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FM AMEMBASSY NAIROBI
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INFO RUCNIAD/IGAD COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHDR/AMEMBASSY DAR ES SALAAM PRIORITY 6496
RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON PRIORITY 3183
RUEHFR/AMEMBASSY PARIS PRIORITY 3051
RHMFIUU/CJTF HOA  PRIORITY
RUZEFAA/CDR USAFRICOM STUTTGART GE PRIORITY
RUZEFAA/HQ USAFRICOM STUTTGART GE PRIORITY

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 05 NAIROBI 000808 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
AF/E FOR SUSAN DRIANO 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PHUM ASEC KE
SUBJECT: FRAGILE PEACE IN RIFT VALLEY: THE KALENJIN 
PERSPECTIVE 
 
REF: NAIROBI 767 
 
¶1. Summary: On a recent trip to Rift Valley province, poloffs 
accompanied Ambassador Ranneberger to an important peace 
event at Ndeffo and Egerton University near Nakuru and then 
met with a range of contacts to discuss the situation on the 
ground and possible approaches to achieving the desired end 
state: inter-ethnic tolerance now, and a peaceful election in 
¶2012. (See ref A on our efforts to encourage emerging youth 
leadership.) Contacts in Kericho and Eldoret noted that 
relations between different ethnic communities are still very 
tense, and that it would not take much of a spark to reignite 
 conflict. They cited the government's failure to address 
land reform and to find durable solutions, including payment 
of compensation, for IDPs as serious underlying issues. 
Feeling themselves to be vulnerable, the Kalenjin community, 
especially the youth, remains prepared to defend themselves 
against any outside attack on their interests. End summary. 
 
TENSIONS STILL HIGH THROUGHOUT MUCH OF PROVINCE 
 
¶2. In Kericho, our contacts described the current situation 
as "relative peace," but noted that tension and mistrust 
between communities, particularly the Kalenjin and Kikuyu 
communities, still exists. A woman who runs an assistance 
program for HIV positive people on the outskirts of Kericho 
and has lived in the area for nine years said that "nothing 
has really changed" since the end of the post-election 
violence. Much of the neighborhood near the program's office, 
once a bustling community of largely Kikuyu-owned small 
businesses, remains empty and has yet to be rebuilt. She said 
that some people are not yet confident enough in a hospitable 
environment for returns to invest money in reconstructing 
their properties. She also said that local Kalenjin land 
owners have thus far refused to sell her non-governmental 
organization (NGO) land for expansion at a fair market price, 
a reluctance she attributes to the NGO's decision to shelter 
hundreds of Kikuyus on its grounds during the height of the 
post-election violence. 
 
¶3. In Kericho, violence occurred in the immediate 
post-election period (late December 2007 to early January 
2008) but peaked again on January 31, 2008, when local 
Kalenjin MP David Too was murdered, allegedly by an ethnic 
Kisii police officer. Too's murder, as well as the January 
29, 2008 murder of fellow ODM MP Mugabe Were in Nairobi, was 
a flashpoint for renewed inter-ethnic violence throughout the 
Rift Valley. For example, Sotik and Borabu, which border 
Nyanza province in the western Rift and represents the border 
between the Kipsigis and Kisii communities, was "a 
slaughterhouse," according to local peace activists. (Note: 
The Kipsigis are one of a number of Kalenjin sub-clans living 
in Rift Valley Province; others include the Tugen (former 
President Moi's community), Nandi, Pokot, Marakwet, Keiyo, 
Sabaot, Endorois, Njemps and Ogiek.) The Ambassador will be 
attending a youth forum in Sotik organized by a progressive 
youth group called Citizens' Assembly (see reftel). 
 
YOUTH ACTIVISTS DENY PREPARING TO FIGHT 
 
¶4. Poloffs also met with three Kalenjin youth activists in 
Kericho, one of whom represents the local NGO Rift Valley 
Dialogue Forum (RVDF), which has been involved in 
peacebuilding activities. They dismissed as false rumors that 
Kalenjin youths are receiving military training and/or arming 
themselves in preparation for anticipated future outbreaks of 
violence. They also said, however, that "people with military 
experience, who knew how to shoot" happened to be present 
during a confrontation with police in Ainamoi town in late 
January 2008, which resulted in the death and dismemberment 
of an ethnic Somali police officer. They said "we all lost by 
fighting," adding that, by their count, 46 Kalenjin youths 
were killed by the police, 146 were shot and injured, and 
more than 300 were arrested in Ainamoi constituency alone 
during the post-election violence. (Note: Ainamoi 
constituency is just north of Kericho town.) Over the past 
year since the arrests, they claimed, all the detainees were 
released after charges against them were dropped for lack of 
evidence. The last person to be released got out of jail in 
early April 2009. 
 
A MILITIA OF ONE 
 
NAIROBI 00000808  002 OF 005 
 
 
 
¶5. While the youths denied organized training is taking 
place, they were very clear that they felt it was their duty 
as Kalenjin men to rise up and protect their community if it 
was under attack. Pointing to his friend, one said, "He is a 
militia of one, and will be ready to fight in five minutes if 
necessary." Older leaders we met in Eldoret concurred: "There 
is no need to prepare," said one community leader, "Our youth 
are already prepared." They cited the recent unsuccessful 
censure motion in Parliament against Rift Valley MP and 
Minister of Agriculture William Ruto as one such "attack" 
against the community, and noted that there would certainly 
have been violence in Kericho if the motion had succeeded. 
The youth leaders accused the provincial administration 
hierarchy of ethnic bias in favor of the Kikuyu community, 
noting that all the MPs and the District Commissioner in Molo 
district, which was heavily affected by post-election 
violence, are Kikuyu and were not objective in keeping the 
peace between the communities. They said that Kikuyus have 
"taken over the Kenyan economy," leaving no room for other 
communities to succeed in business. In pursuing their tribal 
agenda at the expense of others, the activists said, the 
Kikuyus had "sowed the seeds of hatred toward their 
community." They claimed that relations are still very 
strained, and that, if violence recurs, "this country will be 
brought down by the Kalenjin-Kikuyu conflict." 
 
DISAPPOINTMENT WITH RAILA; RUTO STILL OUR GUY 
 
¶6. The youth activists all expressed disappointment with 
Prime Minister Raila Odinga, saying that many Kalenjin feel 
Raila has forgotten who got him into office, and forgotten 
his pledge to work for federalism (in this case, interpreted 
as the devolution/decentralization of money and power from 
the central to regional and local governments). The RVDF 
representative said that, during the campaign, Raila told the 
Kalenjins what they wanted to hear, focusing his speeches on 
anti-Kikuyu sentiment and promising to bring federalism to 
Kenya. In the community, "federalism" was interpreted as 
meaning political control over the region where your people 
dominate numerically. Despite his alleged involvement in 
corruption scandals and heavy-handed leadership tactics, the 
youths enthusiastically defended Ruto, saying he was "not 
corrupt anymore" and that he was the only leader still 
fighting for the rights of the Kalenjin people. Ruto and 
other Rift Valley MPs, they added, are still the most 
powerful opinion-makers at the local level. They dismissed 
Minister of Roads Franklin Bett as "unpopular" and not 
accessible to people at the grassroots level. They were 
highly skeptical of the potential "KK" (Kikuyu-Kalenjin) 
political alliance for 2012 being discussed in Nairobi, and 
thought that Kalenjins would never accept such an 
arrangement, no matter how pragmatic it might be. However, 
they noted that Ruto is in the process of reaching out to 
other communities to try and build a broader coalition, and 
suggested a Kalenjin-Kisii alliance as a different "KK" that 
might actually work (this despite the bloody conflict between 
the communities in Sotik and Borabu after the Too murder). In 
fact, the Kisii and Kipsigis/Kalenjin communities in this 
region often intermarry and are closely related. 
 
NAKURU-AREA PEACE EVENTS SEEK SOLUTIONS 
 
¶7. On April 8, the Ambassador addressed the crowd at a peace 
event in Ndeffo town seeking to foster reconciliation between 
the local Kikuyu and Kalenjin communities. He then attended a 
follow-on Inter-Ethnic Dialogue Forum organized by local NGO 
Citizens' Assembly. (See ref A.) A number of local NGOs 
involved in peace building joined representatives of the 
Provincial Administration, Administration Police, the 
religious community, and academics for a discussion on how 
best to promote reconciliation, tolerance, and stability in 
Rift Valley Province. Participants also discussed the need 
for "detribalization" and the development of a national 
Kenyan identity. Key NGOs participating included the RVDF and 
Veterans for Peace, an association of ex-military and police 
officers. The National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK) 
and the Catholic Peace and Justice Commission represented the 
views of the religious community. The Ambassador addressed 
the participants and urged them to continue to work together 
to mobilize peaceful pressure on political leaders and foster 
a culture of "unity in diversity" from the grassroots level 
 
NAIROBI 00000808  003 OF 005 
 
 
up. He also stressed the linkage between economic and 
political change, and encouraged them to exert peaceful 
pressure for reforms before the window for change closes as 
the 2012 elections approach. 
 
ELDORET: NO POLITICAL SUPPORT FOR RECONCILIATION 
 
¶8. On April 10, poloffs met with a group of community leaders 
from Eldoret affiliated with the local NGO Emo Society. These 
older leaders (in their forties through seventies) had a more 
tempered view of the situation than the youth activists. 
However, they shared deep concerns about a possible 
resurgence of conflict in their area. One leader, a retired 
military officer, said that the wounds from the post-election 
period had been left to heal without bandages or medicine, 
and that there was no real support or goodwill from the 
government for reconciliation. A colleague added that, in 
fact, many political acts and statements in the past year 
have acted as scratches to the wound, exacerbating painful 
divisions among communities. The head of the local office of 
an international NGO noted that it is very difficult to 
persuade people to detach from "their" politicians, even when 
the words and actions of those leaders are counterproductive. 
 
CULTURAL INFLUENCES 
 
¶9. The Eldoret leaders stressed that shedding human blood is 
a taboo in the Kalenjin community. One of the Emo Society 
representatives noted that, while Kalenjins did burn houses 
during the violence, they usually ensured that the people got 
out first. Juxtaposed with this taboo, however, is a strong 
traditional warrior culture. Male circumcision and 
coming-of-age ceremonies, which usually take place in 
December, emphasize the importance of having the skills and 
strength to defend one's family and community from hostile 
outsiders. Another leader also noted that, as an introverted 
people who dislike bargaining, the Kalenjin are at a 
disadvantage in a competitive world. Most of them are 
farmers, he said, and are vulnerable to economic exploitation 
when selling their produce to other communities. This 
exploitation can create additional resentment towards 
"outsiders" with whom the Kalenjin must do business. 
 
RETIRED OFFICERS A FACTOR? 
 
¶10. Under former President Moi, Kalenjins were 
overrepresented in the senior ranks of the military, and to a 
lesser extent, the police forces. When President Kibaki first 
came to power in 2003, one of his first actions was to fire a 
number of high-ranking military officers (many of whom were 
close to retirement), as well as some police officers from 
the senior and mid-levels of the security forces. Some of 
these ex-officers, having returned to Rift Valley, remain 
extremely bitter about the circumstances under which they 
left the security forces. The RVDF representative noted that, 
during the campaign period, some former officers in Kapsabet 
town and elsewhere were showing their termination letters to 
people at rallies and saying "look what the Kikuyu have done 
to us." These officers have professional training, and are 
alleged to have been recruited by MPs and other local leaders 
to train the Kalenjin youth in paramilitary skills. The 
retired military officer we spoke to denied that there were 
organized militias in the initial phase of the violence 
(approximately the first two weeks of January 2008), but 
conceded that there might have been some organization later 
on for the purpose of looting, burning homes, etc. He also 
added that there was no organized disarmament by the 
government after the post-election violence, and that many 
weapons have been hidden by local communities but remain 
close at hand in case of emergency. 
 
LAND RIGHTS, DISPLACED PERSONS REMAIN SORE SUBJECTS 
 
¶11. One community leader cited unresolved land rights issues 
as the biggest source of conflict in Rift Valley, and noted 
that, due to "historical injustices," the Kalenjin were 
driven out of their traditional homelands. The Keiyo went 
east, the Nandi west, and the Marakwet and Pokot north to 
very marginal rugged terrain. "What hurts," he said, "is the 
attitude of the (Kikuyu) people occupying the land, who 
ignore and condescend to us, the original owners." Emo 
Society representatives also cited unresolved issues 
 
NAIROBI 00000808  004 OF 005 
 
 
surrounding the remaining internally displaced persons (IDPs) 
as a potential flashpoint. Many IDPs who remain in "transit 
camps" were not paid the government compensation they were 
promised. Once responsibility for payments was shifted to the 
local Provincial Administration officials, the process became 
highly politicized/corrupt and many of the most deserving 
cases have yet to be addressed. The uncertain future of some 
IDPs is a destabilizing force in the local community, and the 
increasingly frustrated and bitter population is vulnerable 
to political manipulation and incitement against their 
Kalenjin neighbors. 
 
GETTING TO A PEACEFUL 2012 
 
¶12. Our Eldoret contacts all expressed concern about the 2012 
elections. They wondered aloud what can be done now in order 
to ensure a harmonious political atmosphere and a peaceful 
transition of power in 2012. One local leader noted that 
people are already tense, and primed for something to trigger 
them into renewed conflict. Nevertheless, they had some 
suggestions for ways to tackle the issues, which incorporate 
a return and appeal to traditional Kalenjin values: 
 
-- Make peacebuilding efforts intergenerational: restore the 
role and influence of elders. "Where there are elders, things 
don't go wrong," said one community leader. Our contacts felt 
that the revival of integrated intergenerational community 
structures, including elderly women and men, could play a 
powerful role in mediating and structuring the youth's 
reactions to political events. Elders also have the key role 
of giving politicians and candidates their blessing, without 
which leaders cannot be successful. Civic education of elders 
could assist them in deciding which leaders deserve community 
support, and could promote and modernize their traditional 
role in demanding accountability from their leadership. 
Reinvigorating the culture of eldership could also provide a 
productive avenue for engaging with former security officers, 
who could otherwise be recruited by unscrupulous politicians 
for non-peaceful activities. 
 
-- Strengthen the role of women (including young women) in 
peacebuilding. Traditionally, women had an important role in 
peacemaking, often refusing to cook or otherwise carry out 
their roles until the men in the community agreed to resolve 
conflicts. Younger women in particular have lost this 
positive influence because it has not been passed down to 
them. 
 
-- Promote the culture and understanding of entrepreneurship 
among the Kalenjin, especially unemployed youth. This will 
lead to increased confidence and economic empowerment, and 
reduce the risk of exploitation. 
 
-- Increase the positive involvement of civic councillors, 
the lowest level of elected representative. Civic council 
elections are often hotly contested, and councillors are very 
influential at the local level. They also play an important 
role in the allocation of local government resources. 
Citizens' Assembly hosted an event for more than 600 civic 
councillors from throughout Rift Valley which resulted in the 
development of an action plan and got very positive feedback 
from the participants, but they currently lack the resources 
for follow-on activities with the councillors. 
 
COMMENT 
 
¶13. Many of our Kalenjin interlocutors argued that rumors 
circulating in Nairobi and Central provinces of militias 
rearming in Rift Valley are an excuse to justify Kikuyus 
arming themselves against a (non-existent) Kalenjin threat. 
Allegations continue to circulate on both sides; it is 
difficult to determine how much is factual, but the 
atmosphere of suspicion and mistrust is very real. In Kenya, 
rumors can be enough to influence behavior on the ground. 
Whether organized or not, there is no question that the 
Kalenjin remain prepared to defend their community against 
perceived threats. The ingredients for renewed conflict in 
the Rift Valley are already in place, and the behavior of too 
many politicians from a number of different communities is 
geared more towards political preparations for dominance in 
2012 than towards lasting peace and progress on reforms. 
 
 
NAIROBI 00000808  005 OF 005 
 
 
¶14. Through USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives, we are 
engaged in a variety of peacebuilding programs on the ground. 
Civil affairs teams from the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn 
of Africa are completing renovations of several schools 
destroyed during the post-election violence. In the next 
month, the Ambassador will preside over ceremonies reopening 
these schools, as well as the dedication of the reconstructed 
public market in the town of Burnt Forest, and will use these 
ceremonies as platforms to bring together community leaders 
and serve as a foundation for future peace building efforts. 
In order to support reconciliation and conflict resolution 
efforts, the Ambassador has visited Rift Valley at least nine 
times since violence began in early 2008. We will need to 
keep the political pressure on, and to keep a close eye on 
events on the ground as we work to consolidate the fragile 
progress towards lasting peace in Rift Valley. End comment. 
 
 
 
RANNEBERGER