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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 16 TOKYO 000276 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/05/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Editorial: Buy American clause; Resist temptation of 
protectionism (Asahi) 
 
(2) Editorial: Trade protectionism unforgivable (Yomiuri) 
 
(3) U.S. force realignment: Blocks must not be pulled down (Asahi) 
 
(4) New DPRK missile site to be completed in spring (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Government eyes new MSDF dispatch legislation allowing them to 
shoot at pirate ship without being attacked (Asahi) 
 
(6) Interviews with LDP, DPJ leaders: How would you break the 
political deadlock? (Asahi) 
 
(7) 2008 ODA whitepaper: Effort needed to release information on 
pledges, state of implementation (Yomiuri) 
 
(8) Editorial: Japan should place emphasis on ODA (Nikkei) 
 
(9) IWC chairman proposes plan to approve Japan's coastal whaling: 
Restriction on capture of minke whales, etc., to be lifted in four 
areas in return for curtailing research whaling (Asahi) 
 
(10) Masaharu Kono appointed as ambassador to Russia, Yasuo Saito as 
ambassador to France (Yomiuri) 
 
(11) Government urged to revise law to tighten restrictions on child 
pornography (Sankei) 
 
(Corrected copy): Poll: Koizumi ranks top for premiership (Yomiuri) 
 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Editorial: Buy American clause; Resist temptation of 
protectionism 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
February 5, 2009 
 
Amid the global recession, protectionist moves, such as hikes in 
import tariffs and subsidies for domestic industries, are emerging 
in many countries. At such a time, legislation that could shut out 
imported goods from public works is under deliberation in the U.S., 
the champion of the postwar free trade system. 
 
The Buy American clause in question has been incorporated into a 
stimulus bill that includes measures worth more than 800 billion 
dollars or approximately 72 trillion yen, based revisions made by 
legislators. The legislation mandates the use of U.S.-made steel for 
public works. It cleared the House of Representatives last week. The 
Democratic Party, the ruling party led by President Obama, has taken 
a leading part in passing the bill. The Senate is now deliberating 
the bill that also subjects manufactured goods in general to the 
clause. 
 
Criticism of the clause is mounting in many countries. The European 
Commission (EC) has warned that it would not overlook the clause if 
the bill is enacted as is. Japan's Economy, Trade and Industry 
 
TOKYO 00000276  002 OF 016 
 
 
Minister Nikai at an informal cabinet ministerial meeting held last 
weekend under the World Trade Organization (WTO) urged the U.S. to 
take a second look at the bill, saying, "The bill is totally 
contrary to the purport of the declaration by leaders issued at the 
financial summit last November, in which they pledged to prevent 
protectionism." 
 
Referring to the Buy American clause, President Obama during a TV 
interview this week said, "It is completely wrong to send a message 
at a time when trade is in a slump all over the world that the U.S. 
is only thinking about its national interests instead of global 
trade. It is necessary to ensure that the U.S. does not trigger a 
trade war." He is correct. 
 
However, if the bill clears Congress with the clause remaining 
intact, after coordination between the House of Representatives and 
the Senate, President Obama would find himself in a difficult 
situation. If he exercises the veto over the bill, fiscal action and 
tax cuts to stimulate the economy would be delayed. He probably 
wants to avoid confronting Congress too hastily. 
 
However, Mr. Obama was elected, carrying the weight of expectations 
for the world. We want Mr. Obama to show a stance of fighting off 
protectionism by working to persuade the Congress. The Senate should 
reconsider its stance and delete the clause from the bill. 
 
The U.S. accelerated the protectionist trend in the global economy, 
by establishing the Buy American Act in 1933 during the Great 
Depression. As a result, the Great Depression became protracted and 
this led to world war. This history clearly indicates that the U.S. 
act was wrong. 
 
U.S. industry is mostly against the Buy American clause. That is 
because there is fear that if the U.S. shuts out foreign products, 
other countries would shut out U.S. products likewise. Should that 
occur, U.S. companies exporting goods and services would suffer a 
blow. 
 
The vicious spiral of retaliation would further shrink global trade. 
Economies of all countries would go down together. 
 
Protectionism will become a main agenda item at the second financial 
summit to be held in April. President Obama should eliminate 
protectionism on the domestic front so that he can call on leaders 
participating in the summit to firmly maintain free trade. The U.S., 
where the economic crisis started, spreading a recession throughout 
the world, is responsible for acting that way. 
 
(2) Editorial: Trade protectionism unforgivable 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full) 
February 5, 2009 
 
If the U.S. tilts toward trade protectionism amid the ongoing global 
recession, it would have an adverse effect on the recovery of its 
economy. We must not forget the lesson that trade protectionism led 
to the Great Depression of the 1930s. 
 
U.S. President Obama is urged to contain trade protectionism with 
strong resolve. 
 
The House of Representatives of the U.S. Congress in late January 
 
TOKYO 00000276  003 OF 016 
 
 
adopted a stimulus bill that incorporates measures worth more than 
800 billion dollars. The legislation includes a Buy American 
clause. 
 
The clause mandates the government to prioritize the purchase of 
U.S.-made steel for public works for constructing or repairing roads 
and bridges it sponsors. 
 
The housing and auto markets have cooled off due to the worsening 
economy, rapidly hurting corporate earnings. The Buy American clause 
is probably intended to jack up the industry through the 
preferential use of U.S. steel. The legislation, on which the Senate 
will shortly hold a vote, subjects manufactured goods in general to 
the Buy American clause. The clause is intended to shut out foreign 
goods. It is fair to say that it is obviously a protectionist 
clause. 
 
The U.S. enacted the Buy American Act when it was hit by the Great 
Depression. The opposition put up by many countries brought about 
bloc economies. As a result, trade shrank, escalating the crisis. 
Reflecting on what happened, the world has come to attach importance 
to free trade since the end of the World War II. Under such 
circumstance, the U.S. in the government procurement agreement under 
the World Trade Organization pledged to subscribe to a trade policy 
that does not discriminate between domestic and foreign products, 
and not to apply the Buy American Act. 
 
There is a strong possibility of the Buy American clause being in 
violation of this agreement. It is also in breach of the agreement 
reached at the financial summit in November last year that there 
should be no fresh trade barriers set for the next year. 
 
It is only natural that Japan and European countries expressed 
concern about the U.S. policy. The American Chamber of Commerce is 
also opposing the Buy American clause. 
 
President Obama on February 3 stated, "We should prevent anything 
that could trigger a trade war from being incorporated into the 
legislation." He apparently made that statement with the criticism 
coming from many countries in mind. 
 
The legislation will come into effect, once the president signs it, 
after its passage in the Senate, followed by coordination with the 
House of Representatives. The president should persuade Congress to 
eliminate the controversial clause. Protectionist moves as can be 
seen in hikes in tariffs on autos by Russia and steel by India have 
continued since last fall, when the financial crisis spread. 
 
There is great fear that if protectionist pressure mounts in the 
U.S., such a move would be accelerated. The global recession could 
become protracted. 
 
The approach of the U.S. administration, which has been promoting 
free trade, is now facing its first test. 
 
(3) U.S. force realignment: Blocks must not be pulled down 
 
ASAHI (Page 11) (Full) 
February 5, 2009 
 
Yoichi Kato, Washington 
 
 
TOKYO 00000276  004 OF 016 
 
 
James Shinn, who was assistant secretary of defense for Asian and 
Pacific security affairs in the Bush administration until last fall, 
responded to an Asahi Shimbun interview for the first time since he 
left his Pentagon post. In the interview, Shinn talked about the 
Japan-U.S. alliance and other issues. The following are the main 
exchanges in the interview. 
 
-- How do you evaluate the former Bush administration? 
 
Shinn: We would engage China (in the international community), 
strengthen our alliance with Japan and South Korea, push for North 
Korea's denuclearization, and maintain stability in Southeast Asia. 
These were our policy goals. Things went fairly well, except for 
North Korea. 
 
-- Were you unable to stop North Korea's nuclear testing? 
 
Shinn: Even if the U.S. government leader is a genius or a fool, 
North Korea would have carried out its nuclear test. Even if we want 
to affect their decision-making process, we cannot always affect the 
result. 
 
-- What do you think about the present state of Japan-U.S. 
relations? 
 
Shinn: I think the relationship is like building blocks. Using this 
metaphor, I explained this to someone who is critical of the talks 
over the U.S. force realignment. The realignment talks created a 
beautiful pile of blocks. However, in Japan as well as in the United 
States, there are some people who are trying to take out one of the 
blocks because they want to change the pile a little. They may have 
plausible reasons. But if everybody takes a block out in that way, 
the pile of blocks will topple down at some point, and we will have 
to do the talks over again from scratch. Although they know 
everybody will be troubled, they will not stop arguing. 
 
-- Okinawa is calling for moving the Futenma replacement facility 
out to sea. 
 
Shinn: That means taking out one of the building blocks. The pile 
will probably collapse. 
 
-- What about the Obama administration's Asia policy and its 
Japan-U.S. alliance policy? 
 
Shinn: Generally speaking, the Obama administration's policies are 
the same. So I think there will not be so much difference in its 
actual policies. Japan and the United States have shared interests. 
 
-- How about assistance to Afghanistan? 
 
Shinn: Just like the former administration, I think the Obama 
administration hopes Japan will share the responsibility with other 
international community members for what is happening in 
Afghanistan. Japan's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean is a very 
limited contribution. It's regrettable that Japan cannot do anything 
more. Among the Group of Seven (G-7) nations, Japan is the only 
country that has not sent troops to Afghanistan. I think it's 
extremely natural for Japan to carry that out. Japan has the 
Self-Defense Forces, which is wonderful. Its capability is enough. 
All the arguments in Japan are related to domestic politics. I'd 
like to say it's not easy for any country to send troops, if there 
 
TOKYO 00000276  005 OF 016 
 
 
are casualties in particular. This is not the United States' war. 
This is the United Nations' war, which is recognized by the U.N. 
Security Council. Japan is trying to become a permanent member of 
the Security Council, but I wonder how come Japan can reject the 
responsibility for activities that are approved by the United 
Nations? 
 
-- Now that North Korea has nuclear weapons in its hands, the U.S. 
may have to rebuild its expanded deterrence (nuclear umbrella). 
 
Shinn: If I were in the Japanese government's position, I'd rather 
consider missile defense and collective self-defense. Missile 
defense is a real defense to provide for the failure of deterrence. 
Japan's self-imposed prohibition against collective self-defense is 
the biggest problem in establishing integrated a seamless missile 
defense (with the U.S.). 
 
-- What do you think about the cuts in Japan's burden sharing of 
costs for the stationing of U.S. forces in Japan, that is, "omoiyari 
yosan" (literally "sympathy budget" or host nation support)? 
 
Shinn: Government budget officials are always trying to minimize 
spending. The Japanese government wants to get perfect security 
without the U.S. military presence in Japan-and even without paying 
money, if possible. But that's impossible. 
 
-- The 'fair' price is needed for the alliance, isn't it? 
 
Shinn: Compared to Japan taking on defense on its own, I think 
Japan's current defense posture is far cheaper. However, it's a 
mistake to consider security on a balance sheet. We should consider 
how to maintain territorial integrity and national security. This is 
far beyond the sympathy budget, and this is a matter of Japan's 
national security strategy on the whole. 
 
-- The Foreign Ministry wants to reaffirm the significance of 
bilateral security between Japan and the U.S. in 2010. 
 
Shinn: I think it's beneficial to remind both countries of the 
greater goals and reasons for maintaining the alliance. 
 
(4) New DPRK missile site to be completed in spring 
 
NIKKEI (Page 6) (Full) 
February 5, 2009 
 
Sachiko Deshimaru, Washington 
 
There are signs indicating North Korea is preparing to launch a 
Taepodong-2 long-range ballistic missile, and the countries 
concerned are becoming growingly alarmed. Charles Vick, a senior 
fellow at Global Security, an influential U.S. research institute in 
the military area, is a missile expert and an analyst of satellite 
imagery. The Nihon Keizai Shimbun interviewed him on the current 
state of North Korea's missile development program. 
 
The following is a gist of the interview: 
 
¶1. North Korea has been modernizing its missile sites. The missile 
site at Musudanri, which was used to test a Taepodong-2 missile in 
2006, is now capable of launching satellites. The new missile site 
at Tongchangri is for launching both intercontinental ballistic 
 
TOKYO 00000276  006 OF 016 
 
 
missiles (ICBM) and satellites. This site can test missile launches 
without flying across over Japan or any other neighboring countries 
(or without threatening these countries directly). 
 
¶2. To analyze commercial satellite images, the new missile site is 
still under construction and is expected to be completed in the 
latter half of March or in April. After that missile site is 
completed, North Korea may carry out a ballistic missile launch test 
or a satellite-related test there, I think. A recent image shows 
that they have moved a rocket launch pad. 
 
The Taepodong-2's overall modernization is under way and it can be 
called "Taepodong-3." Its range seems to be ultralong. It depends on 
how much the warhead can be lightened, but its maximum range is 
estimated at 14,000-15,000 kilometers, which covers the U.S. 
mainland's the southeastern part, including Florida. 
 
(5) Government eyes new MSDF dispatch legislation allowing them to 
shoot at pirate ship without being attacked 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Abridged slightly) 
February 5, 2009 
 
Hisashi Ishimatsu 
 
The government and ruling parties, in connection with the planned 
dispatch of the Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) on an anti-piracy 
mission in waters off Somalia, intend to enact new legislation that 
allows for the first time the Self-Defense Force on an overseas 
mission to use weapons in performing their duties, such as shooting 
at a pirate ship to bring it to a halt. Their view is that because 
the MSDF on the anti-piracy mission are to conduct policing 
operations, the use of weapons would not constitute the use of 
force, which is prohibited under Article 9 of the Constitution. The 
gradual expansion of the authority to use weapons is drawing strong 
criticism. 
 
Policing activities and the government's interpretation 
 
From the idea of sole self-defense, the SDF is allowed to use force 
only in such cases as striking back after the country comes under 
armed attack. The war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution 
stipulates: "(The Japanese people) forever renounce the use of force 
as a means of settling international disputes." 
 
For this reason, the use of weapons has been heavily restricted even 
after the country began dispatching the SDF overseas in the 1990s on 
a UN peacekeeping operations (PKO) mission and the like. 
 
Although the authority to use weapons has gradually been expanded 
with the enactment of legislation authorizing the SDF's overseas 
missions, the scope has been basically limited to legitimate 
self-defense and emergency evacuation. Further, unlike foreign 
forces, the SDF is not allowed to use weapons in carrying out their 
duties, such as firing at a truck that has broken through a 
checkpoint. 
 
The view presented by the government in the discussion on the 
envisaged anti-piracy legislation is that the MSDF should be allowed 
to use weapons in performing their duties and that use of weapons 
against a criminal group does not constitute the use of force. Under 
Article 20 of the Japan Coast Guard Law, JCG officials are allowed 
 
TOKYO 00000276  007 OF 016 
 
 
to use weapons against a vessel refusing an order to stop or a 
fleeing vessel in Japanese waters. The government intends to expand 
this scope to include the high seas and to allow the SDF to use 
weapons in similar cases under the envisaged new law. 
 
There are two reasons that can explain why the MSDF must be allowed 
to use weapons in performing their duties on the anti-piracy 
mission. 
 
The government envisages escorts of Japanese-related vessels by MSDF 
destroyers. What if a pirate ship approaches one of those vessels 
escorted by MSDF destroyers or pirates attempt to board a civilian 
vessel? In such a situation in which a vessel has not yet been 
attacked by pirates, the commander might find difficult to determine 
whether the MSDF is allowed to use weapons. The prevailing view 
among uniformed officers is that the use of weapons should be 
allowed but the MSDF should still abstain from using weapons to the 
maximum extent possible. 
 
If the use of weapons is allowed only in legitimate self-defense and 
emergency evacuation, firing at a fleeing boat would not be 
permitted. Once weapons are allowed to be used in carrying out 
duties, the MSDF would be able to conduct warning and surveillance 
activities to crack down on pirates. 
 
Incorporation of use of weapons in legislation may take on life of 
its own 
 
In Japan's postwar history, the SDF has not killed or injured anyone 
overseas. If the MSDF used weapons and sank a pirate ship or killed 
or injured pirates in performing their duties, how would the public 
react to it? 
 
Further, in the event a discussion on a permanent law governing the 
overseas dispatch of SDF rekindles, the incorporation of the use of 
weapons in the law alone might take on a life of its own based on 
policing activities. 
 
In fact, the prevailing view in the LDP is that the MSDF should be 
allowed to use weapons in performing their duties on par with 
foreign forces. The Council for Rebuilding the Legal Foundation for 
National Defense, established by former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, 
recommended in June 2008 that the SDF should be allowed to use 
weapons for eliminating obstacles blocking (their duties) that are 
authorized under PKO criteria. The LDP, too, drafted a permanent law 
in 2006 designed to allow the SDF to use weapons in carrying out 
international peace activities, including security activities, while 
specifying the need to relax the weapons-use criteria. 
 
Comment by Teikyo University Professor Toshiyuki Shikata: It is 
outrageous that the MSDF cannot fire shots unless pirates first 
attack. SDF troops must be allowed to use weapons when the commander 
decides that such is necessary to carry out objectives and duties. 
The MSDF's rule of conduct limiting the use of weapons (to 
legitimate self-defense and emergency evacuation) would draw 
derision from the international community. 
 
An international effort is underway to clamp down on piracy in 
waters off Somalia. Japan, too, should share the risk of using 
weapons. At a time like this when foreign naval vessels are 
protecting Japanese commercial ships, it is not acceptable for Japan 
alone to insist, "We cannot (use weapons in performing our 
 
TOKYO 00000276  008 OF 016 
 
 
duties)." 
 
Japan must determine what it should do and establish a law that can 
bridge the gap with the constitutional restrictions. Civilian 
control means for lawmakers to establish a law that does not give 
the commander a free hand in making a decision. 
 
Comment by Waseda University Professor Asaho Mizushima: In 1991, 
Masaharu Gotoda, who later became deputy prime minister, opposed 
dispatching minesweepers to the Persian Gulf, describing the step as 
a single ant hole. The trend to use the SDF as an international 
political tool has set in with the dispatch of minesweepers. 
 
Like the dispatch of the minesweepers, the government is trying to 
dispatch the MSDF to waters off Somalia by stretching the 
interpretation of the SDF Law that envisages activities in waters 
near Japan. In principle, the Japan Coast Guard must deal with 
maritime crimes. It is easygoing to dispatch naval vessels in line 
with other countries. A matter that is easy to reach an accord is 
always used as the first pump-priming measure. On this occasion, the 
government appears to be trying to pave the way for the use of 
weapons by (the SDF) in performing their duties. 
 
Currently, the SDF is allowed to use weapons to inflict harm only in 
legitimate self-defense and emergency evacuation. A stretched 
interpretation of this might be linked to a permanent law (general 
law) governing the overseas dispatch of the SDF and eventually give 
a boost to the interpretation of the use of the right to collective 
self-defense being constitutional. 
 
(6) Interviews with LDP, DPJ leaders: How would you break the 
political deadlock? 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged slightly) 
February 4, 2009 
 
LDP's Oshima: Roles of two Diet houses should be clearer 
 
-- Some have contended that one of the reasons for the public's 
distrust in politics is slow decision-making by politicians. 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Diet Affairs Committee Chairman 
Tadamori Oshima: We politicians have to humbly accept public 
dissatisfaction with gaps in the speed of politics and the economy, 
amid ongoing globalization. However, politics seeking only efficacy 
could destroy democracy. 
 
We must learn from history that such arguments often come up under 
the abnormal situation called war. Democracy needs to go through the 
procedures that require a good deal of time and effort. Some 
neo-liberalists asserted that small government is better. But a 
failure by small government caused the financial crisis in the 
United States. It is time to think of the roles of markets and 
politics. 
 
-- The view calling for the one-chamber system is gaining ground in 
the LDP. 
 
Oshima: Under the single-chamber system, the ruling parties would 
high-handedly steer Diet business and prime minister that time would 
not easily dissolve the Diet. Opportunities to ask for the people's 
vote of confidence would decrease. If so, the public will definitely 
 
TOKYO 00000276  009 OF 016 
 
 
complain about being unable to exercise the right to choose a 
government in an election. Democracy involves such risk. 
 
We should make efforts to overcome problems under the present 
bicameral system even under a divided Diet. 
 
-- Specifically? 
 
Oshima: It is necessary to make clearer the supremacy of the House 
of Representatives as stipulated in the Constitution. The Lower 
House should often seek the judgment of the people through general 
elections. A rule to respect the Lower House should be made. 
 
Meanwhile, it is time for the House of Councillors to deal with 
long-term issues in a consultative capacity. The Upper House is not 
in a situation to drag out deliberations. 
 
-- The joint committee of both Houses, which is responsible for 
coordinating views, has not functioned. 
 
Oshima: Differences in views between the two chambers of the Diet 
could be corrected by joint committee action. But under the present 
Upper House in which the political tint is strong, what we need are 
party-to-party consultations. 
 
DPJ secretary general: Political change is only way to break 
impasse 
 
-- Many say that the political situation has grown stagnant. 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama: 
The biggest cause is bureaucrat-led politics. The LDP has long 
entrusted bureaucrats with the drafting of policies. However, 
bureaucrats can neither respond quickly to unprecedented situations 
nor arrive at a speedy conclusion. 
 
-- Some contended that the divided Diet can't respond to a crisis. 
 
Hatoyama: I do not take the view that a divided Diet is not good. In 
the Upper House, the will of the people has been reflected. The 
Upper House's views should be reflected in the whole of national 
politics. 
 
The political impasse is a result of the LDP's denial of the popular 
will in the latest election, being too much concerned about its 
honor and victory in the election. There is no other way but a 
change in government that will break the sense of impasse in the 
political situation. 
 
-- Don't you think the DPJ also should reflect on some of its 
conducts? 
 
Hatoyama: My view is that it would be easy for our party to fight if 
(the ruling camp) turns down our proposals. Because we will lose 
tools to attack them (if the ruling coalition) accepts. I must admit 
that I cannot abandon party interests. 
 
-- Do you think the ruling parties have ideas to move forward policy 
measures? 
 
Hatoyama: If they just stick to their assertions, they eventually 
will only give priority to the Lower House. This means that the will 
 
TOKYO 00000276  010 OF 016 
 
 
of the people cannot be reflected. Various approaches are necessary 
to have the joint committee of the both Houses function. 
 
-- Voters are dissatisfied with the DPJ for failing to show the 
concrete shape of a DPJ-led government. 
 
Hatoyama: The DPJ has to consider what kind of problems will appear 
after it takes the reins of government. Security issues are 
practically important. We have intentionally avoided discussions on 
some issues. In addition to our manifesto (set of campaign pledges), 
we need to come up with a vision in which we tell people that Japan 
will change is such and such a way. 
 
(7) 2008 ODA whitepaper: Effort needed to release information on 
pledges, state of implementation 
 
YOMIURI (Page 13) (Full) 
February 4, 2009 
 
By editorial writer Hiroko Kono 
 
The Foreign Ministry presented to the Cabinet yesterday the 2008 
white paper on official development assistance (ODA). The paper 
spotlights climate change and aid to Africa. 
 
In 2007, Japan decreased ODA spending by 31 PERCENT  to 
approximately 7.68 billion dollars or approximately 900 billion yen. 
Japan now ranks fifth among the donor countries of the Organization 
for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD) Development 
Assistance Committee (DAC), following the U.S., Germany, France, and 
Britain. Japan was the world's top donor for 10 consecutive years, 
starting in 1991, but it tumbled to second place in 2001 and third 
place in 2006. 
 
In term of the ratio of ODA to its gross national income (GNI), 
Japan ranked 20th among 22 major aid donors, undermining its 
influence in developing countries. That is why the government is 
urged to reconsider the quality, policy, and modality of its ODA 
program. 
 
The white paper brings into focus the issues of climate change and 
African development, following up the Hokkaido Toyako Summit last 
summer and the 4th Tokyo International Conference on African 
Development in Yokohama in May. But it fails to fully convey the 
urgency and importance of these two challenges. 
 
In recent years, Africa has drawn growing interest as it has become 
difficult to attain the United Nations' millennium development goal 
of eliminating poverty by the year 2015. The effects of climate 
change on Africa, such as floods and lack of rain, are becoming 
serious. 
 
The issues of climate change and Africa took center stage for the 
first time in the Group of Eight (G-8) Summit in Gleneagles, 
Britain, in 2005. The participants promised to boost by 2010 the 
world's annual ODA outlays by 50 billion dollars over the 2004 
level, and to provide Africa with half of the increased portion. 
This numerical figure was inserted in the leaders' declaration 
issued at the Hokkaido Toyako Summit. 
 
However, Oxfam, an international non-governmental organization 
(based in Oxford, England) specializing in aid to developing 
 
TOKYO 00000276  011 OF 016 
 
 
countries, estimates that in 2010, the increased portion of the 
world's ODA spending would be 30 billion dollars short of the G-8 
pledged amount. Oxfam also calculates that "ODA disbursements by the 
DAC countries to Africa totaled 3.9 billion dollars in 2007, and 6 
billion dollars more ODA funds will be needed each year." 
 
The white paper neither cites the pledges made by the industrialized 
countries nor informs the state of implementation of these pledges. 
It also stops short of referring to the contents of the agreement 
reached in the G-8 Summit, and its description about Japan's pledges 
is also hard to understand. 
 
Industrialized countries have promised in G-8 summits and other 
international conferences to boost ODA outlays, but they have left 
ambiguous the state of implementation of such promises. 
 
Under this situation, the Japanese government introduced "a process 
to check public pledges" in a past session of the Conferences on 
African Development, which the government has held jointly with the 
UN and the World Bank. The government will hold a minister-level 
follow-up meeting in Botswana in March. A member of Oxfam Japan 
said: 
 
"I am paying attention to whether Japan will be able to convey to 
developing countries and Japanese taxpayers how far the promises 
have been translated into action. The government should also form a 
mechanism to follow up the promises made by industrialized countries 
at such international forums as G-8 summits." 
 
If the efforts being made by Japan are referred to in white papers, 
it will help people understand ODA more deeply. 
 
The Japanese government, under its "Cool Earth Partnership" 
initiative, has promised to disburse a total of about 10 billion 
dollars or about one trillion yen over five years starting in 2008 
to help developing countries stem global warming. On this 
initiative, too, the white paper just notes, citing the case of 
Indonesia: "Efforts are being made among 60 countries." 
 
The government needs to present goals and clarify the state of 
progress in their attainment in understandable terms. It is also 
urged to craft a specific strategy and make efforts to tell domestic 
and foreign audiences what it is. 
 
(8) Editorial: Japan should place emphasis on ODA 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
February 5, 2009 
 
While the economies of developing countries are being hit by the 
global financial crisis, the significance of assistance to those 
countries has heightened. Japan, too, as a member of the developed 
world is required to provide support to the undeveloped world. 
 
Japan, the United States and European countries - the aid donors -- 
are also facing tough economic times. So some may question why we 
should assist other countries at times like this. 
 
However we should consider the great gaps in poverty levels and 
infrastructure between developed and developing countries. In 
addition, the financial crisis is threatening the lives of people in 
developing countries. Foreign investments in developing countries 
 
TOKYO 00000276  012 OF 016 
 
 
have decreased. The prices of resources, which are their main 
exports, have dropped. The global financial crisis also has had an 
impact on remittances by migrant workers to their countries. 
 
At the United National General Assembly in 2000, world leaders 
agreed on eight development goals to be implemented by 2015, 
including slashing poverty. They are called the Millennium 
Development Goals. The goals were made by global citizens. 
 
There are improvements in some development goals, but we are worried 
whether most goals will not be achieved (by 2015).The global 
financial crisis has made uncertain as to whether the pledges are 
implemented. UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon stressed in the Davos 
meeting last week that assistance for poor nations should not be 
forgotten. He made the remark at an appropriate time. 
 
According to Japan's ODA (official development assistance) White 
Paper released this week, Japan in 2007 dropped to fifth place as 
aid donor in the world, following the United States, Germany, France 
and Britain. Japan was the largest aid donor in the 1990s. 
 
Meanwhile, in the government's ODA budget request for fiscal 2009, 
the ODA budget request in the general account totals 670 billion 
yen, or a four percent cut from the previous fiscal year, due to the 
belt-tightening fiscal policy. The 670 billion yen is less than one 
percent of the whole general account budget. 
 
Now is time for Japan to put an end to the decline in ODA spending 
in consideration of such factors as aid policy being one of Japan's 
most important diplomatic tools, and that developing countries' 
economic distress will directly or indirectly affect the Japanese 
economy. 
 
Prime Minister Taro Aso pledged in the Davos meeting to provide 17 
billion dollars to help Asian countries. His positive aid stance is 
commendable. 
 
Japan has so far promised to add 10 billion dollars for ODA 
projects, as well as to increase ODA to Africa to over 2.5 billion 
dollars in five years. We would like our country to keep its 
promises to the international community. 
 
(9) IWC chairman proposes plan to approve Japan's coastal whaling: 
Restriction on capture of minke whales, etc., to be lifted in four 
areas in return for curtailing research whaling 
 
ASAHI (Page 5) (Full) 
February 4, 2009 
 
Shigeo Tosa, London 
 
The taskforce of the International Whaling Commission (IWC, 
secretariat in Cambridge, Britain) on February 2 released the 
chairman's proposal that includes approving Japan's coastal whaling 
in return for curtailing its research whaling, which it is 
conducting in the Southern Ocean. The proposal says that the IWC 
will aim at reaching an agreement on this settlement measure over 
the long term, setting the next five years as the interim period. 
 
The IWC established a taskforce in order to find a breakthrough in 
discussion, but discussions came to a standstill due to 
confrontation between such pro-whaling countries as Japan and such 
 
TOKYO 00000276  013 OF 016 
 
 
anti-whaling countries as Australia. The panel held only two 
meetings last year. 
 
The chairman's proposal this time was drafted based on discussions 
pursued by the panel. It calls on Japan to make a compromise by 
trading off coastal whaling for research whaling. 
 
In Japan, catching Baird's beaked whales or long-finned pilot 
whales, which are not subject to the IWC restriction, has long been 
practiced in Taiji, Wakayama Prefecture, Abashiri, Hokkaido, 
Ayukawa, Miyagi Prefecture and Wada, Chiba Prefecture. This type of 
whaling is categorized as small-size whaling. 
 
The chairman's proposal this time is intended to approve the 
catching of full-range of whale types, including minke whales, which 
are on the list of whales subject to the IWC regulation, in those 
four areas of Japan. This is called coastal whaling. 
 
According to the chairman's proposal, coastal whaling should be 
carried out in a single day by less than five whaling vessels. The 
whales caught should be consumed locally. Although the proposal does 
not indicate any specific figure for the number of whales that can 
be caught, the number would be set at a sustainable level by using 
scientific data. Whaling countries will be obligated to annually 
report catches to the IWC. Concerning whaling after the fifth year, 
two plans have been included: (1) placing a complete ban on coastal 
whaling: and (2) allowing the continuation of coastal whaling for a 
limited number. Since coastal whaling is not part of research 
whaling, the Fisheries Agency (FA) takes the IWC chairman's proposal 
as the first step toward resumption of commercial whaling. 
 
In the meantime, two proposals have been presented concerning 
Japan's research whaling in the Southern Ocean, which is being 
criticized by anti-whaling countries and environmental 
organizations. One is a plan to gradually reduce the number of minke 
whales that can be caught and eventually to put an end to such 
whaling in stages. The catching of humpback whales and fin whales 
will be totally banned. 
 
The other plan is to set an annual framework for the annual number 
of whales allowed to catch, based on advice by the IWC taskforce and 
to maintain that framework for the next five years. 
 
The IWC characterizes these two proposals as a working draft for 
discussion. However, it wants to reach a decision at a plenary 
meeting to be held in Portugal in June at the latest. 
 
FA takes IWC chairman's proposals favorably 
 
FA is basically taking the IWC chairman's proposal, which 
incorporates approval of coastal whaling, favorably. One official of 
the Far Seas Fisheries Division of FA said that since talks on 
whaling are at a stalemate, it is commendable that the working draft 
for consideration includes coastal whaling. 
 
Two proposals have been made for research whaling in the Southern 
Ocean. FA's plan is to catch approximately 900 whales a year 
(excluding 50 humpback whales, whose capture is under suspension). 
It is now informally calculating the number of whales that can be 
reduced, while maintaining profitability. A related source said, "We 
are assuming that the IWC will sooner or later enter into specific 
discussion on whale catches to be reduced." 
 
TOKYO 00000276  014 OF 016 
 
 
 
A decision was reached last year to draft an agreement plan that 
reflects the wishes of various member nations by the annual plenary 
session of IWC to be held in June this year. It is deemed that such 
a decision itself indicates that Japan is ready to make concessions 
to some extent. 
 
The chairman's proposal will likely become the first step for 
pro-whaling countries and anti-whaling countries to come to a 
compromise. However, whether they can reach a final agreement is 
unclear. 
 
Australia, a country that is opposing whaling most strongly, is 
calling for ending research whaling. The chairman's proposal 
includes a plan to abolish research whaling. 
 
Agriculture Minister Ishiba was quick to oppose that proposal, 
saying, "Japan cannot accept a proposal that will make it impossible 
for it to continue research whaling." 
 
Can figures that satisfy both Japan and anti-whaling countries, such 
as Australia, be worked out? One government source pointed out, 
"Chances are high that no figures will be set by June, delaying a 
settlement." 
 
(10) Masaharu Kono appointed as ambassador to Russia, Yasuo Saito as 
ambassador to France 
 
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full) 
February 5, 2009 
 
The government informally decided to appoint Masaharu Kono, former 
deputy foreign minister, as ambassador to Russia. Kono is now 
temporarily being posted to the Foreign Ministry's Secretariat. 
Incumbent Ambassador to Yasuo Saito will be named ambassador to 
France. Their appointments will be formally decided in a cabinet 
meeting this month. Kono as Japanese sherpa (personal representative 
of Fukuda) supported then Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda at the Group 
of Eight Hokkaido-Toyako Summit last July. 
 
Ambassador to Russia Masaharu Kono: Graduated from the law faculty 
of University of Tokyo in 1973; served as deputy foreign minister; 
born in Hiroshima Prefecture; age 60. 
 
Ambassador to France Yasuo Saito: Left the University of Tokyo's law 
faculty in mid-course; served as ambassador to Russia; born in 
Okayama Prefecture; age 61. 
 
(11) Government urged to revise law to tighten restrictions on child 
pornography 
 
SANKEI (Page 11) (Excerpts) 
February 5, 2009 
 
By Akira Sakuta, criminal psychologist and guest professor at 
Seigakuin University 
 
Sharply increasing vicious crimes against children 
 
Criminal activities against children have occurred in succession. 
According to the National Police Agency, the number of reported 
criminal offenses against children under 13, which was on the 
 
TOKYO 00000276  015 OF 016 
 
 
decline since 2002, surged by 1,501 cases in 2007. 
 
Although there are not many cases of children are kidnapped or 
killed, such an evil crime shocks those who have children of their 
own and generates calls for preventive measures. 
 
This shows that people are more interested in ensuring the safety of 
children, given the nation's declining birthrate, and this is a 
global common trend, I think. 
 
Of criminal cases involving children, there are many crimes 
committed by the victims' relatives or persons close to them. Mental 
or physical sexual abuse against children will inevitably affect 
their future lives seriously even though the offenses are not 
reported to the authorities. According to David Jones, a criminal 
psychologist, sexual-abuse victims tend to feel uneasy, be seized 
with fear, show such symptoms as overeating, or find it difficult to 
go to school or concentrate their attention. 
 
Some victims show signs of refusing to go out, have guilt feelings, 
become short-tempered, or feel depressed. There are also children 
who behave badly, tell lies, commit theft, or become aggressive 
toward friends. 
 
Regarding victims in the adolescent period, drugs might come into 
their lives. Some might commit suicide or run away from home. 
 
According to criteria for diagnosis by the American Psychiatric 
Association (DSM-UV-TR), pederosis is categorized as a kind of 
paraphilia. In many sexual molestation cases, crimes are committed 
based on pederosis, so pedophiles are the most dangerous type among 
sexual deviants. 
 
There were sexual activities driven by pederosis from long ago, so 
it is not true to say that crimes committed by pedophiles have 
sharply increased recently. Sexual abuse against children under 13 
only recently has been recognized as a crime and being severely 
punished. 
 
In protecting children from such crimes, careful measures of 
self-defense are necessary. It is also important to impose tighter 
restrictions on child pornography. Revising the relevant law is 
necessary to criminalize even the individual possession of child 
pornography. The government is urged to restrict media that could 
increase or excite pedophiles, including anime and comics. 
 
(Corrected copy): Poll: Koizumi ranks top for premiership 
 
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Abridged) 
February 5, 2009 
 
In a recent face-to-face nationwide public opinion survey conducted 
by the Yomiuri Shimbun on Jan. 31 and Feb. 1, respondents were asked 
to pick the one lawmaker in the Diet most "appropriate" to be prime 
minister. In this popularity poll, former Prime Minister Junichiro 
Koizumi ranked at the top with 14.4 PERCENT , followed by Democratic 
Party of Japan (Minshuto) President Ozawa at 13.7 PERCENT , and 
Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Masuzoe at 7.5 PERCENT . Prime 
Minister Aso was at 4.7 PERCENT , slightly higher than former 
Administrative Reform Minister Yoshimi Watanabe, who drew public 
attention with his secession form the Liberal Democratic Party. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000276  016 OF 016 
 
 
Among LDP lawmakers, LDP Deputy Secretary General Nobuteru Ishihara, 
who ran in the LDP's presidential race in September last year, was 
at 2.7 PERCENT , with former Defense Minister Yuriko Koike at 1.5 
PERCENT , and Economic and Fiscal Policy Minister Kaoru Yosano at 
1.4 PERCENT . Even among LDP supporters, Aso was at 13 PERCENT , 
with Koizumi at 25 PERCENT . Among DPJ lawmakers, DPJ Deputy 
President Kan was at 3.1 PERCENT , ranking next to Ozawa. DPJ 
Secretary General Hatoyama was at 2.4 PERCENT , and DPJ Vice 
President Seiji Maehara at 1.9 PERCENT . Among DPJ supporters, 40 
PERCENT  picked Ozawa, with only 9 PERCENT  choosing Kan. Among 
those with no particular party affiliation, Koizumi topped all 
others at 13 PERCENT , with Ozawa and Masuzoe respectively at 8 
PERCENT  and Aso at only 2 PERCENT . 
 
Popularity ranking for prime minister 
 
¶1. Junichiro Koizumi 14.4  PERCENT 
¶2. Ichiro Ozawa 13.7 
¶3. Yoichi Masuzoe 7.5 
¶4. Taro Aso 4.7 
¶5. Yoshimi Watanabe 4.6 
¶6. Naoto Kan 3.1 
¶7. Nobuteru Ishihara 2.7 
¶8. Yukio Hatoyama 2.4 
¶9. Seiji Maehara 1.9 
¶10. Katsuya Okada 1.7 
¶11. Yuriko Koike 1.5 
¶12. Kaoru Yosano 1.4 
¶13. Sadakazu Tanigaki 1.2 
¶14. Shinzo Abe 1.0 
 Others 3.9 
 None 30.2 
 Can't say 4.3 
(Total percentage not 100 PERCENT  due to rounding.) 
 
ZUMWALT