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TAGS: KPAO PGOV PREL MARR ECON KS US
SUBJECT: PRESS BULLETIN - February 25, 2009 
 
Opinions/Editorials 
 
¶1. After All, the U.S. Is the Problem 
(JoongAng Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 26) 
¶2. How Clinton Stole Korean Hearts 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 27) 
¶3. N. Korea Will Have to Pay for Missile Test 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 27) 
¶4. Breaking the Cycle of Brinkmanship 
(Hankyoreh Shinmun, February 25, 2009, Page 27) 
¶5. North Korea's Real Intentions behind Announcing Plans to Launch 
'Satellite' 
(Hankook Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 39) 
¶6. North Korea's Missile Launch Will Only Increase Suffering of Its 
Citizens 
(JoongAng Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 26) 
¶7. A Damning Verdict for the Government 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 24 2009, Page 27) 
¶8. Pres. Lee Cannot Repeat Mistakes of 1st Year 
(Dong-a Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 27) 
¶9. An Evolution for Lee 
(JoongAng Daily, February 25, 2009, Page 10) 
 
 
Features 
 
¶10. One-Third of Koreans Say Lee Doing a Good Job 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 23, 2009, Front Page) 
¶11. Economic Crisis Helps Lee in Poll 
(JoongAng Ilbo, February 23, 2009, Page 6) 
¶12. Survey Says Lee Is Not Faring Well in His First Year (Hankyoreh 
Shinmun, February 23, 2009, Front Page) 
¶13. Power Elite Shifts to 'Conservative Technocrats' 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 24, 2009, Page 8) 
 
 
Top Headlines 
 
Chosun Ilbo 
ROK's Top 30 Conglomerates Agree to Slash Entry-level Wages for 
College Graduates to Increase Hiring 
 
JoongAng Ilbo 
Service Industry Is Key to Job Creation 
 
Dong-a Ilbo 
Ruling GNP Seeks to Review the Recognition of "1989 Dongeui 
University Incident" - where Seven Police Officers were Killed while 
Trying to Suppress Student Demonstrations 
- as "Democracy Movement" 
 
Hankook Ilbo, Segye Ilbo, Seoul Shinmun, All TVs 
North Korea Says It Plans "Rocket Launch" 
 
Hankyoreh Shinmun 
Chief Justice of Seoul Central District Court Allegedly Pressured 
Judges Examining Cases Related to Last Year's Candlelight Rallies to 
Issue Rulings Unfavorable to Those Arrested 
 
 
International Developments 
 
¶1. North Korea's Committee of Space Technology, in a Feb. 24 
statement, claimed that full-fledged preparations are underway at 
the Donghae launch site in Hwadae-gun, North Hamgyong Province to 
launch the Kwangmyongsong-2, an experimental communications 
satellite, by means of a delivery rocket called Unha-2. Though it 
mentioned no date, the statement suggests that North Korea will 
test-fire a long-range Taepodong-2 missile as planned. Back in 
August 1998, the North test-fired a missile which it claimed was the 
satellite Kwangmyongsong-1. (All) 
 
¶2. In order to maximize the effect of a missile launch for both 
domestic and global purposes, ROK pundits speculated that the North 
might attempt to test a missile on March 8, when the North holds 
parliamentary elections. They went on to conjecture that the launch 
might come around the time of the G-20 Financial Summit to be held 
in London in early April, when the leaders of the ROK and the U.S. 
are slated to meet, or the birthday of the late North Korea leader, 
Kim Il-sung (April 15). (JoongAng, Dong-a, Hankook, Segye, Seoul) 
 
 
Media Analysis 
 
North Korea - Preparations for a Missile Launch 
Most of the ROK media gave top front-page play to yesterday's claim 
by North Korea's Committee of Space Technology that full-fledged 
preparations are underway at the Donghae launch site in Hwadae-gun, 
North Hamgyong Province to launch the Kwangmyongsong-2, an 
experimental communications satellite, by means of a delivery rocket 
called Unha-2.  Though it mentioned no date, the ROK media observed 
that the statement suggests that North Korea will test-fire a 
long-range Taepodong-2 missile as planned, considering that the 
North, back in August 1998, test-fired a missile which it claimed 
was the satellite Kwangmyongsong-1. 
 
Citing local pundits, the ROK media speculated that, in order to 
maximize the effect of a missile launch for both domestic and global 
purposes, North Korea might attempt to test a missile on March 8, 
when the North holds parliamentary elections.  Alternatively, the 
media conjectured, the launch could come around the time of the G-20 
Financial Summit to be held in London in early April when the 
leaders of the ROK and the U.S. are slated to meet, or the birthday 
of the late North Korean leader, Kim Il-sung (April 15). 
 
Most of the ROK media noted that this is the first time that 
Pyongyang has given prior notice of its test-launch, whether it is 
for a missile or a satellite.  Conservative Chosun Ilbo 
editorialized: "This North Korean move seems aimed at getting the 
attention of the international community.  North Korea might have 
calculated that its open saber-rattling might increase its leverage 
in future denuclearization or normalization negotiations.  However, 
that is a huge miscalculation.  North Korea's missile launch would 
either toughen existing UN sanctions or lead the international 
community to impose fresh sanctions against the North." 
Right-of-center JoongAng Ilbo headlined its editorial: "North 
Korea's Missile Launch Will Only Increase the Pain and Suffering of 
the North Korean People."  Moderate Hankook Ilbo's editorial 
commented: "The North's announcement of plans to 'launch a 
satellite' may be a signal that it has no intention of escalating 
tensions further.  As Secretary Clinton pointed out, North Korea is 
creating tensions to unite its people during its leadership crisis, 
including the succession problem.  Many analysts believe that North 
Korea may be preparing a 'space show' to demonstrate its goal of 
becoming a 'prosperous and great country' ahead of the nomination of 
a successor to North Korean leader Kim Jong-il through the upcoming 
parliamentary elections in March and the plenary session in April." 
 
 
More on Secretary Clinton's Visit to Seoul 
Conservative Chosun Ilbo carried an op-ed by Senior Reporter Kang 
In-sun, which observed that during this visit Secretary Clinton 
devoted her time and energy to winning the hearts of the Korean 
public.  The newspaper added: "The Bush Administration spent huge 
sums of money and devoted a large number of people to diplomatic 
efforts to improve America's image, but it was unable to quell 
anti-American sentiment.  By using her popularity and abilities as a 
politician, however, Secretary Clinton turned around the situation 
via a single trip through Asia.  She gained the valuable diplomatic 
asset of 'favorable feelings' in a short period of time and at a low 
cost." 
 
Global Economic Crisis 
In a commentary titled "After All, the U.S. Is the Problem," 
right-of-center JoongAng Ilbo's Editorial Writer Kim Jong-su wrote: 
"U.S. President Barack Obama has missed a golden opportunity to pull 
the world out of the current economic quagmire.  Of course, the 
current crisis is too serious for the U.S. alone to deal with. 
However, if this (economic stimulus) measure had cleaned up the 
troublesome factors of the U.S. economy, which are the cause of the 
current crisis, it would have at least eased the uncertainty and 
anxiety sweeping across the world.  The Obama Administration, 
however, failed to clean house.  Since there is no sign from the 
epicenter of the crisis that the explosion has ended, uncertainty 
and anxiety are still lingering on." 
Opinions/Editorials 
 
After All, the U.S. Is the Problem 
(JoongAng Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 26) 
 
By Editorial Writer Kim Jong-soo 
 
U.S. President Barack Obama has missed a golden opportunity to pull 
the world out of the current economic quagmire.  Of course, the 
current crisis is too serious for the U.S. alone to deal with. 
However, if this (economic stimulus) measure had cleaned up the 
troublesome factors of the U.S. economy, which are the causes of the 
economic crisis, it would have at least eased uncertainty and 
anxiety sweeping across the world.  The Obama Administration, 
however, failed to clean house.  Since there is no sign from the 
epicenter of the crisis that the explosion has ended, uncertainty 
and anxiety is still lingering. 
 
Obama Misses an Opportunity to Revive the Economy. 
 
Since the economic stimulus plan failed to draw bipartisan 
cooperation, it lost momentum from the beginning.  In addition, 
because a large part of the plan is set to take effect startingnext 
year, it is less effective in the short term.  Tax cuts, which 
immediately boost consumption, can only be implemented after April. 
They are not enough to revive the sinking economy.  Furthermore, 
since the administration included the "Buy American" provision in 
the stimulus bill in response to concerns raised by Republicans, the 
(potential) impact (which the stimulus bill will have) on boosting 
the world economy has been reduced to half. 
 
The financial bailout plan is even more disappointing.  The best way 
to overcome the financial crisis is to resolve the bad assets of 
financial institutions in a short period of time.  This is what 
Sweden and the ROK did during their respective financial crisis. 
The shortcut is to make a firm decision to liquidate insolvent 
financial institutions to the extent that the market can state 
affirmatively that it is now clean - whether it means to create a 
bad bank to buy up troubled assets or to nationalize insolvent 
banks.  Of course, this may be burdensome as it requires a massive 
outlay of public funds, but experience tells us that it would be 
less costly in the end than several small bailouts.  However, the 
plan set out by Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner fell far short 
of these expectations.  He liked neither the bad bank nor 
nationalization plans.  This is why ambiguous civilian-government 
investment funds have been created.  In addition, Secretary 
Geithner's plan does not specify how to resolve troubled assets. 
Naturally, the plan disappointed the market, drove down stock 
prices, and shook up international foreign exchange markets. 
 
While the USG is dragging its feet over financial restructuring, 
shares of underperforming financial institutions suffered a big 
blow, and a rumor is going around that Citibank and AIG, the U.S.'s 
biggest bank and insurance company, may be nationalized.  Rather 
than carrying out financial restructuring in a determined way, the 
USG has lost its focus and is at a loss as to what to do, which is 
amplifying anxiety in international financial markets.  Thus far, 
whenever other nations faced a financial crisis, the U.S., through 
the International Monetary Fund (IMF), has forced nations to 
restructure their financial institutions, but now when the U.S. 
itself is at a crisis, it is not following its own prescription.  It 
is, of course, true that the current financial crisis facing the 
U.S. is very different from previous crises in other nations.  The 
current one is more complicated and much bigger in scale.  Still, 
there is no difference in the solution to this crisis.  The U.S. is 
just fearful of the political burden and social consequences that 
the solution will entail. 
 
We Can Survive Only If the U.S. Does Well 
 
To our dismay, the reality is that the world cannot emerge from the 
economic crisis if the U.S. does not perform well.  Iceland has 
already gone bankrupt and countries in Eastern Europe are in danger 
of state bankruptcy.  However, they are no match for the crisis in 
America.  Under these circumstances, small, open economies like us 
(the ROK) are bound to fare worse.  In fact, if the U.S. had 
properly cleaned its house, our country would not have had to suffer 
this much.  We will speed up corporate restructuring and boost our 
economy.  However, it would be of no use unless the U.S. economy 
revives. 
 
 
How Clinton Stole Korean Hearts 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 27) 
 
By senior reporter Kang In-sun 
 
The Korean side was male-dominated, including Foreign Minister Yu 
Myung-hwan, during last week's talks with U.S. Secretary of State 
Hillary Clinton.  Seated on the U.S. side were Clinton and U.S. 
Ambassador to Korea Kathleen Stephens.  It made one wish Yu had 
taken the bold decision to place at least one female Korean diplomat 
on his side. Cheong Wa Dae and the Prime Minister's Office were just 
as insensitive to that fact, dispatching a group of male government 
officials to meet Clinton. 
 
After doing the rounds at Cheong Wa Dae, the Prime Minister's Office 
and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Clinton sped over to 
Ewha Womans University.  She came alive standing before more than 
2,000 students.  "People who think hard about our future come to the 
same conclusion, that women and others on society's margins must be 
afforded the right to fully participate in society, not only because 
it is morally right, but because it is necessary to strengthen our 
security and prosperity," Clinton said. 
 
After delivering her speech, Clinton connected with the students. 
She talked about her own experiences in response to the questions 
given by students and said, "I feel more like an advice columnist 
than Secretary of State today."  She recalled a night when her 
daughter was a baby.  "She was just crying and crying, and it was 
the worst feeling when you're a new mother and you can't get your 
baby to stop crying and you don't know what's causing it.  And so I 
was rocking her in the middle of the night and I said to her, 'Look, 
you've never been a baby before, and I've never been a mother 
before.  We just have to figure this out together,' and that's what 
we're still doing. Every new experience, we're just figuring it out 
together." 
 
The students did not ask her about her duties as Secretary of State 
or about her experiences running for presidency.  They asked her 
about the everyday problems we all experience in dating, marriage, 
having children and working.  And Clinton did not give lofty 
answers.  She said, "I've loved and been loved, and all the rest is 
background music."  She said she reminded herself every day of "the 
discipline of gratitude."  She added, "No matter how difficult a day 
can be or a problem may be, find something to be grateful for every 
day." 
 
Clinton struck a chord with the students by telling them that she 
has gotten to where she is today by undergoing the same trials and 
tribulations as they did.  The students went wild.  The lecture, 
which started with a speech on the North Korean nuclear dilemma, 
ended in a friendly atmosphere.  After covering Clinton's itinerary 
from early in the morning, I felt that this was the highlight of her 
visit, rather than official meetings with the president and foreign 
minister.  Clinton probably had this type of situation in mind when 
she said that diplomacy also requires a political sense. 
 
This may be what broad diplomacy should be all about.  That's 
because winning over the hearts of the public of friendly and allied 
countries will probably become a substantial diplomatic asset in the 
future.  Diplomats who place utmost importance on protocol think 
diplomacy is all about sitting behind closed doors, engaging in 
formal conversations.  But when a government needs to make decisions 
on diplomatic and security issues that will determine the future of 
the nation, public support is a decisive factor.  During such times, 
diplomacy does not take place within the confines of the government. 
 A government should ideally gain the support of not only its own 
public but of other countries as well. 
 
This is exactly what Clinton did during her visit to Korea.  She 
spent just the necessary amount of time shaking hands with important 
figures and taking commemorative photos.  She devoted the rest of 
her time and energy to winning the hearts of the Korean public. 
 
The Bush Administration spent huge sums of money and devoted a large 
number of people to diplomatic efforts to improve America's image, 
but it was unable to quell anti-American sentiment.  By using her 
popularity and abilities as a politician, however, Secretary Clinton 
turned around the situation via a single trip through Asia.  She 
gained the valuable diplomatic asset of 'favorable feelings' in a 
short period of time and at a low cost." 
 
Clinton is said to have planned this type of event by pushing her 
staff at the State Department to come up with "creative" ideas. 
After her departure, has the government taken a moment to analyze 
her style of diplomacy, which transcends traditional formats?  If it 
hasn't, while passing off the university lecture as simply a 
"women's event," then it should start to consider just what it is 
Clinton gained from her visit. 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
 
¶N. Korea Will Have to Pay for Missile Test 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 27) 
 
The North's Korean Committee of Space Technology claimed Tuesday it 
was preparing to launch an experimental communications satellite 
named Kwangmyongsong-2 by means of delivery rocket Unha-2 at a 
launch site in Hwadae located in northeastern Korea.  In 1998, when 
it tested a Taepodong-1 missile, the North also claimed to have 
launched a satellite.  Now, some 22 days after South Korean and U.S. 
intelligence agencies first detected movements, North Korea is, in 
any case, admitting that it is planning some kind of launch. 
 
Missile or satellite, this is the first time that North Korea has 
given advance notice of such a move, apparently to get the 
international community, including the U.S., to pay attention. 
Pyongyang may believe that a display of its military power could 
lead to advantages during Six-Party negotiations and in talks to 
normalize relations with the U.S.  But that is a huge mistake.  U.S. 
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who visited South Korea last 
week, warned the North to halt all activities related to its 
missiles.  Clinton reconfirmed UN Resolution 1718, adopted 
unanimously by the UN Security Council on Oct. 14, 2006 after North 
Korea's nuclear test.  The resolution, adopted by around 30 UN 
member countries, blocks exports of not only military goods but also 
of luxury items to the communist country.  But its impact has 
slackened as time has passed by.  A missile test would either 
tighten existing UN restrictions or prompt its members to come up 
with new ones. 
 
During her Asian tour, Clinton mentioned the uncertainties posed by 
the generational transfer of power in North Korea and urged the 
North to engage in dialogue with South Korea.  Clinton also hinted 
at the possibility of Pyongyang-Washington talks.  The impending 
missile launch could be construed as a response to Clinton's 
comments, and it only reminds the Obama Administration of what 
Christopher Hill, the former chief U.S. negotiator to the Six-Party 
Talks, said when he called North Korea an expert at killing momentum 
by calling "time out" every time progress is made.  This type of 
behavior is not helping. 
 
A missile test would also pose obstacles for participating countries 
in the Six-Party Talks in giving aid to the North.  The World Food 
Programme estimated North Korea's grain output to a total of 4.21 
million tons, leading to a shortage of 836,000 tons.  As was the 
case last year, the situation is expected to get worse unless the 
North receives South Korean rice and fertilizer aid.  In civilian 
contact with the South in Shenyang, China early this month, North 
Korea appealed to South Korea to provide fertilizer and farming 
equipment.  But who would be willing to step up and help North Korea 
if the regime is preoccupied with launching a missile even as its 
people worry where their next meal will come from? 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
 
Breaking the Cycle of Brinkmanship 
(Hankyoreh Shinmun, February 25, 2009, Page 27) 
 
North Korea announced officially yesterday that it is preparing to 
launch a long-range missile.  It said it is launching the 
communication satellite Kwangmyongsong-2 using the rocket Unha-2, 
but that is essentially the same as launching one of its long-range 
Taepodong missiles.  North Korea said its August 1998 launch of a 
Taepodong missile was really the launch of the "communications 
satellite Kwangmyongsong-1."  Repeated warnings from South Korea and 
the U.S. have had no effect on its current missile launch 
preparations. 
 
The North seems to be thinking that it has more to gain than lose by 
firing a missile.  It might be thinking that it will gain more 
leverage to put pressure on the new U.S. Administration, as well as 
strengthen its position at the Six-Party Talks and in relations to 
the U.S.  It might be trying to show off its missile technology, a 
potential source of foreign currency, and to shore up internal 
support ahead of the upcoming Supreme People's Assembly (SPA) 
meeting.  Indeed, the missile launch of 1998 came immediately prior 
to the same kind of plenary session of the SPA. 
 
The North Korean government's calculations, however, are no more 
than a misjudgment of the situation.  Firing a missile will, for 
starters, lead to international sanctions.  United Nations Security 
Council Resolution 1718, adopted unanimously in October 2006 
immediately following North Korea's test of a nuclear device, states 
that Pyongyang must "suspend all activities related to its ballistic 
missile program."  A missile launch would also increase the North's 
international isolation as the opinion of the nations involved in 
the Six-Party Talks turns against the North.  It is also highly 
probable that the Obama Administration's process of reexamining 
American policy towards North Korea would lose momentum.  It would 
have a big price to pay internationally, even if it does score a few 
points on the home front, in terms of handing the ruling elite a 
rationale to unify the people. 
 
Relevant countries should work hard to resume the Six-Party Talks in 
order to stop the missile launch.  U.S. Special Envoy Stephen 
Bosworth especially needs to get busy.  The Obama Administration has 
said it is going to work harder on North Korea, and U.S. Secretary 
of State Hillary Clinton has said the issue of North Korean missiles 
is going to be part of negotiations with Pyongyang.  Bosworth should 
be able to use the missile issue as a point of departure for new 
U.S.-North Korean dialogue.  Pyongyang will also need to be 
convinced not to pursue a missile launch by South Korea and China, 
and one way of achieving that would be to send special envoys. 
 
The North has enjoyed some of the desired effects from this kind of 
brinkmanship before, but in the end it always made relevant 
countries distrust it all the more.  It is time to put an end to 
that cycle.  Pyongyang should stop the missile gambling and 
cooperate on resuming the Six-Party Talks. 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
 
North Korea's Real Intentions behind Announcing Plans to 
Launch 'Satellite' 
(Hankook Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 39) 
 
North Korea announced that it is planning to launch a satellite, 
which will show the North's capability to launch a long-distance 
missile.  North Korea's Committee of Space Technology said 
yesterday, "Full-fledged preparations are underway at the Donghae 
launch site in Hwadae-gun, North Hamgyong Province to launch the 
Kwangmyongson-2, an experimental communications satellite, by means 
of a delivery rocket called Unha-2."  The Committee maintained that 
the North's science technology will pave the way for the country to 
become an economic power.  However, the U.S. and the ROK see the 
satellite launch as a long-missile test that has been banned under 
U.N Security Council Resolution.  Thus, this would throw the Korean 
Peninsula into turmoil over how to address the North's announced 
missile launch. 
 
This is the first time that North Korea has given prior notice of 
its planned launch, whether it is a satellite or a missile.  The 
North made an announcement four days after the launch of the 
Kwangmyongson-1 in 1998, and kept silent about its failed 
Taepodong-2 missile in 2006.  Given this, this time it seems that 
the North has remedied technical defects and is very confident about 
its success.  This move can be seen as a provocative approach which 
ignores warnings against launching a missile and may (have the 
effect of) derailing peace within the Korean Peninsula. 
 
Accordingly, the neighboring countries' attempt to fend off the 
North's missile launch is seen as futile.  The possibility of 
dispatching an envoy from China is being talked about but this 
effort is unlikely to pay off.  There is less of a possibility to 
deter the North if it was prompted to go ahead with the missile 
launch due to Secretary's Clinton's remark on the North's leadership 
crisis, in addition to her speech holding the North responsible for 
raising tensions in the region. 
 
But the North's announcement of its plans to launch a satellite may 
be a signal that it has no intention on continuously escalating 
tension.  As Secretary Clinton noted, North Korea is heightening 
tensions to unify its people amidst a leadership crisis over the 
succession issue.  Many analysts view that the North may be 
preparing a "space show" to demonstrate its goal of becoming a 
'prosperous and great country' ahead of naming a successor to North 
Korean leader Kim Jong-il during the Supreme People's Assembly 
election in March and the plenary session in April. 
 
Therefore, we should make all effort to take thorough 
countermeasures against the North's attempts to ratchet up tension 
through a missile launch as it has in the past, by test-firing 
mid-and-short range missiles in the East Sea and West Sea.  If we 
keep overemphasizing the threat of a long-range missile launch by 
the North, that most likely cannot be averted, it will only fuel 
regional tensions. 
 
 
North Korea's Missile Launch Will Only Increase Suffering of Its 
Citizens 
(JoongAng Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 26) 
 
North Korea has officially announced its plan to test-fire a 
missile.  On February 24, it stated that it is preparing to shoot 
its Kwangmyongsong-1 satellite atop its Eunha-2 rocket.  Although 
the missile is disguised as a satellite, it is evident that the 
communist state is preparing a missile launch.  The missile that the 
North is planning to fire is known to be a "Taepodong-2" capable of 
reaching the U.S. mainland.  It is the missile that was test-fired 
in July 2006 but plunged into the East Sea about 40 seconds after 
takeoff.  The North, which was in a sharp confrontation with the 
U.S. at that time, officially said that what was test-fired was a 
missile and threatened the U.S., saying that the North was now in 
possession of a "nuclear deterrent" against the U.S.  That the North 
is disguising the same missile under the names of "Eunha-2" or 
"Kwangmyongsong-1" is a deceiving tactic for negotiation purposes 
with the new Obama Administration. 
 
The ROK, the U.S. and Japan warned the North several times that a 
missile test will not only cloud the prospects for the Six-Party 
Talks but will also considerably undermine peace in Northeast Asia. 
China and Russia have expressed concern about Pyongyang's missile 
development activities, and in 2006, the UN Security Council adopted 
a resolution banning North Korea from undertaking missile tests.  A 
missile launch will likely lead to international sanctions.  In the 
end, only the suffering of North Korean residents, who repeatedly 
have had to endure (the deprivations of the) "Arduous March," will 
be aggravated.  For its own sake also, 
North Korea must stop playing the missile game right away. 
 
 
A Damning Verdict for the Government 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 24 2009, Page 27) 
 
President Lee Myung-bak marks his first year in office on Wednesday. 
 Lee's efforts to restore a sense of identity and order in Korean 
society after 10 years of leftwing rule, were cited as his greatest 
achievement by the 20 people credited with contributing the most to 
the creation of this administration.  Other achievements they cited 
were the administration's principled position in difficult times 
such as mass protests and the Yongsan fire, and effectively dealing 
with the economic crisis.  But they said Lee failed to understand 
and unite the public, making mistakes in government due to a lack of 
experience, and committing blunders in the appointment of key 
officials. 
 
A Gallup poll marking the first anniversary of the Lee 
Administration tells a different story.  A long list of options was 
put before respondents, but 75 percent either felt the president had 
achieved nothing or they did not know what his achievements might 
be.  Regarding a sense of identity and order, two changes that 
president's key confidants cite as his greatest achievement, only 
28.2 percent of the public agreed.  The Lee Administration's failure 
to understand the public could not be more glaringly illustrated. 
 
The economy was another area where the administration's view 
differed noticeably from the public view.  Ruling party officials 
said that even though the results of the efforts are not evident 
yet, the government is dealing effectively with the global economic 
crisis and the seeds of hope are budding.  But only 22.7 percent of 
Koreans felt the president was doing a good job in dealing with 
economic problems, and 57.8 percent believed he was doing a bad job. 
 Some 19.5 percent did not know or declined to answer.  The public 
was not shy about expressing its disappointment toward the first 
year performance of the CEO-turned president, who was elected based 
on his economic savvy. 
 
Approval ratings gathered by other pollsters were not that much 
different from the Gallup results.  This is the last year that the 
government can implement policies without being limited by political 
factors.  What needs to be done must be done now.  If the government 
misses this opportunity, then it will fail in implementing its 
goals.  Major elections are lined up in 2010, starting with local 
elections in May next year. 
 
The various polls conducted around the first anniversary of this 
administration are de facto mid-term assessments.  The public has 
spoken and will base its attitude on the government's response to 
this feedback.  To listen properly to the people's voice, the 
president and his so-called advisers must take a long, hard look at 
themselves in the mirror to see just how much their faces have 
changed during the past year. 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
 
Pres. Lee Cannot Repeat Mistakes of 1st Year 
(Dong-a Ilbo, February 25, 2009, Page 27) 
 
President Lee Myung-bak was elected on his pledge to be an "economy 
president."  In his inauguration speech, he promised to make the 
country a better place to live, develop the economy, unite society, 
strengthen national security, and lay the groundwork for 
reunification of the Korean Peninsula.  With these pledges, he 
declared 2008 the starting year for the advancement of the Republic 
of Korea.  Accordingly, Koreans pinned high hopes on him.  The first 
year of the administration, however, fell far short of expectations. 
 Though factors such as the global economic crisis and staunch 
resistance from the opposition hampered his agenda, President Lee 
cannot escape blame for revealing lack of ability to manage state 
affairs.  In a word, the people are disappointed at his performance. 
 
 
The people no longer want him to deliver on his overambitious 
pledges of raising annual economic growth to seven percent, per 
capita income to 40,000 U.S. dollars, and the Korean economy to rank 
seventh in the world within 10 years.  What Koreans do want is for 
the economy not to deteriorate further.  Though the economic crisis 
was triggered by the U.S. financial sector, the Korean government 
cannot put the blame on external factors for the economic downturn. 
The specter of massive unemployment, steep drop in investments, and 
instability of the domestic financial market is looming over Korea. 
 
 
It is urgent that the parliament pass bills, such as those on 
deregulation, separation of finance and industry capital, and lift 
cross-shareholding restrictions.  They are aimed at revving up 
investment and boosting competitiveness.  Yet the government remains 
powerless, only relying on the National Assembly.  Corporate 
restructuring has been delayed and companies and households still 
suffer from liquidly shortages.  Though the Lee administration says 
it wants to reduce red tape, it has failed to get rid of malicious 
regulations that hinder the smooth flow of the market economy. 
 
Public sector reform has made no significant progress, either.  Of 
305 state-run organizations, only 25 have been affected and 
consolidated into 11 public corporations.  The pledge to turn the 
government into a capable organization that does its job well has 
long dissipated.  State organizations are at odds with each other 
and are busy delegating responsibilities to each other, while 
creating committees the government once pledged to eliminate. 
 
President Lee has stressed the need to restore law and order as his 
11th priority among 100 state tasks.  Few agree that law and order 
is taking hold in the country, however. 
 
Police have been frequently attacked by anti-American and pro-North 
Korea forces and failed to take proper action against illegal 
protests.  When the country last year was gripped by candlelight 
vigil protests against the resumption of U.S. beef imports, 
President Lee disappointed his supporters by betraying his 
sentimental character.  He said he went to the hill at the back of 
the presidential office to reflect on the situation and sang 
"Morning Dew," a popular song among pro-democracy advocates.  In 
dealing with the Jan. 20 deadly clash between police and squatters 
that killed six people in Seoul's Yongsan district, he showed 
opportunistic behavior by allowing the Seoul police chief to resign 
though police did nothing wrong in the incident. 
 
Controversy over improper personnel management has plagued previous 
administrations.  The incumbent administration's appointments, 
however, have been particularly riddled with problems.  Even if (we 
consider) the narrow pool of talent stemming from the conservative 
party's failure to take power for a decade, President Lee went 
overboard by unduly favoring dignitaries and his close confidants 
over those with experience and capabilities in filling government 
posts.  This has resulted in a host of Cabinet members who lack 
competence and abilities to handle state affairs. 
 
To be fair, the Lee Administration did make certain achievements in 
its first year.  It restored bilateral relations with the United 
States, which had been in tatters over the past decade, to a strong 
alliance and strengthened cooperation with other allies such as 
Japan.  Though inter-Korean relations remain frozen due to President 
Lee's hard-line stance toward the North, Seoul's stance deserves 
praise for sticking to principles. 
 
Marking the first anniversary of President Lee's term, the 
presidential office said the government has been on two tracks in 
its first year: overcoming the economic crisis and preparing for 
further progress and prosperity.  It also cited major achievements 
in allaying worries over another financial crisis through currency 
swap agreements with major economies; improving relations with 
neighboring countries including the United States, Japan, and China; 
easing regulations to revive the economy; paving the way to find new 
growth engines; and streamlining state organizations.  This 
self-assessment, however, is a far cry from the people's perception. 
 The gap in assessment will further deteriorate public confidence in 
the government. 
 
The inauguration of a new administration inevitably brings conflict, 
social discord and mistakes.  Korea, however, can no longer afford 
more mistakes and mismanagement.  President Lee must reflect on what 
he did wrong and learn lessons from his mistakes to make a fresh 
start.  His administration's fate hinges on its second-year 
performance. 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
 
An Evolution for Lee 
(JoongAng Daily, February 25, 2009, Page 10) 
 
Today, President Lee Myung-bak embarks on his second year of a 
five-year tenure.  A year ago, his inauguration sparked a flame of 
hope for a social reformation.  We nurtured hopes for a president of 
principles, promise and common sense; a diligent, efficient 
government; reasonable and tolerant political power; a productive, 
inclusive legislature engaging opposition parties; and the public in 
acknowledgment of government authority. 
 
But the moment of disillusionment came too soon and the flame has 
died out.  The president proved easily swayed, his appointments 
disorganized, the ruling party at an abyss and the opposition overly 
reactive.  His small collection of much-touted reform plans are 
still mired in legislative swamps.  His people are caught in a 
hemorrhaging economy while his political supporters and opponents 
remain obstinate and constantly bicker over their differences. 
 
With the dawn of a second year in office, the president faces a new 
test.  His administration has a heavy workload waiting.  It needs to 
reboot the task force to combat economic crisis, reinvent policies 
to restructure government, public entities and education as well as 
completely overhaul the legislative structure and relations.  The 
president should be the bedrock of this reform structure because he 
is at the core of the state system.  President Lee must be the first 
to change.  He should put forward a new leadership on the basis of 
the lessons he learned from his failures in the past year.  He needs 
to return to his promises of common sense and principles.  His 
policies should be in line with what the public wants.  He needs to 
look beyond his group of acolytes to recruit new brains and talent 
into his administration.  The president's trials mostly derived from 
his failure to keep his word.  He needs to uphold his promise to 
work side by side with his former presidential rival Park Geun-hye 
and mend the divide in the ruling party.  A fractured majority party 
cannot wield power in the legislature. 
 
President Lee tried to maintain discipline and order in handling the 
public dispute following the disastrous breakup of a demonstration 
at a redevelopment site in Yongsan.  But he nevertheless gave in to 
opposition demands and his nominee for national police chief had to 
withdraw. 
 
On top of reason and principles, President Lee also must learn to 
communicate and be more tolerant.  He needs to seek wisdom from 
senior politicians and opponents.  He must engage the opposition 
through discussions and cajolery.  He also needs to reach out to 
North Korea and restore dialogue. 
 
As we celebrate the 200th anniversary of Charles Darwin's birth this 
year, we wish to see a creative and transformative evolution of the 
president's leadership. 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
 
Features 
 
One-Third of Koreans Say Lee Doing a Good Job 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 23, 2009, Front Page) 
 
By Reporter Hong Young-rim 
 
Only one-third of Koreans feel Lee Myung-bak is doing well as we 
approach the first anniversary of his presidency this Wednesday.  In 
a Gallup poll for the Chosun Ilbo on Saturday, 33.5 percent said Lee 
is doing well, but 54.6 percent felt he was doing badly, 6.6 percent 
said so-so, and 5.3 percent had no opinion. 
 
In a Gallup poll right after Lee's inauguration in late February 
last year, his support rating was 52 percent, but this plunged to 
below 30 percent in May when the nation was swept by protests over 
U.S. beef imports, remaining fixed for the next seven months.  It 
climbed to 32.1 in December. 
 
Asked to rate Lee's performance from 0 to 100, with 100 meaning 
excellent, the respondents gave him an average of 50.2.  Some 37.9 
percent of the respondents allotted points between 51 and 100, 27.4 
percent gave 50 points, and 34 percent of the total gave points 
between 0 and 49. 
 
The nationwide poll of 1,020 adults age 19 or over had a error 
margin of a hefty 3.1 percent and a 95 percent confidence level. 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
 
Economic Crisis Helps Lee in Poll 
(JoongAng Ilbo, February 23, 2009, Page 6) 
By Reporters Shin Chang-un and Ser Myo-ja 
 
For the Lee Myung-bak Administration to succeed, regaining the 
public's trust is a must, according to results from a recent poll. 
 
The JoongAng Ilbo and the East Asia Institute commissioned Hankook 
Research to survey 1,000 adults nationwide on Feb. 9 and 10 to mark 
the first anniversary of Lee's presidential inauguration.  Some 32.2 
percent of those polled are satisfied with Lee's performance, and 
29.4 percent said they trust the government. 
 
EAI analysts said the deepening economic crisis prevents Lee's 
approval rating from plummeting further due to a "rally 'round the 
flag" effect.  They say this explains the increased popular support 
for the president. 
 
Of those polled, 47.4 percent said the Lee Administration is doing 
well coping with the economic crisis; 52.6 percent said it is not. 
Of those who said they do not trust the administration, 90.6 percent 
said the government is failing in its economic efforts, indicating 
that the public's distrust is directly linked to the people's 
skepticism of government policies. 
 
The poll also showed that public expectations for the government to 
revive the economy have not faded.  More than 60 percent said 
economy-related tasks should be the top priority of the 
administration.  Some 41.6 percent said they want the government to 
reinforce welfare policy while 57.7 percent said they want the 
government to concentrate on economic growth. 
 
Public concern has grown in areas beyond the economy.  In February 
of last year, 6.3 percent said the Lee administration's priority 
should be uniting the nation. That figure has grown to 13.9 percent 
this year.  Those who wanted political reform to be prioritized were 
3.6 percent of the total last year.  The figure has now grown to 7.4 
percent. 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
Survey Says Lee Is Not Faring Well in His First Year 
(Hankyoreh Shinmun, February 23, 2009, Front Page) 
 
By Senior Reporter Sung Han-yong and Reporter Lee Hwa-joo 
 
A majority would not vote for Lee again if given the choice today 
and 46 pct say the best thing he has done in his first year is 
"nothing" 
 
One third of all Korean voters who chose Lee Myung-bak in the last 
presidential election would not vote for him again if the election 
were held today. 
 
In an opinion survey performed Saturday by Research Plus at the 
request of The Hankyoreh on the occasion of the first anniversary of 
Lee's inauguration, 57.9 percent of respondents said they would not 
vote for Lee if the election were held today, far more than the 28.9 
percent who said they would. 
 
Of those who indicated they had voted for Lee in the presidential 
election held December 2007, only 48.7 percent said they would vote 
for him again.  33.4 percent said they would not vote for him again, 
while 17.9 percent of those who said they voted for him in 2007 did 
not answer the question. 
 
Lee is constitutionally limited to a single five-year term. 
 
A whopping 57.6 percent of respondents said Lee is performing poorly 
as president, and only 34.1 percent approve of how he is running the 
government.  Regarding the appointments Lee has made in his first 
year in office, 57.8 percent disapprove of his appointees, far more 
than the 29.7 percent who think he is making the right choices. 
 
Those surveyed were allowed to fill in the blank when it came to 
giving an answer about the best thing Lee has done in his first 
year, but 46 percent said "nothing" and 36.3 percent did not respond 
at all.  Of the 17.7 percent who did respond, 6.4 percent said he 
has done well with the economy, 3.9 percent said he has "run the 
government well," and 2 percent said he has done well in the area of 
North Korea policy. 
 
In a similar question about the worst things Lee has done as 
president, 24 percent gave answers related to economic matters, such 
as a "lack of effort in restoring the economy," unemployment and 
price stabilization.  "Not trying hard enough to listen to the 
Korean public" was the answer of 11.6 percent of respondents while 
another 6.1 percent said he ignores policies that would help low- 
and middle-income families. 
 
Respondents were also asked about standing policies and issues and 
how they think they have fared in the first year of Lee's year in 
office, as compared with government policies and operations one year 
before his inauguration.  Of those surveyed, 66.9 percent said 
inter-Korean relations have worsened, 23.1 percent say they remain 
the same, and 5.2 percent said they have improved.  Regarding 
irregular workers, 53.3 percent said conditions for irregular 
workers have worsened, 28.7 percent said they remain the same, and 
5.7 percent said they have improved.  Regarding education, 50.2 
percent said the "burden of extracurricular tutoring" has increased, 
30.7 percent said it remains the same, and 7.3 percent said it has 
decreased.  Regarding discord between members of Korean society, 
60.5 percent said there has been an increase in social discord, 25.5 
percent said nothing has changed, and 9.7 percent said there is less 
social discord. 
 
There was no major difference of opinion on the subject of social 
welfare benefits for the poor, with 29.2 percent saying there has 
been improvement, 33.9 percent saying the level of benefits remains 
about the same, and 29.5 percent saying it has deteriorated. 
 
One thousand Koreans over the age of 19 participated in the 
telephone survey, which had a margin of error of 13.1 percent of a 
95 percent confidence level. Survey results can be seen in their 
entirety, in Korean, at www.hani.co.kr. 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
 
Power Elite Shifts to 'Conservative Technocrats' 
(Chosun Ilbo, February 24, 2009, Page 8) 
 
By Reporter Hwang Dae-jin 
 
Over the past year since the Lee Myung-bak Administration took 
power, the power elite, which is leading the Korean society, has 
been shifting from former student activists-turned-politicians known 
as the "386 generation" to "conservative technocrats." 
 
Prof. Jang Hoon of ChungAng University said, "If the key group of 
the Roh Moo-hyun Administration was a combination of left-wing 
intellectuals and the 386-generation power elite, the power elite of 
the Lee Myung-bak Administration is a combination of pro-growth 
advocates in their 60s and intellectual technocrats in their 50s. 
The key groups in the Lee Administration's power elite seem to be 
less united." 
 
If we compare the Roh and Lee Administrations at the beginning of 
their respective second year, the average age of Lee's power elite 
groups has increased.  The average age of Cabinet members increased 
from 57.9 to 61.9, and that of presidential secretaries from 48.5 to 
51.1. 
 
During the Roh Administration, many presidential secretaries at 
Cheong Wa Dae were in their 30s.  But the key members of the current 
presidential secretaries are conservative technocrats in their early 
50s. 
 
Prof. Park Gil-sung of Korea University said, "Non-mainstreamer 
elite led the Roh Administration.  But typical mainstreamer elite 
are the key members of the Lee Administration." 
 
Among 122 ministers, vice ministers and presidential secretaries in 
the Lee administration, the number of those from the Seoul 
metropolitan area decreased from 39, when its first Cabinet was 
formed last year, to 33 this year.  But those from Gyeongsang 
provincial regions increased from 37 to 41, or 33.6 percent.  There 
was no change in the number of those from Jeolla regions (19, or 
15.6 percent).  Those from Chungcheong regions increased from 16 to 
19, and those from Gangwon and Jeju also increased from 7 to 9. 
 
* This is a translation provided by the newspaper, and it is 
identical to the Korean version. 
 
 
Stephens 
1