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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 13 TOKYO 000578 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/16/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Nishimatsu received 80 PERCENT  of its orders in Nikai's home 
turf in Wakayama (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(2) Declining mood for Lower House dissolution in LDP as cabinet 
support rates remain low, even with Nishimatsu donation scandal 
involving DPJ's Ozawa (Mainichi) 
 
(3) Nishimatsu employees forced to help Ozawa's election campaigns, 
ex-secretary to Ozawa mobilized contractor's many employees to help 
campaign (Sankei) 
 
(4) Nishimatsu donation scandal adversely affecting coalition of 
opposition parties; SDP unhappy with political vacuum, PNP concerned 
about election cooperation (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Floating voters over 40 PERCENT  (Yomiuri) 
 
(6) Defense Ministry ready to intercept "satellite" launch in 
response to North Korea's notice (Sankei) 
 
(7) SDF Somalia mission: Weapons-use rules to be relaxed to allow 
firing at ship to halt it (Mainichi) 
 
(8) Somalia dispatch (Part 2): JCG played major role in training 
personnel in Southeast Asia (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(9) Futenma airfield causes 16 fuel spill incidents during 8 years 
from 1999 to 2006, but reported only one case (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(10) U.S. clarifies anti-whaling stance: Change in policy with 
inauguration of Obama administration (Asahi) 
 
(11) Unpredicted effect of additional economic package on boosting 
economy (Mainichi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Nishimatsu received 80 PERCENT  of its orders in Nikai's home 
turf in Wakayama 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Top play) (Abridged slightly) 
March 16, 2009 
 
In connection with massive donations from Nishimatsu Construction 
Co., a second-tier general contractor, it has become clear that the 
company has received some 80 PERCENT  of its orders in Wakayama 
Prefecture for public works projects in House of Representatives 
Wakayama Constituency No. 3, the home turf of Economy, Trade and 
Industry Minister Toshihiro Nikai. Nishimatsu's dummy political 
groups have purchased 8.3 million yen worth of party tickets of 
Atarashii Nami (New Wave), a political organization headed by Nikai. 
Close ties between the two have been exposed. 
 
According to Nishimatsu's business history, the company has received 
11 orders for public works projects in Wakayama Prefecture worth 7.8 
billion yen in total since 2002. Of them, nine were projects in 
Wakayama Constituency No. 3 worth 6.1 billion yen. 
 
Included in them were a National Health Insurance Hidaka General 
Hospital emergency treatment and operation facility construction 
 
TOKYO 00000578  002 OF 013 
 
 
project worth 1.69 billion yen ordered by the hospital management 
union of five municipalities bordering Gobo City that started in 
October 2004 and the Ryujin Village General Exchange Center 
improvement project worth 960 million yen ordered by former Ryujin 
Village that began in February 2003. 
 
Joint ventures including Nishimatsu also received orders for the 
evacuation tunnel of Kawabe Tunnel No.1 of Yuasa-Gobo Road ordered 
by Japan Highway Public Corp. that began in March 2002 and a 
National Health Insurance Kinan General Hospital construction 
project ordered by the Wakayama Social Insurance Bureau. 
Nishimatsu's contracts totaled 1.16 billion yen and 950 million yen, 
respectively. 
 
In addition, the company independently received local 
municipalities' orders for town roads improvement projects and 
daycare and school refurbishing projects worth hundreds of millions 
of yen between 2003 and 2005. 
 
According to their political funds reports, Shin-Seiji Mondai 
Kenkyu-ai (New Political Issues Study Association) and Mirai Sangyo 
Kenkyu-ai (Future Industry Study Association), both are dummy 
political organizations headed by former Nishimatsu employees, 
purchased party tickets worth 8.38 million yen from Ararashii Nami 
between 2004 and 2006. 
 
The Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office special investigation 
team has decided to question LDP political groups, including Nikai, 
in order to clarify the overall money flow from Nishimatsu to the 
political community. 
 
(2) Declining mood for Lower House dissolution in LDP as cabinet 
support rates remain low, even with Nishimatsu donation scandal 
involving DPJ's Ozawa 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
March 12, 2009 
 
There is a growing mood in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to 
postpone as long as possible the next House of Representatives 
election. After the arrest of Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) 
President Ichiro Ozawa's first state-paid secretary for receiving 
illegal donations from Nishimatsu Construction Co., calls arose for 
Lower House dissolution soon after the passage of the fiscal 2009 
budget. However, since the support rate for the cabinet of Prime 
Minister Taro Aso has remained low, the prevailing view in the LDP 
is that Aso should give priority to compiling an economic stimulus 
package for the time being. There are less than six months left 
before the terms of office of members of the Lower House expire. 
However, Aso's strategy for Lower House dissolution remains 
unknown. 
 
Former LDP Secretary General Tsutomu Takebe, in a meeting of his 
policy group the New Breeze, said: "We should serve out our terms as 
Lower House members," suggesting that the Lower House should not be 
dissolved until the end of the current terms of the Lower House 
members. He stressed that the LDP should go into the campaign for 
the next general election under a new LDP president. "In electing a 
new leader, we need to come up with a new set of campaign pledges," 
he said. 
 
The view calling for a delay of the Lower House election is now 
 
TOKYO 00000578  003 OF 013 
 
 
becoming a shared understanding in the LDP. 
 
Asked about the next Lower House election in the taping of a CS 
program, Election Strategy Council Deputy Chairman Yoshihide Suga on 
March 10 pointed out: "It is necessary for the economic recession to 
be turned around. The economic situation will be a major factor 
(deciding Lower House dissolution)." Suga took the view that (the 
prime minister) should attach priority to economic stimulus measures 
for the time being, forgoing Lower House dissolution. Calls for 
delaying Lower House dissolution stem from the current serious 
economic slump. Senior ruling coalition members confirmed in a 
meeting on March 11 a policy of working on additional economic 
stimulus measures in consideration of stock prices and the worsening 
employment situation. Concern has spread in the LDP, with a senior 
member saying: "The only way to boost the cabinet's support rate is 
to come up with an economic stimulus package that the public will 
appreciate." 
 
Aso has set a diplomatic schedule that includes a trip to London in 
April to attend the G-20 financial summit. Since there is a 
possibility that the alleged illegal political donation scandal may 
spread to the LDP, the mood to hold an early Lower House election 
appears to be declining. In a speech delivered in Okinawa on March 
9, former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori stated on the next general 
election: "There is no need to hurry. I have always told the prime 
minister to serve out his term." 
 
(3) Nishimatsu employees forced to help Ozawa's election campaigns, 
ex-secretary to Ozawa mobilized contractor's many employees to help 
campaign 
 
SANKEI (Page 27) (Full) 
March 16, 2009 
 
Sources connected with Nishimatsu Construction Co. revealed 
yesterday that a former secretary to Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) 
President Ichiro Ozawa had mobilized a number of Nishimatsu 
employees to help Ozawa's election campaigns. The sources also 
unveiled that the former secretary had used the construction firm's 
workers not only for Ozawa's campaign but also for the secretary's 
own campaign for the House of Representatives election in 2000. The 
former secretary ran in the proportional representation segment race 
for the Lower House. According to sources familiar with the 
investigations into Ozawa's political management organization 
"Rikuzankai," the special investigation squad of the Tokyo Public 
Prosecutors Office seems to have discovered that the former 
secretary had forced Nishimatsu to begin illegal donations as part 
of support for Ozawa. The former secretary, however, has denied any 
involvement in creating such a donation system. 
 
According to the Nishimatsu sources, the former secretary came from 
the town formerly known as Isawa (currently Oshu City) in Iwate 
Prefecture. The person is Ozawa's chief secretary Takanori Okubo's 
predecessor. Okubo, 47, is chief accountant of Rikuzankai. The 
earlier secretary worked for Ozawa for more than 20 years. The 
person was called Ozawa's right-hand man, since he actually managed 
Ozawa's election campaigns. Senior officials from general 
construction firms often called on that person when they wanted to 
receive orders. The individual was believed to have had sway over 
construction industries in the Tohoku region. 
 
According to the sources familiar with the investigation, the former 
 
TOKYO 00000578  004 OF 013 
 
 
secretary approved the Nishimatsu-created illegal donation system 
and handed it over to Okubo. 
 
According to sources connected to Iwate Prefecture, the former 
secretary requested Nishimatsu to create a list of supporters for 
Ozawa's elections. Nishimatsu then asked the voluntary group 
"Showakai," made up of subcontractors, to provide support for Ozawa. 
Subcontractors were forced to join Ozawa's support group, as well as 
to support his election campaigns. Nishimatsu had many of its 
employees participate in mounting posters and election campaigns. 
 
The former secretary ran in the 2000 Lower House election as a 
candidate on the now defunct Liberal Party ticket for the 
proportional representation Tohoku bloc race. The former secretary 
asked Nishimatsu to send its employees to support the Liberal 
Party's election campaign. Supported by Nishimatsu employees, the 
former secretary won a Lower House seat. 
 
A source familiar with the general contractors in the Tokyo region 
said: "We could not receive orders unless we won the trust of the 
former secretary." The source said that Nishimatsu provided a great 
deal of support for the election campaigns of Ozawa, who has 
influence over public works projects in the Tohoku region. These 
election campaigns indicate strong ties between the Ozawa side and 
Nishimatsu. 
 
The former secretary quit his Lower House seat, after serving his 
first term. Since then, the former secretary has broken off 
relations with Ozawa. The former secretary has denied his 
involvement in the illicit donations. The former secretary has said: 
"I had nothing to do with" the mobilization of Nishimatsu employees 
for election campaigns. 
 
(4) Nishimatsu donation scandal adversely affecting coalition of 
opposition parties; SDP unhappy with political vacuum, PNP concerned 
about election cooperation 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 16, 2009 
 
The arrest of Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) President Ichiro 
Ozawa's secretary over an alleged illegal donation scandal involving 
Nishimatsu Construction Co. is casting a pall on the DPJ's 
cooperation with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and People's New 
Party (PNP). With an eye on forming a coalition government of the 
three parties after winning the next House of Representatives 
election, policy cooperation, which was carried out under Ozawa's 
leadership, has now stalled. With the DPJ busy dealing with the 
scandal, the SDP and PNP find themselves unable to communicate with 
the largest opposition party. Some members of those parties have 
expressed their displeasure with the DPJ. If Ozawa's grip on the DPJ 
weakens, one result would be a negative impact on election 
cooperation among the three parties. 
 
The DPJ and SDP, in a meeting on March 11 of their secretaries 
general, decided to draft this month a bill amending the Worker 
Dispatch Law. It has now become difficult to present the bill to the 
Diet in that timeframe, even though the DPJ is still calling for 
such. Many DPJ lawmakers are reluctant to sponsor a bill prohibiting 
the dispatch of workers to manufacturing companies, which the SDP 
and PNP want. Ozawa, however, instructed the party to make 
concessions on the issue. As a result, the three parties have 
 
TOKYO 00000578  005 OF 013 
 
 
started consultations. Some lawmakers in the SDP and PNP are 
concerned about the contents of the bill being affected by the 
scandal. 
 
SDP head Mizuho Fukushima on March 13 expressed her displeasure by 
saying: "The present political situation in which the Diet cannot 
debate issues is for the public a political vacuum." The prevailing 
view in the PNP is that Ozawa is the only person who can command the 
DPJ election cooperation, premised on the experience of reviewing 
postal privatization. 
 
(5) Floating voters over 40 PERCENT 
 
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 9, 2009 
 
The general public is now not only becoming distrustful of the 
leading opposition Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) due to a 
second-tier construction company's alleged lawbreaking payoffs to 
DPJ President Ozawa's fund-managing body but is also growing 
distrustful of the present-day political climate in which the ruling 
Liberal Democratic Party and the DPJ are struggling for power, the 
Yomiuri Shimbun found from its public opinion survey conducted March 
6-8. This trend is evident from the fact that there has been a sharp 
increase in the proportion of floating voters with no particular 
party affiliation, and that the proportion of those looking forward 
to political realignment or a grand coalition has swollen to nearly 
two-thirds of all respondents. 
 
To take a look at the change of public support ratings for political 
parties, floating voters-or those who have no party to 
support-accounted for 42.6 PERCENT  in the survey this time. Their 
proportion topped 40 PERCENT  for the first time since the Aso 
cabinet came into office. It was no more than 26.4 PERCENT  in a 
survey taken right after the Aso cabinet's inauguration in September 
last year. However, the proportion of floating voters also increased 
as if to synchronize with a drop in the rate of public support for 
the LDP. In the last survey, the proportion of floating voters 
reached 35.7 PERCENT . Due to the incident this time, people 
distanced themselves from Ozawa and his party. This seems to have 
led to a further increase in the population of floating voters. 
 
In the survey this time, respondents were also asked about the 
desirable form of government after the next election for the House 
of Representatives. The proportion of those who would like to see "a 
new framework through political realignment" was 39 PERCENT , 
showing a further increase from 35 PERCENT  in the last survey. 
Those looking forward to seeing "a grand coalition of the LDP and 
the DPJ" accounted for 25 PERCENT  (24 PERCENT  in the last survey). 
However, those desiring government beyond the current framework of 
the ruling and opposition parties accounted for 64 PERCENT . The 
proportion of those desiring "a DPJ-led coalition government," which 
was higher than that of those desiring "a grand coalition" in the 
last survey, decreased to 17 PERCENT  (25 PERCENT  in the last 
survey). This showing seems to reflect the incident this time. 
 
Among LDP supporters, 38 PERCENT  chose "an LDP-led coalition 
government," topping all other answers. However, those desiring "a 
grand coalition" accounted for 31 PERCENT  and the proportion of 
those desiring "political realignment" at 25 PERCENT , totaling 56 
PERCENT .  Among DPJ supporters, 49 PERCENT  chose "a DPJ-led 
coalition government," with 28 PERCENT  preferring "a grand 
 
TOKYO 00000578  006 OF 013 
 
 
coalition" and 22 PERCENT  opting for "political realignment. Among 
floating voters, those desiring "political realignment" and those 
desiring "a grand coalition" added up to 76 PERCENT , up 9 points 
from the last survey. 
 
(6) Defense Ministry ready to intercept "satellite" launch in 
response to North Korea's notice 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
March 13, 2009 
 
North Korea is reportedly preparing to test-fire a redesigned 
version of the long-range ballistic missile Taepodong-2. In 
reaction, Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada said that if North Korea 
launches an incoming projectile, even if it calls it a satellite, 
Japan will intercept it with its missile defense (MD) system. "It is 
quite natural to take counteraction against the launch," he said. As 
revealed by Hamada, Japan has created an environment in which its 
diplomatic card is a threat to intercept any launched missile, 
having introduced a legal system and set up the necessary equipment, 
though limited, to accomplish that end. 
 
Only warhead different 
 
After hearing the news that North Korea had informed an 
international agency of its plan to launch a "satellite," a senior 
Defense Ministry official yesterday regarded the notification as 
simply a means to justify its missile launch, saying: "It depends on 
how our side interprets it." 
 
A ballistic missile and a satellite rocket are technically the same, 
with differences only in the destinations of their warheads. In the 
case of a missile, the warhead in falling travels along a parabolic 
curve, landing on the targeted site. Meanwhile, a satellite loaded 
on the warhead is separated from the rocket and is put into earth 
orbit. When North Korea test-fired a Taepodong-1 in August 1998, 
Pyongyang had announced the launching of a "satellite" 
Kwangmyongsong-1. 
 
A missile lifts off at an angle of 45 degrees, while a satellite's 
angle is lower. It is difficult, however, to recognize whether the 
incoming projectile is a missile or a rocket, because it will reach 
Japan in only about 10 minutes after it is launched. Given this, the 
relevant provision in the Self-Defense Forces Law (SDF) enables 
Japan to intercept an incoming projectile, no matter whether it is a 
missile or a satellite. 
 
Response in peacetime 
 
The provision on measures to destroy ballistic missiles and the 
like, added to the SDF Law in July 2005, specifies that "except for 
aircraft, those objects that are expected once they fall to damage 
human lives or property " are considered targets for interception. 
Satellites are included in the category of ballistic missiles, etc. 
 
The introduction of this provision is aimed to enable Japan to 
quickly take steps to destroy ballistic missiles in the case of 
there being no time to invoke a provision to mobilize the SDF, a 
process that requires a cabinet decision. Japan will invoke the 
SDF-mobilization provision during a contingency and the provision 
pertaining to missile destruction during peacetime. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000578  007 OF 013 
 
 
In contrast to the time when the North test-fired the Taepodong-1, 
Japan has completed legal preparations and has introduced the means 
to intercept missiles. A senior SDF official commented: "North Korea 
should notice that it is meaningless to try to make Japan waver by 
pretending a missile launch is part of space development." 
 
Need to predict landing spot 
 
In the event that a long-range ballistic missile, such as the 
Taepodong-2 (with a range of about 6,000 km), is launched, the 
missile will exit and then reenter the atmosphere to land on the 
targeted spot. To intercept it, it is necessary to predict where the 
missile will land. 
 
Once the launch of a missile is confirmed through a U.S. 
early-warning satellite, an Aegis-equipped vessel and ground-based 
radar will spot and track the missile. When engine combustion ends 
about two minutes after the launch, the missile's velocity will 
become stabilized. The above cited senior SDF official said: "At 
that time, if its accelerated velocity is calculated at this moment, 
its trajectory and landing spot can be identified." 
 
If it is confirmed that the missile is heading toward Japan's 
territorial area or waters, the SDF will shoot it down. If it is 
found moving in the direction of the U.S., Japan will let it fly, 
because taking action in such a case comes under the use of the 
right to collective self-defense, which Japan denies itself. 
 
Japan will take a two-step intercept approach. First the sea-based 
Standard Missile 3 (SM3) system on an Aegis destroyer tries to shoot 
an incoming projectile outside the atmosphere. If it fails, the 
land-based Patriot Advanced Capability 3 (PAC3) will shoot it down. 
 
(7) SDF Somalia mission: Weapons-use rules to be relaxed to allow 
firing at ship to halt it 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Abridged slightly) 
March 12, 2009 
 
Ryo Matsuo 
 
In discussing the planned dispatch (of the Maritime Self-Defense 
Force) to waters off Somalia, Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada has 
repeatedly called for easing of the rules on the use of weapons, 
which is currently allowed only in self-defense and emergency 
evacuation. A long-cherished desire of the Defense Ministry and 
defense policy specialists in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has 
been allowing the SDF to use weapons for purposes other than 
self-defense, such as firing at the other party. In 2006, an LDP 
defense policy subcommittee drafted a bill on overseas dispatch 
legislation allowing using weapons to prevent terrorists and the 
like from fleeing and halting a vessel. 
 
The government and the ruling bloc have formulated anti-piracy 
legislation allowing firing at an approaching pirate ship in 
defiance of a warning, in addition to in self-defense and emergency 
evaluation. The legislation reflects the Defense Ministry's 
assertion that action must be taken before the other party readies 
weapons or begins shooting. 
 
This reportedly does not mean a change in the government's 
interpretation of the Constitution. That is because the use of 
 
TOKYO 00000578  008 OF 013 
 
 
weapons to clamp down on pirates, who are not a state or equivalent 
to a state, does not constitute to the use of armed force under the 
legislation. The legislation also confines the scope of activities 
to the high seas, where any country is allowed to crack down on 
pirates, and Japanese waters. Defining the SDF's position as 
complementing the Japan Coast Guard (JCG), the legislation draws a 
distinction with overseas missions in the past. 
 
The weapons-use rules have been relaxed gradually. There is 
speculation among persons concerned that the latest step to ease the 
rules will affect the next mission. There is also a possibility that 
the U.S. Obama administration will ask Japan for contributions in 
dangerous Afghanistan. "Discussion of anti-piracy measures must not 
be confused with that on other support measures," a senior 
ruling-party member warned. 
 
(8) Somalia dispatch (Part 2): JCG played major role in training 
personnel in Southeast Asia 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Abridged) 
March 13, 2009 
 
The Japan Coast Guard's Shikishima, one of the largest patrol ships 
in the world, entered Jakarta's (Tanjung Priok port) on December 1, 
¶2008. 
 
In October 1999, a Japan-bound cargo ship was attacked and boarded 
by pirates in the Strait of Malacca, eventually setting 17 
crewmembers adrift in the sea. The incident prompted the JCG to turn 
its eyes on the rest of the world. 
 
The JCG has conducted 23 joint anti-piracy exercises with Asian 
countries since 2000. In particular, the JCG has given high priority 
to such countries surrounding the Strait of Malacca, a major 
maritime transport route, as Indonesia (five times), Malaysia (six 
times) and Singapore (five times). The Shikishima, sent to 
Indonesia, was equipped with two helicopters, two high-speed boats, 
and 35-mm multiple-launch machine guns -- equipment comparable to a 
Maritime Self-Defense Force's destroyer. The Shikishima first set 
sail in 1992 as an escort to the Akatsuki Maru, a vessel that 
transported plutonium from France. Even back then, there were calls 
to dispatch MSDF destroyers. But some 20 billion yen was earmarked 
to build the Shikishima, based on then Prime Minister Ryutaro 
Hashimoto's view that dealing with piracy was part of the JCG's 
duties. 
 
The Shikishima is now being used in anti-piracy measures in Asia. 
During its dispatch to Indonesia, nine local officers stayed aboard 
the ship. 
 
The patrol vessel carrying arms and a Japanese flag was not welcomed 
at first. The first joint exercise with the Singaporean Coast Guard 
was delayed two years due to the local media, which was alarmed at 
the prospect of a Japanese patrol ship. 
 
Exercises have achieved positive results, at the same time. 
Malaysian Coast Guard officers were placed on board the JCG patrol 
boat in waters off Malaysia as trainees. This led to the Malaysian 
government's desire to establish a Malaysian-style JCG. In 2005, the 
Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency was established with the 
assistance of the JCG. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000578  009 OF 013 
 
 
In 2006, a coordination council was launched in Indonesia with 12 
government agencies aiming to establish a coast guard. Japan donated 
three patrol boasts to Indonesia in the following year. 
 
The number of ships attacked by pirates in the Strait of Malacca 
markedly dropped from 80 in 2000 to eight in 2008. 
 
In waters off Somalia, there were 111 attacks last year, and of 
which 80 PERCENT  occurred in the Gulf Aden. Yemen faces Somalia 
across from the Gulf of Aden. 
 
When JCG officers visited Yemen late last year, a senior Yemeni Coat 
Guard officer called for Japan's support, saying: "It is more 
effective to increase our capabilities since we have more expertise 
in anti-piracy measures than foreign troops." By turning a deaf ear 
to such opinion and disregarding the JCG's achievements in Asia, the 
government has decided to send MSDF destroyers, which have never 
engaged in anti-piracy operations, to waters off Somalia. 
 
(9) Futenma airfield causes 16 fuel spill incidents during 8 years 
from 1999 to 2006, but reported only one case 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 1) (Full) 
March 14, 2009 
 
The U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station caused at least 16 fuel 
spills during the period of eight years from 1999 to 2006 but 
reported only one case, the Ryukyu Shimpo found yesterday. This fact 
became known from a USMC report obtained under the Freedom of 
Information Act by Kiminori Hayashi, a part-time instructor of 
environmental economics at Otsuma Women's University. That case was 
reported to Okinawa Prefecture in July 2002 and was not reported to 
Ginowan City at all. 
 
The U.S. military is to report any leakage of dangerous objects and 
hazardous substances to local governments in accordance with an 
agreement reached in 1997 between Japan and the United States at 
their intergovernmental joint committee. "Fuel spilled is 
inflammable and will contaminate soil and water," Ginowan Mayor 
Yoichi Iha said. He added: "The U.S. military has an obligation to 
report such incidents to local governments. The government should 
strongly request the U.S. military report any fuel leakage without 
fail." 
 
According to a document disclosed in November 2006 regarding Futenma 
contamination, there were 18 contaminant leaks, including 16 fuel 
spill cases. The largest scale of leakage was in a spill of jet fuel 
in December 2000, totaling 2,640 gallons (9,992 liters). In many 
cases, those fuel spills were due to valves or other malfunctioning 
fittings, damage to piping, or leaks during refueling. 
 
The U.S. Yokota Air Base in Tokyo caused 90 fuel spills during the 
same period. However, the disclosure of Futenma airfield's fuel 
spills was limited due to its lack of centralized information 
management. The Yokota base creates a detailed report on any of 
serious fuel spillage amounting to more than 1,000 gallons. However, 
there was no detailed report on such fuel spills at the Futenma 
base. 
 
"Futenma is used more frequently than Yokota," Hayashi noted. He 
added: "Even so, there were only 16 fuel spill incidents at Futenma. 
This figure is small." He warned: "If serious contamination remains 
 
TOKYO 00000578  010 OF 013 
 
 
with no information provided by the U.S. military, that will leave a 
considerable impediment to plans on using the site of Futenma 
airfield after its return." 
 
Ginowan City officials yesterday entered the Futenma base for an 
on-site inspection and then inquired about the 16 fuel spill 
incidents. A city official quoted a U.S. Marine Corps officer as 
saying: "We don't know." 
 
(10) U.S. clarifies anti-whaling stance: Change in policy with 
inauguration of Obama administration 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
March 14, 2009 
 
A change was observed in the U.S. stance toward whaling at the 
recent meeting of the International Whaling Commission in Rome that 
closed on March 13. The U.S. previously under the Bush 
administration had steered clear of taking proactive stands. 
However, the Obama administration has revealed that it is taking a 
stance opposing scientific research whaling. Previously, the lack of 
U.S. interest in this issue was a kind of relief for Japan, which 
has long been in confrontation with anti-whaling countries, such as 
Australia and European countries. If the U.S. is now taking an 
interest in the whaling issue, the anti-whaling countries' 
encirclement net around Japan could rapidly be tightened. 
 
In a speech at the first session of the IWC interim meeting held on 
March 9 in Rome, a U.S. delegate said, "Scientific research whaling 
that kills whales is unnecessary." Members of anti-whaling countries 
responded to the speech by waving their fists in the air. 
 
The attitude of the U.S. delegate at the first plenary meeting of 
the IWC since the inauguration of Obama administration was obviously 
different from that taken during the Bush era. The U.S. delegation 
included White House officials. A source connected with one European 
country said, "The impact of the proactive involvement of the U.S. 
is great. It is a boost for anti-whaling countries." 
 
The U.S. has been showing signs of change in its approach to whaling 
since last year. Replying before the election to questions from 
Greenpeace USA, an environmental group, candidate Obama said, "If I 
win the presidency, I will display my leadership for protecting wild 
animals throughout the world. It is unacceptable to allow whaling 
based on the method adopted by Japan." 
 
The IWC has reached a stalemate due to confrontation between whaling 
and anti-whaling countries. For whaling countries, whales are a 
natural resource to be exploited under controlled conditions. But 
whales are precious wild creatures for anti-whaling countries. There 
is little room for compromise. 
 
Concerned about the situation, IWC Chairman Hogarth, an American, 
presented a compromise plan in February. The options he proposed 
were: 1) in compensation for its coastal whaling being allowed in a 
limited way for five years, Japan would end its scientific whaling 
in the Southern Ocean in stages, or 2) to continue such whaling, 
based on limits set by the IWC. 
 
To the anti-whaling camp, allowing coastal whaling means allowing 
commercial whaling. In the meantime, since the number of catches to 
be allowed in coastal whaling would drop from the current 1,000 to 
 
TOKYO 00000578  011 OF 013 
 
 
about 100, Japan felt it could not accept the coastal-whaling 
proposal that would end research whaling. There are at present no 
signs of Japan making a compromise. 
 
Chairman Hogarth assumed his position in 2006 during the Bush 
administration. He has shown consideration to Japan since then. His 
three-year term will end at the annual plenary meeting in June. The 
likelihood is strong that unless an agreement is reached in some for 
or other by that time, conditions surrounding Japan will become 
increasingly severe under the Obama administration. A European 
source involved in the meeting said, "This is the last chance for 
Japan." 
 
Akira Nakamae, head of the Japanese delegation, recognized the 
changing situation, noting, "I am aware that a prevailing view in 
the U.S. is against whaling." If pressure for abolishing scientific 
research whaling increases further, Japan's secession from the IWC, 
which it has been hinting since around 2007, could become a 
reality. 
 
(11) Unpredicted effect of additional economic package on boosting 
economy 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 14, 2009 
 
Prime Minister Taro Aso instructed Liberal Democratic Party and New 
Komeito members yesterday to work out additional economic measures. 
The government aims to propose unprecedentedly large-scale public 
works projects that will need large-scale fiscal disbursements and 
spread over two to three years. The government also intends to come 
up with a Japanese version of the Green New Deal, including such 
measures as installing solar panels across the nation. With this 
project, the government aims to underscore its eagerness to 
strengthen the growth potential of the Japanese economy. Taking 
advantage of the current economic crisis, some members in the ruling 
camp are trying to again expand public works projects, which have 
been seen as wasting money. Voices of doubt are being heard about 
the package's effect on underpinning the economy. 
 
Regarding public works projects, some lawmakers have proposed 
frontloading projects related to bullet-train (Shinkansen) 
construction. A senior Liberal Democratic Party lawmaker said: "If 
we assert that bullet trains emit less carbon dioxide than 
automobiles do, it will become possible to carry out construction 
projects quickly." An LDP lawmaker lobbying for the interests of the 
domestic construction industry has proposed that the government 
should construct information-technology (IT) infrastructure and 
repair bridges on a large scale, noting that "the U.S. Obama 
administration has also started such projects." 
 
A securities analyst commented: "Even if conventional-type public 
works projects are expanded in scale, they will not contribute to 
reviving private demand." This kind of view is dominant in the 
market. Hideo Kumano, a member of Dai-Ichi Life Research Institute 
Inc. grumbled: "If the additional package ends up only worsening the 
economy, people might become more concerned about future tax 
hikes." 
 
Measures to assist people purchase eco-friendly vehicles or home 
appliances have drawn much attention from the Nippon Keidanren (the 
Japan Business Federation) and other business groups, one executive 
 
TOKYO 00000578  012 OF 013 
 
 
saying: "Such measures will stimulate personal consumption." It 
remains to be seen, though, to what extent the measures will 
generate demand when households are increasingly worried about their 
future due to companies' accelerated moves to cut jobs. Some persons 
have suggested distributing cash, like the fix-amount cash handout 
measure, but a senior economic government office member said: "We 
remain unable to work out effective measures." 
 
The U.S. government asked the member countries of the Group of 20 
(G-20) countries prior to their second emergency summit (financial 
summit) in April to map out economic stimulus measures totaling at 
least 2 PERCENT  of gross domestic product (GDP). Kaoru Yosano, 
finance minister and minister of state for economic and fiscal 
policy, said: "We will prepare our reply by the time of the 
financial summit," but even if measures are quickly hammered out, 
they will unlikely serve to put the economy on a sustainable 
recovery track. 
 
Aso makes no reference to fiscal 2009 extra budget 
 
Although Aso instructed the ruling camp to look into additional 
economic measures yesterday, he made no reference to a fiscal 2009 
supplementary budget bill. Will he enact an extra budget in the 
current Diet session or seek a public judgment in the next House of 
Representatives election after only listing measures? Which option 
he chooses will inevitably affect his Diet dissolution strategy. The 
prime minister seems to be willing to adjust the timing with the 
ruling side while showing eagerness to keep his administration in 
power by coming up with additional economic stimulus measures. 
 
Surrounded by reporters at his official residence yesterday noon, 
Aso spoke eloquently: "Not only the party but entire Japan, 
including academic circles (gakkai in Japanese), should be involved 
in working out (economic measures). I am not talking about the Sokka 
Gakkai (a religious group supporting the New Komeito)." Hearing 
this, a senior New Komeito member said, smiling wryly: "He 
apparently is becoming cheerful again." 
 
Public support for his administration has not remarkably improved 
even after the revelation of illegal donations by Nishimatsu 
Construction Co. (to the Democratic Party of Japan President Ichiro 
Ozawa). Since then, however, an atmosphere seeking delaying the next 
House of Representatives election has mounted within the LDP. 
Criticism of Aso has also toned down. 
 
An increasing number of ruling party members, focusing on the 
rapidly deteriorating economic situation, have begun to suggest 
approving a supplementary budget bill in the current Diet session. 
Yoshitaka Murata, first vice chairman of the Diet Affairs Committee 
said in a press conference yesterday: "If conditions permit, we 
might be able to take time as much as possible and take additional 
stimulus measures after thoroughly discussing their contents," 
indicating the possibility of extending the current session, which 
is due to end June 3. Some speculate that the prime minister might 
delay the dissolution of the Lower House to sometime close to the 
day of the expiration of the Lower House members' terms of office in 
September, reflecting the diplomatic calendar in and after April and 
the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly election in July. 
 
Aso reiterated in an interview by cabinet reporters last evening: "I 
want to make a decision on (the day of) dissolving the Lower 
House." 
 
TOKYO 00000578  013 OF 013 
 
 
 
Suggested additional economic stimulus measures 
 
Public works projects ? Frontload highway and Shinkansen 
construction projects. 
? Construct IT infrastructure, including laying electric lines 
underground. 
? Make public facilities quake-proof and repairing bridges. 
? Reduce local governments' burden by increasing subsidies and other 
means. 
Job-creation measures ? Expand subsidies to firms to keep their 
employees on their payrolls. 
? Pay money to help those under vocational training to find jobs. 
? Increase the amount of local governments' funds to create jobs. 
Japanese-version Green New Deal ? Install solar panels to public 
facilities. 
? Give subsidies for purchase of eco-friendly cars or home 
appliances. 
? Assist development of technologies to protect the environment. 
Monetary measures ? Assist mid-ranking and large firms in raising 
funds. 
? Study measures to bolster stock prices. 
 
ZUMWALT