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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 07 HARARE 000275 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
AF/S FOR B. WALCH 
DRL FOR N. WILETT AND T. DANG 
ADDIS ABABA FOR USAU 
ADDIS ABABA FOR ACSS 
STATE PASS TO USAID FOR J. HARMON AND L. DOBBINS 
STATE PASS TO DOL FOR T. RASA AND S. HALEY 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL ASEC PHUM ELAB KDEM ZI
SUBJECT: LABOR ANALYSIS: UNIONS FIGHT FOR SURVIVAL (PART 1 
OF 2) 
 
REF: A. HARARE 246 
     ¶B. HARARE 232 
     ¶C. HARARE 207 
 
------- 
SUMMARY 
------- 
 
¶1.  (U) This is the first of two cables assessing labor in 
Zimbabwe.  Part one examines the history of the labor 
movement and the challengs facing unions.  Part two examines 
the internal political struggles within the labor movement 
and its continued relationship with the MDC leadership. 
 
¶2.  (SBU) Our overall assessment is that the labor movement 
in Zimbabwe is struggling to survive.  Low formal employment 
and worthless Zimbabwe dollar-denominated salaries have 
almost completely eroded revenue from membership dues, 
thereby undermining unions' ability to represent worker 
needs.  We found this to be true across all organized labor 
sectors.  The labor movement is also threatened by a second 
front opened by ZANU-PF.  So-called "splinter unions," 
created by ZANU-PF to undermine traditional representative 
unions, continue to have a significant impact in rural areas 
as they collect forced donations, promote farm invasions, and 
are represented in negotiations with government. The MDC has 
been supportive of labor, but has been criticized for not 
executing on promises to pay workers a living, 
foreign-currency-based wage.  While recognizing government's 
constraints, labor is looking to the MDC to deliver on 
salaries, as well as on other labor issues.  END SUMMARY. 
 
------------------------------------------ 
Background: ZCTU vs. ZFTU vs. Independents 
------------------------------------------ 
 
¶3.  (SBU) In an effort to understand the current status of 
the labor movement, between March 17 and 26 we spoke with 
leaders of six different labor unions as well as the umbrella 
labor organization, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions 
(ZCTU).  All but one of these unions are formally affiliated 
with the ZCTU.  Meetings were held with: Gertrude Hambira, 
Secretary General of the General Agriculture and Plantation 
Workers Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ); Raymond Majongwe, 
Secretary General of the Progressive Teachers Union of 
Zimbabwe (PTUZ); Matthew Takaona, President of the Zimbabwe 
Union of Journalists (ZUJ); Wellington Likukuma, General 
Secretary of the Zimbabwe Banks and Allied Workers Union 
(ZIBAWU); Sophiso Ndlovu, Chief Executive Officer and Dr. 
Tshabalala of the Zimbabwe Teachers' Association (ZIMTA); and 
Tonderai Kanengoni, Deputy Secretary General of the Transport 
and General Workers Union (TGWU).  We also spoke with 
Wellington Chibebe, Secretary General of ZCTU and Lucia 
Matibenga, ZCTU's First Vice President and Secretary General 
of the Commercial Workers Union of Zimbabwe. 
 
¶4. (SBU) For decades, labor politics were subject to the 
whims and abuses of single-party rule.  According to 
respected labor economist Godfrey Kanyenze, throughout the 
colonial and Rhodesian periods, unions were severely 
restricted and union leaders were routinely harassed. 
Colonial and Rhodesian laws dictated that union funds could 
QColonial and Rhodesian laws dictated that union funds could 
not be used for political purposes, trade unionists could not 
affiliate with any political party, and donations from 
outside organizations had to be approved by the Minister of 
Labor. During the 1960s and 1970s, trade unionism and 
political activism were nearly indistinguishable, leading to 
many arrests of union leaders.  This historical background is 
relevant because the Zimbabwean government (GOZ), beginning 
 
HARARE 00000275  002 OF 007 
 
 
in the mid-1990s, adopted similar tactics for dealing with 
labor unions. 
 
¶5. (SBU) In Zimbabwe there are two large organizations that 
claim to represent trade unions, the Zimbabwe Congress of 
Trade Unions (ZCTU) and the Zimbabwe Federation of Trade 
Unions (ZFTU).  ZCTU is the more respected and legitimate of 
the two organizations by virtue of its large membership and 
international recognition, via its affiliations with the 
International Labor Organization and other international 
labor movements, including the AFL-CIO.  ZCTU was created 
after Zimbabwean independence in 1981.  ZCTU was formed 
through the consolidation of at least six different trade 
unions, and was led by ZANU-PF stalwarts for its first five 
years; during its first year it was led by Robert Mugabe's 
late brother Albert.  In 1985, following a series of 
corruption allegations involving ZCTU leaders, an independent 
leadership drawn from larger and more professional unions was 
elected.  When ZCTU resisted the merger of ZANU-PF and 
PF-ZAPU in 1987, the rift between it and government grew 
wider.  Finally, as governance deteriorated in the 1990s, 
ZCTU evolved into a standard-bearer for alternative 
governance.  Morgan Tsvangirai, who served as ZCTU's 
Secretary General between 1989 and 2000, was at the forefront 
of this profound redirection.  When ZCTU and 40 other civil 
society groups spearheaded the creation of the Movement for 
Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999, much of the MDC's top 
leadership came from ZCTU.  Now Zimbabwe's Prime Minister, 
Tsvangirai maintains close -- although periodically strained 
-- ties with ZCTU. 
 
¶6. (SBU) Given ZCTU's growing role as an effective opposition 
force, ZANU-PF sought in 1997 to dilute ZCTU's strength by 
creating an alternative union movement, the ZFTU.  This 
coincided with ZCTU's leadership of the first nationwide 
strikes in Zimbabwe since the 1940s.  ZFTU remained fairly 
quiet until 2001 when it became active in helping war 
veterans execute farm invasions. One of ZFTU's primary 
leaders in various capacities was feared war veteran Joseph 
Chinotimba, who led the farm invasions in 2000.  The ZFTU 
president is currently Alfred Makwarimba, a ZANU-PF loyalist 
who served as ZCTU's president in the early 1980s.  ZFTU's 
current secretary general is now Kennias Shamuyarira. 
 
¶7.  (SBU) ZFTU is widely recognized as illegitimate, as it 
has no real membership.  In order for a union to gain legal 
recognition, it must be approved by the Ministry of Labor 
which bases its decision on a verifiable membership base, 
which the majority of ZFTU affiliates cannot muster.  ZFTU 
has a long history of coercing workers to join its movement. 
In 2002, Chinotimba admitted that ZFTU was forcing workers to 
join ZFTU.  He further told the independent press, "if 
(workers) want to remain with the ZCTU then they should go to 
other countries and not stay in Zimbabwe." Despite its lack 
Qother countries and not stay in Zimbabwe." Despite its lack 
of legitimate membership, ZFTU is frequently quoted in the 
government-sponsored press supporting ZANU-PF policies.  For 
instance, in May 2008, the state-owned newspaper, the Herald, 
ran an article in which Shamuyarira accused ZCTU ally, the 
South African Congress of Trade Unions (COSATU), of "being 
used by British imperialists... to demonize Zimbabwe." On 
Workers' Day (May 1), police often grant ZFTU permission to 
hold rallies at the best and largest venues, relegating 
ZCTU's more popular rallies to less prominent locations. 
 
¶8. (SBU) Perhaps the only successful independent union has 
been the Zimbabwe National Teachers' Association (ZIMTA). 
However, ZIMTA Chief Executive Officer Sophiso Ndlovu told us 
on March 24 that they applied to join ZCTU in November 2008. 
Despite the benefits of remaining independent, such as 
 
HARARE 00000275  003 OF 007 
 
 
resisting charges of being aligned with either the MDC or 
ZANU-PF, they seek to benefit from the international 
assistance ZCTU receives and benefit from ZCTU's negotiating 
clout. 
 
--------------------------------------------- ----------------- 
Dollarization Has Hurt Unions and Political Optimism is Fading 
--------------------------------------------- ----------------- 
 
¶9.  (SBU) Without exception, union leaders lamented the 
continued economic hardships and their impact on union 
survival.  Unions rely primarily on member dues for their 
income, drawing approximately one percent of gross salary 
directly from member paychecks.  When the Zimbabwean dollar 
was still widely used, hyperinflation ate into profits, 
forcing unions to cut back on services and seek outside 
funding.  Dollarization, while eliminating hyperinflation, 
has actually cut further into member dues.  While many 
private companies have started paying employees in U.S. 
dollars, this is not always via salary payments.  Dollar 
allowances, such as those paid to all civil servants, and 
other benefits, such as food packs that supplement salaries, 
cannot be drawn upon for union dues.  Teachers' unions are 
acutely suffering, since civil servant salaries continue to 
be paid in the defunct Zimbabwe dollar.  ZIMTA and PTUZ both 
rely heavily on outside funding from international donors and 
labor movements. 
 
¶10.  (SBU) Initial teacher optimism over the MDC's entrance 
into government began fading as the new GOZ mae it clear 
that they would not be able to pay teacher salaries in forex 
for the foreseeable future, and teachers would have to rely 
solely on the US$100 monthly allowances granted to all civil 
servants.  Consequently, ZIMTA leaders told us on March 23 
that both the organization and their constituents are 
struggling to make ends meet.  ZIMTA is relying on grants 
from international education labor groups such as the 
American Federation of Teachers, which made a US$10,000 
donation to ZIMTA last year.  ZIMTA was now feeling pressure 
from its members because, at the behest of MDC officials and 
on the basis that they would be paid in hard currency, it had 
called for all teachers to return to work in February.  ZIMTA 
official Sophiso Ndlovu said that this pressure was building 
and if teachers were not paid a livable wage by April, ZIMTA 
would call for a strike at their union conference at the end 
of that month, repeating similar statements by PTUZ's 
Majongwe in our March 18 meeting (Ref A). 
 
------------------------------- 
No Workers, No Members, No Dues 
------------------------------- 
 
¶11.  (SBU) As the economy and formal employment have 
plummeted, union membership has shrunk dramatically.  The 
TGWU, for instance, is composed of bus drivers, large truck 
drivers, transport boat captains, and taxi drivers.  TGWU 
Deputy Secretary General Kanengoni estimates membership now 
totals 10,000, down from over 30,000 in 2005.  ZIBAWU 
Qtotals 10,000, down from over 30,000 in 2005.  ZIBAWU 
Secretary General Likukuma told us that his union has not 
engaged in any recruiting activity for 18 months due to a 
lack of union revenue; its membership totals just 4,700, down 
from 10,000 members.  Likukuma dejectedly told us that ZIBAWU 
survived hyperinflation, but now suffers from the lack of 
salary-based dues as workers are paid in-kind or with 
allowances. ZIMTA membership has dropped by 20 percent in 
just four years. 
 
--------------------------------------------- ------------ 
Wages: "You pretend to pay us and we'll pretend to work." 
 
HARARE 00000275  004 OF 007 
 
 
--------------------------------------------- ------------ 
 
¶12.  (SBU) ZCTU Secretary General Chibebe explained that ZCTU 
will insist on members being paid a livable wage in foreign 
currency; these demands have been criticized as unrealistic 
(Ref B).  Recently, ZCTU called for a minimum wage of US$454, 
equivalent to the estimated poverty datum line for February. 
Chibebe conceded that the figure will be reviewed downward in 
light of falling prices, and estimated the general minimum 
wage may settle between US$250 and US$350. He offered that 
ZCTU is willing to give government and industry until June 
2009 to pay the minimum wage.  However, no union is prepared 
to accept solely the government's US$100 allowance. 
 
¶13.  (SBU) According to Kanyenze, current wages -- generally 
just allowances -- do not motivate workers.  Across the 
economy, people go to work, but aren't necessarily 
productive.  Symptomatic of this is that for years, ZCTU 
efforts to call effective strikes have failed, largely 
because employees go to work to make personal use of work 
infrastructure, such as the phone or internet, or because 
free transport into town is provided.  Also, in the 
agricultural sector, low wages have contributed to a labor 
shortage, as potential workers decide to take their chances 
panning for gold or border jumping for greater economic 
opportunity. 
 
¶14.  (SBU) When we shared the opinion of an IMF assessment 
team that Zimbabwean workers needed to adjust their 
expectations due to current economic realities, Chibebe 
emphatically rejected the notion that Zimbabwe is a poor 
country. He said that the first point of entry to stabilizing 
the economy should not be low salaries and "slave labor."  He 
also said that it is not the workers' fault that reckless 
political leadership and spending has dried the coffers and 
he called on government to lead by example.  "Anyone 
criticizing wage demands is being very cruel to the 
Zimbabwean worker." 
 
----------------------------------------- 
Piecing Together the Mosaic of Labor Laws 
----------------------------------------- 
 
¶15.  (SBU) In addition to these economic challenges, a 
confusing web of inconsistent laws has restricted workers' 
rights.  Kanyenze explained that labor laws have been amended 
so many times that they contradict other laws and 
international labor standards.  He described a 
"balkanization" of the labor market and labor laws.  For 
instance, to avoid paying steep income taxes on foreign 
currency saaries, NGOs and others have resorted to quietly 
providing employees with food baskets and other side 
benefits, leading to inconsistent pay scales and conditions 
of employment for similar types of work. 
 
¶16.  (SBU) A notable problem with labor laws is that civil 
servants are not covered by protections granted in the Labor 
Act.  Their activities are governed by the Public Service 
Act, which does not recognize the collective bargaining 
QAct, which does not recognize the collective bargaining 
rights of public employees.  Private sector employees, by 
contrast, benefit from National Employment Councils and 
sector-specific tripartite negotiating committees that set 
down wages and benefits through a discussion amongst labor, 
business, and government representatives.  Kanyenze said that 
the International Labor Organization has called on Zimbabwe 
to harmonize its laws to ensure all workers are afforded the 
right to organize and associate with a union.  The unity 
government, however, may have inadvertently detracted from 
that effort, according to Kanyenze.  By creating new 
 
HARARE 00000275  005 OF 007 
 
 
ministries to satisfy both political parties, there are now 
two ministries that share responsibility for workers.  The 
Labor Ministry is responsible for private sector workers 
while the Ministry of Public Service is responsible for civil 
servants.  Both are led by MDC officials.  Regarding labor 
legislation, parastatal employees are technically supposed to 
be governed under the Labor Act, but employers often use the 
Public Service Act in negotiations.  These legal 
inconsistencies almost always benefit the employer rather 
than the employee.  Kanyenze said there is a desperate need 
for a national policy framework. 
 
¶17.  (SBU) Additionally, legislation such as the Public Order 
and Security Act (POSA), the Access to Information and 
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), and the Criminal Act are 
often invoked to curtail union freedoms. Despite a special 
labor court to handle labor matters, the system is seriously 
backlogged and delays of several years are commonplace. 
 
----------------------------------------- 
Many, Many Ministries Angling for Action 
----------------------------------------- 
 
¶18.  (SBU) Kanyenze went on to list ministries attempting to 
play a role in labor and economic recovery -- or to take 
credit in case of recovery -- including the Ministries of 
Youth, Small and Medium Enterprises, Labor, Public Service, 
and Education.  He said that Youth Minister Saviour 
Kasukuwere of ZANU-PF had contacted him to request a copy of 
Kanyenze's assessment on how to rebuild labor markets in 
Zimbabwe, even though that report would be more appropriately 
handled by the Labor or Finance ministry.  As ministers elbow 
each other for a role in the government, Kanyenze fears a 
lack of coherent vision will impede real progress. 
 
¶19.  (SBU) The new Labor Minister, Paurina Gwanyanya, has 
been widely described as a competent and impressive leader. 
She comes from the labor movement, previously led the 
parliamentary labor committee and served on the SADC 
parliamentary forum.  Kanyenze and others believe she will 
surround herself with sound advisors and make evidence-based 
decisions.  Her Permanent Secretary, however, is mistrusted 
by those in the labor movement.  According to Kanyenze, the 
Labor Ministry is "infested" with intelligence operatives who 
have long spied on the ZCTU and will need to be weeded out 
over time.  Chibebe told us on March 25 that while Gwanyanya 
is astute on labor issues, he questions whether she will be 
able to separate herself from her background in union 
politics.  He said it was "unfortunate" that she had been 
given that post, and repeated Kanyenze's concerns that the 
ministry is rife with ZANU-PF supporters. 
 
---------------------------------------- 
ZFTU Playing Lead Role in Farm Invasions 
---------------------------------------- 
 
¶20.  (SBU) Although lacking legitimate membership, ZFTU has 
managed to have a negative impact on labor in some sectors. 
Qmanaged to have a negative impact on labor in some sectors. 
In most industries, workers can readily distinguish between 
the ZFTU and ZCTU affiliate.  However, in agriculture, ZFTU 
has taken advantage of workers' lack of access to information 
and coerced them into ZFTU membership.  A ZCTU affiliate, the 
General Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe 
(GAPWUZ) has long represented agricultural workers on 
commercial farms.  However harassment, political violence and 
forced displacement have eroded GAPWUZ's membership to 27,000 
members, down from 50,000 just a year ago.  This has partly 
been accomplished by three ZFTU affiliates, including the 
deceptively named group Horticulture and General Agriculture 
 
HARARE 00000275  006 OF 007 
 
 
and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe (HGAPWUZ), whose 
representatives routinely arrive on commercial farms claiming 
to represent the needs of farm workers.  (NOTE: ZFTU 
affiliate HGAPWUZ uses its nearly identical name to easily 
deceive farm workers into believing its "representatives" are 
from the legitimate GAPWUZ union.  ZFTU affiliates in other 
sectors have adopted similar names to their legitimate ZCTU 
counterparts in an effort to confuse workers. END NOTE.) 
 
¶21.  (SBU) GAPWUZ's General Secretary, Gertrude Hambira, told 
us on March 17 that her organization was suffering as a 
result of violence that disrupted commercial farm operations 
during last year's contested elections as well as the recent 
upsurge in farm invasions that began in early February (Ref 
C).  She explained that when farms are invaded by new owners 
bearing offer letters ordering the existing owner to vacate 
the property, typically the new owners will dismiss the vast 
majority of workers as well.  She cited a recent example in 
the Chegutu area of Mashonaland West where 400 workers were 
just evicted from a citrus farm by its new owner, Edna 
Mazongwe, President of the Senate. 
 
¶22.  (SBU) Additionally, under the Labor Act, the employer 
must pay a severance packag to all workers.  Some evicted 
white farmers have honored these agreements and paid these 
packages despite losing their farms.  In some of these 
instances, HGAPWUZ representatives then extort half of that 
severance package from the displaced workers, calling it a 
"consultation fee."  When GAPWUZ brought these occurrences to 
the attention of police in nearby Kadoma, they responded that 
they couldn't take up the allegations because it was 
political. 
 
¶23.  (SBU) GAPWUZ is also in decline because the new farmers 
-- those few who actually engage in some farming activity -- 
actively discourage union membership.  These farmers refuse 
to subtract and send union membership fees from their 
employees' paychecks.  In fact, ZFTU and HGAPWUZ have been 
notorious for harassing employees of private businesses (not 
just farm workers) and demanding physical collections of 
membership dues.  Many workers feel compelled to join to 
avoid reprisals associated with being labeled as part of the 
MDC. 
 
¶24.  (SBU) Hambira went on to explain how the land reform 
program altered the negotiating landscape.  Formerly, GAPWUZ 
would negotiate wages with the Commercial Farmer's Union 
(CFU).  Now the CFU has largely been replaced by the Zimbabwe 
Commercial Farmer's Union (ZCFU) that represents the 
interests of the new farmers who were awarded or seized 
formerly white-owned farms.  Hambira said that shift has also 
hurt farm workers, as wages and working conditions have 
worsened under ZCFU management.  She also reported that the 
government had allowed uninvited parties, including CIO 
operatives, to sit in on negotiations. As a result, farm 
Qoperatives, to sit in on negotiations. As a result, farm 
worker wages have suffered.  Currently, negotiated wages 
allow for the lowest paid agriculture worker to receive US$10 
and a food basket each month. 
 
------- 
COMMENT 
------- 
 
¶25.  (SBU) The once-powerful Zimbabwean labor movement has 
been sharply weakened during the past few years by economic 
collapse and rapidly rising unemployment.  Shrinking 
productivity, hyperinflation and dollarization have whittled 
down union dues, eroded the membership base, and undermined 
ZCTU's and its affiliates' ability to effectively protect and 
 
HARARE 00000275  007 OF 007 
 
 
advance worker rights.  Apart from economic challenges, a 
second front has been opened by ZANU-PF "splinter unions" 
that are determined to weaken genuine labor movements and 
promote ZANU-PF policies and propaganda.  These factors 
combine to threaten the future of organized labor in Zimbabwe. 
 
¶26.  (SBU) MDC leadership in key ministries such as Labor, 
Education, and Public Service has been welcomed by the 
unions.  However, the MDC is constrained by resources and, 
thus far, has been unable to satisfy salary demands from 
labor groups, even in priority areas such as public 
education.  This has led to growing dissatisfaction with the 
new government, and more importantly, a growing belief that 
while certainly more sympathetic, the MDC may be no more able 
to deliver worker benefits than ZANU-PF.  END COMMENT. 
 
MCGEE