VZCZCXYZ0006
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHCH #0281/01 0961548
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 061548Z APR 09
FM AMEMBASSY CHISINAU
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 7851
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE

UNCLAS CHISINAU 000281 
 
SENSITIVE 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR EUR/UMB 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PHUM KDEM MD
SUBJECT:  MOLDOVA ELECTIONS GIVE PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY TO 
COMMUNISTS 
 
Sensitive but Unclassified.  Please Protect Accordingly. 
 
¶1. (SBU) Summary:  Parliamentary elections in Moldova have yielded a 
bare majority nationwide for the Party of Communists (PCRM). 
Depending upon the methodology used for calculating the distribution 
of parliamentary seats, it appears that the PCRM has won 60-61 seats 
of 101 in Parliament.  With 61 seats the PCRM would narrowly achieve 
the required three-fifths of Members of Parliament (MPs) needed to 
elect a president.  Three other parties reached the six percent 
threshold for representation in Parliament:  the Liberal Party (PL), 
the Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova (PLDM), and the Moldova 
Noastra Alliance (AMN).  Nearly 400 OSCE/ODIHR observers and 14 
Embassy monitoring teams reported that, despite a general 
business-like attitude and normalcy in most polling stations, there 
were also reports of distribution of favors by the PCRM, intimidated 
voters, inaccurate voter lists, passive political-party 
polling-station observers, and misuse of administrative resources. 
End Summary. 
 
Communists Win a Majority 
------------------------- 
 
¶2. (SBU) On Monday morning, Moldovans awoke to the news that the 
PCRM would continue to rule as the dominant party for another four 
years.  With 97 percent of total votes counted, the PCRM has 49.94 
percent of the vote, and thus apparently 60 seats and possibly the 
61 seats in Parliament needed to select the President (and the 
speaker of Parliament) without needing a coalition partner.  It 
appears that the Liberal Party (PL), with 12.75 percent of the vote, 
will have 15 seats.  The Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova (PLDM) 
with 12.26 percent of the vote, will have 14 seats, and the Moldova 
Noastra Alliance (AMN), with 9.82 percent of the vote, will have 11 
seats.  The question of opposition parties needing to coalesce is no 
longer at issue as the Party of Communists predominates, though the 
PCRM's majority is so tenuous, they will likely seek support from 
MPs on opposition lists. 
 
¶3. (SBU) Embassy observers, who travelled throughout the country on 
Sunday to monitor the voting process in villages, observed a range 
of problems.  A common problem at polling stations country-wide was 
inaccurate voter lists.  Local authorities failed to verify that the 
lists compiled at the national level were correct, resulting in 
situations where high numbers of voters turned out, many of whom 
were returned migrants, but were not on the list.  Other lists were 
inflated and had not been updated to account for deaths and 
permanent changes of address.  Another area of common concern was 
the handling of the mobile ballot box.  In one case, the mobile box 
was brought to voters who had not requested it and did not intend to 
vote.  In other situations, applications for mobile voting came in 
orally, and not in written format, making the legitimacy of the 
requests difficult to verify.  Different polling stations used 
different interpretations of the rules regarding requests for mobile 
ballots.  Not all mobile boxes posed problems; many polling stations 
took care to have party observers follow the mobile box and ensure 
compliance. 
 
¶4. (SBU) Also at issue was the opaque process of counting votes at 
District Election Commissions (DEC), from where numbers were then 
electronically transmitted to the Central Election Commission (CEC), 
despite CEC promises to create the necessary transparency at all 
levels.  Observers at some DEC headquarters were not permitted to 
watch as local-level votes were being entered into computers, 
although the CEC had promised that such observation would be 
allowed.  These votes were not publicly posted at the DEC level in 
many cases, though Post and international election observers had 
asked the CEC to display these results at every level of the 
process.  Access to local level data at the district and national 
levels was critical to ensure that all polling stations' data were 
accurately reflected in the totals. 
 
¶5. (SBU) There were isolated cases of intimidation on elections day, 
some involving police presence.  Observers noted in a few cases that 
police had either blocked the entrance to the polling station or 
were present inside while voting was taking place, a clear violation 
of the regulations.  Observers reported cases of voters who had 
believed that hidden cameras would be placed in the booths, leaving 
those voters with the perception that theirs was not a secret vote. 
In one case an embassy observer reported a video camera mounted on a 
tripod aimed right at the ballot box, creating an intimidating 
effect, though officials assured the camera was not turned on. 
 
¶6. (SBU) We heard reports of political-party voluQeer observers who 
were threatened with job losses or unidentified consequences if they 
showed up at polling stations on Sunday.  In one village of 134 
pensioner voters, it was reported that the PCRM told them to deliver 
all 134 votes, or face the loss of their pensions.  The Communists 
offered not only threats but inducements.  One embassy observer 
noted Communist officials providing goodies in an "I voted 
 
Communist" plastic shopping bag to voters as they exited church 
services. 
 
Problems for Corjova and Residents of Transnistria 
--------------------------------------------- ----- 
 
¶7. (SBU) Transnistrian (TN) authorities prevented the holding of 
elections in Corjova and blocked access for many Transnistrian 
residents who wished to participate in the Moldovan elections.  At 
approximately 6:30 A.M. Transnistrian authorities blocked the roads 
leading in and out of Corjova, and took up positions around the 
building designated as a polling station.   The election authorities 
had arrived early to set up, and were inside the building.  Several 
hundred irregulars, belonging to the Transnistrian Cossack unit, 
supported by other goons and toughs all wearing red and green 
Transnistrian armbands, surrounded the building joined by TN 
nationalists carrying signs, waving flags and chanting slogans.  No 
one wishing to vote would dare brave such a crowd.  Transnistrian 
militia carried away the polling box, and eventually the CEC 
declared the polling station in Corjova to be officially closed. 
Residents of Corjova were given permission to vote in the nearby 
villages of Cocieri or Ustia. 
 
¶8. (SBU) No polling stations were set up in areas controlled by the 
Transnistrian authorities, but arrangements were made for residents 
of Transnistria to vote at ten polling stations in GOM-controlled 
villages.  Those desiring to vote faced some daunting challenges to 
travel to these villages.  Transnistrian authorities blocked certain 
segments of road, rendering access impossible.  Voters who intended 
to travel in a special bus had their bus boarded by TN authorities, 
and rather than surrender their documents, were forced to 
disassemble.   Some succeeded in reaching Moldovan villages in 
private cars; many others were forced to walk.  An Embassy observer 
spoke with one young couple from Grigoriopol who, together with 
their two-year-old son had trekked some 10-15 kilometers in order to 
participate in the elections.  Data collected on elections day 
suggested that some 4,000 Transnistrian residents succeeded in 
casting their votes. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
¶9. (SBU) The last poll taken during the elections campaign had the 
PCRM polling at about 36 percent.  There are concerns about the 
sudden leap from last week's polling data to today's 50 percent 
showing at the ballot box.  This could have been the result of 
governmental threats and intimidation.  Or, it could have been the 
result of good PCRM campaigning.  We think the jump from 36 to 50 
percent probably came as a result of both intimidation and threats 
and a well-managed PCRM campaign. 
 
¶10. (SBU) The PCRM also has a support base of voters who believed 
that voting for the PCRM was the best way to ensure continued 
receipt of pensions and salaries.  Many Moldovan voters seemed to 
have voted for stability and for the party they believed could best 
deliver results. 
 
¶11. (SBU) The feeling in Chisinau is not one of celebration. 
Several Moldovans in town have pointed out that the results 
conveniently matched the number of votes in Parliament that would 
allow the Party of Communists to select a President and maintain 
control of Parliament.  Some of our educated, white-collar FSNs have 
expressed disgust over the results.  PLDM party leader Vlad Filat 
has publicly rejected the results; and the think tank Idis Viitorul 
has called for repeat elections. 
 
CHAUDHRY