial complex in the judgment that the complex no
longer serves its interests. Pyongyang`s demand is seen as
threatening the ROK with either continuing the complex by paying
hefty prices or shutting it down on its own.
The move could also be Pyongyang's ploy to hand over the risks to
the ROK, as it will have to take responsibility, make compensation,
and face intense criticism if the North unilaterally shuts down the
complex.
The Kaesong complex was glorified as a symbol of inter-Korean
compromise and a beachhead for inter-Korean economic exchange under
the Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun Administrations. The complex,
however, is now being used by North Korea as a hostage against the
ROK. Seoul must carefully examine the utility of the complex in
light of inter-Korean relations and the economic impact from a
fundamental perspective. It needs to send to the North a clear
signal that it can give up the complex if Pyongyang makes excessive
demands.
Attempted wheeling and dealing to demand more money by taking an ROK
staff member hostage is nothing other than kidnapping. Seoul should
never give the impression that it is at the North's disposal. It
should make it clear that it cannot hold renegotiations with
Pyongyang in any circumstances as long as an ROK staff is taken
hostage. Seoul said its participation in the Proliferation Security
Initiative has nothing to do with its relations with Pyongyang, but
it has postponed its participation three times due to the North,
which is a mistake. The ROK must now repeat the hopeless behavior
of putting itself at the North's disposal again because of the
industrial complex.
(This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is
identical to the Korean version.)
NORTH KOREA'S DEMANDS EXCESSIVE, BUT SHOULD BE USED TO TURN AROUND
THE SITUATION
(Hankyoreh Shinmun, April 23, 2009, Page 23)
In the first official inter-Korean meeting since the start of the
administration of President Lee Myung-bak, North Korea proposed
renegotiating all of the special measures it had granted regarding
the Kaesong Industrial Park. While it is somewhat unexpected to
have North Korea focusing on business matters at a time when
relations are so poor, we cannot assume its motive is entirely about
its "cash intake." Indeed, since it has opened a channel for
possible dialogue, it is now time for South Korea to offer a prudent
and profoundly different kind of response.
North Korea is going too far, both in form and content. Not only is
it saying it wants to change the land lease at will, but it also
demands to renegotiate details about usage fees which would result
in a major increase in burden for South Korean companies operating
there. The demand that wages for North Korean workers are raised,
SEOUL 00000660 007 OF 007
too, goes against the agreement's limits on annual wage increases.
It is nonsensical for North Korea to unilaterally notify South Korea
of its intentions and to act in an arbitrary manner that may
threaten Kaesong's stability.
Just what North Korea's real motive is remains unclear. It might
want to change the existing (contract) framework under the view that
it has given South Korean companies more benefits than it has given
to companies from China and Vietnam. However, it may also want to
close down the project in a manner that passes the responsibility to
South Korea, after it makes the conditions in the Kaesong Industrial
Complex unattractive for businesses. A broader political
interpretation could infer that North Korea wants to put a special
emphasis on negotiations with the U.S. while "delivering a
curveball" to South Korea. It is notable how North Korea says it
cannot maintain the special privileges conferred in the Kaesong
contracts at a time when relations have soured as a result of what
they consider to be South Korea's "hostile policy," openly revealing
its displeasure with inter-Korean relations.
Whatever its intentions are, there does not appear to be any reason
for South Korea's government and companies to refuse to confer
together. If this is about purely business matters, they can find
some reasonable points of compromise through dialogue, and even if
not, perhaps (they can) clarify points of contention during the
course of negotiations. It will only hurt the Kaesong project if
they proceed to take things slowly, trying to assess North Korea's
intentions without engaging in direct talks.
The government should go even farther, however, and use this as an
opportunity to improve inter-Korea relations. Although one would
like to see a separation between government and business matters,
the Kaesong Industrial Park project is a matter that is inseparable
from inter-Korean relations. Relations have to be stabilized for
Kaeseong to be able to continue. In some respects, it is also
serves as a safety valve, one that prevents inter-Korea relations
from taking a turn for the worse. Once a framework for dialogue is
in place, Seoul could then of course expand the agenda and talk
about other matters.
It goes without saying that both North Korea and South Korea have to
make an effort if dialogue is going to proceed in a smooth manner.
The most urgent matter is that North Korea has detained a South
Korean man, a Hyundai Asan employee, for more than three weeks and
has not yet granted South Korea access. It is inevitable that
Pyongyang is going to have to reveal its true intentions regarding
resolving the situation. South Korea, for its part, is going to
have to be clear about its decision to fully participate in the
U.S.-led Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), something that
North Korea clearly opposes. South Korea will have to withdraw its
plan to fully join the PSI.
Both sides are to blame for the souring of inter-Korean relations
but, instead of playing the blame game, it is time to turn things
around. The Seoul government, in particular, needs to lead the way
in improving relations and use a consistent strategy in making the
most of this opportunity.
(This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is
identical to the Korean version.)
STEPHENS