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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 000088 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/15/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Editorial: Incoming administration to shift from "military 
power" to "smart power" (Asahi) 
 
(2) Questionnaires to candidates for Lower House election: 
UN-centered diplomacy has yet to be established in DPJ (Mainichi) 
 
(3) Poll on Aso cabinet, political parties (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(4) SDF gains confidence from overseas missions; Political use of 
SDF being questioned (Mainichi) 
 
(5) New Japan's message to America!: Alliance and self-support; 
Mountain of global-scale challenges to exchanges of talented people: 
Elites to be nurtured on grass-roots level (Mainichi) 
 
(6) Prime Minister's schedule, January 14 (Nikkei) 
 
(Corrected copy) Japan hijacked by the Murayama Statement (Sankei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Editorial: Incoming administration to shift from "military 
power" to "smart power" 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
January 15, 2009 
 
"The U.S. cannot solve the most pressing problems on our own, and 
the world cannot solve them without the U.S." With this expression, 
Hillary Clinton, who has been designated to be secretary of State by 
the incoming Obama administration, indicated that the U.S. would 
work together with the rest of the world. 
 
President-elect Barack Obama is making preparations in a rush to 
start tackling a host of challenges, including the economic crisis, 
immediately after assuming office. During a Senate hearing on her 
nomination before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Clinton 
explained the basic approach to diplomacy that will be taken by the 
incoming administration. 
 
The U.S. is now facing a variety of challenges, including the wars 
in Iraq and Afghanistan and the threats of terrorism and weapons of 
mass destruction. Senator Clinton also listed such challenges as 
global warming, infectious diseases, and poverty in developing 
countries. In handling these tasks, she said that the U.S. would use 
"smart power," a combination of military power and economic and 
cultural power. 
 
Her remarks declare farewell to the Bush administration's foreign 
policy approach, which played up "the logic of power" while 
reiterating such buzzwords as "axis of evil" and "democratization of 
the Middle East." 
 
The incoming administration's strategy is to increase the number of 
friends and decrease the number of enemies in a bid to accomplish 
its goals. The new administration plans to make more use of the UN, 
as shown by President-elect Obama's decision to promote the UN 
ambassadorship to a cabinet-level position. We welcome that new 
administration will break away from the Bush administration's 
unilateral diplomatic approach. 
 
TOKYO 00000088  002 OF 012 
 
 
 
Specifically, Clinton promised to ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear 
Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and make efforts to advance negotiations on a 
post-Kyoto mechanism to prevent global warming. 
 
In the election campaign, Clinton criticized Obama, who has no 
experience in foreign affairs, as "naive." But she expressed her 
resolve in the hearing to take the lead in promoting the Obama 
administration's foreign policy. She indicated a willingness to hold 
direct talks with Iran, which is proceeding with nuclear weapons 
development. 
 
Clinton has an overwhelmingly high profile, so she will surely draw 
much attention on the international stage as the "face" of American 
diplomacy. 
 
The first test facing her is the issue of Middle East peace. 
Critical voices have already been heard mainly from Islamic 
countries about the lack of response by Obama to the devastation 
caused by conflict in the Gaza Strip. In a bid to bring about a 
ceasefire, the U.S., as a fair mediator, should pressure Israel to 
stop its escalating military offensive against the Palestinians as 
soon as possible. 
 
In U.S. policy toward Asia, the North Korean nuclear issue must be 
addressed on a priority basis. Clinton stressed that the Obama 
administration, while maintaining the framework of six-party talks, 
would apply pressure on the North by threatening to suspend supplies 
of heavy oil if necessary. She suggested that the Obama 
administration would take a combination of soft and tough 
approaches. 
 
He called the Japan-U.S. alliance the "cornerstone" of U.S. policy 
toward Asia. On China, she suggested that the nation should become a 
complete and responsible participant in the international 
community. 
 
Arguments on whether the new administration would place emphasis on 
Japan or China are meaningless. It is possible for Japan and the 
U.S. to build a solid alliance for the first time by coming up with 
ideas on how to jointly handle regional and global issues, while 
involving China in their efforts. 
 
(2) Questionnaires to candidates for Lower House election: 
UN-centered diplomacy has yet to be established in DPJ 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
January 9, 2009 
 
U.S. President-elect Barack Obama will take the oath of office to 
become the President of the United States on Jan. 20, when the 
Mainichi Shimbun is still conducting this survey. With changes 
underway in the international community, Japan's foreign policy will 
likely become a campaign issue in the upcoming snap election for the 
House of Representatives. 
 
In the current survey, when Lower House candidates were asked what 
was important to protect Japan's security, 39 PERCENT  said: "A 
peace diplomacy under which Japan should cooperate with its 
neighboring countries;" 37 PERCENT , "The Japan-U.S. alliance;" 10 
PERCENT , "United Nations-centered diplomacy." 
 
 
TOKYO 00000088  003 OF 012 
 
 
By party, 76 PERCENT  of candidates of the ruling Liberal Democratic 
Party (LDP) and 59 PERCENT  of the New Komeito candidates said: "The 
Japan-U.S. alliance." Of the candidates of the Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ), 28 PERCENT  said: "Peace diplomacy;" 26 PERCENT , 
"UN-centered diplomacy; " and 19 PERCENT , "Japan-U.S. alliance." 
The figures show that DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa's argument that the 
use of force in overseas missions led by the United Nations based on 
UN resolutions is constitutional has not been fully accepted in the 
main opposition DPJ. Almost all the candidates from the Japanese 
Communist Party (JCP) and Social Democratic Party (SDP) replied that 
peace diplomacy is important. 
 
On the extension of the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling 
mission in the Indian Ocean, 41 PERCENT  supported, while 58 PERCENT 
 opposed. By party, 98 PERCENT  of the LDP candidates and 100 
PERCENT  of the New Komeito candidates favored the extension. Of the 
DPJ candidates, 95 PERCENT  were against it. All the JCP and SDP 
candidates opposed it. It seems that the candidates for the next 
general election answered the questions in accordance with their own 
party's assertions in consideration of a fierce battle between the 
ruling and opposition camps over the new Antiterrorism Special 
Measures Law, which was amended on Dec. 12, 2008. 
 
In order to resolve the issue of North Korea's abductions of 
Japanese nationals, 41 PERCENT  said that priority should be given 
to dialogue and 43 PERCENT  asserted that emphasis should be placed 
on pressure. 
 
However, 64 PERCENT  of the LDP candidates favored pressure, while 
16 PERCENT  preferred dialogue. The percentage of the DPJ and New 
Komeito candidates who favored pressure topped that of those who 
preferred dialogue. In contrary, the JCP and SDP candidates 
preferred dialogue rather than pressure. 
 
As a result, the answers to the above three questions by the male 
candidates were in line with the trend of these by all the 
respondents, while 60 to 70 PERCENT  of the female candidates 
answered that they opposed the extension of the refueling mission, 
favored peace diplomacy, and preferred a dialogue with North Korea. 
 
(3) Poll on Aso cabinet, political parties 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
January 12, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage. Parentheses denote the results of the 
last survey conducted Dec. 6-7 last year.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? 
 
Yes 19.2 (25.5) 
No 70.2 (61.3) 
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 10.6 (13.2) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the previous question) 
What's the primary reason for your approval of the Aso cabinet? Pick 
only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is trustworthy 13.6 (15.7) 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Liberal Democratic Party and 
the New Komeito 12.6 (9.6) 
 
TOKYO 00000088  004 OF 012 
 
 
The prime minister has leadership ability 2.7 (1.6) 
Something can be expected of its economic policies 10.1 (4.9) 
Something can be expected of its foreign policies 3.7 (3.5) 
Something can be expected of its political reforms 3.3 (3.5) 
Something can be expected of its tax reforms 3.6 (6.4) 
Something can be expected of its administrative reforms --- (2.6) 
There's no other appropriate person (for prime minister) 45.8 
(49.2) 
Other answers (O/A) 3.0 (2.0) 
D/K+N/A 1.6 (1.0) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the first question) What's 
the primary reason for your disapproval of the Aso cabinet? Pick 
only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is untrustworthy 18.2 (19.8) 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Liberal Democratic Party and 
the New Komeito 4.7 (4.5) 
The prime minister lacks leadership ability 22.6 (18.7) 
Nothing can be expected of its economic policies 28.8 (28.3) 
Nothing can be expected of its foreign policies 0.9 (1.4) 
Nothing can be expected of its political reforms 8.6 (6.5) 
Nothing can be expected of its tax reforms 2.4 (2.4) 
Nothing can be expected of its administrative reforms 6.5 (5.2) 
Don't like the prime minister's personal character 5.6 (11.1) 
O/A 0.5 (0.3) 
D/K+N/A 1.2 (1.8) 
 
Q: The government has presented a second supplementary budget to the 
Diet. This extra budget includes a 2-trillion-yen cash handout plan. 
Do you appreciate this payout plan? 
 
Yes 23.7 
No 70.5 
D/K+N/A 5.8 
 
Q: If there is 2 trillion yen to spend, how do you think the money 
should be used? Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
Cash handout 3.3 
Tax break 11.2 
Public investment 1.5 
Job security 26.3 
Social security (pension, healthcare, etc.) 42.0 
Declining birthrate 10.7 
O/A 0.5 
D/K+N/A 1.5 
 
Q: There has been a sharp increase in the number of people losing 
their jobs since last year due in part to the discontinuation of 
contracts with temporary workers. What do you think should be done 
first to improve the employment problem? Pick only one from among 
those listed below. 
 
The government should tighten restrictions through such measures as 
prohibiting the manufacturing industry from using temporary labor 
15.8 
Companies should make efforts to change the status of irregular 
workers to regular workers 30.8 
Workers should cooperate in work sharing to secure many jobs even 
though their pay goes down 45.4 
O/A 0.9 
 
TOKYO 00000088  005 OF 012 
 
 
D/K+N/A 7.1 
 
Q: The House of Representatives' current term is up until September 
this year. When would you like the House of Representatives to be 
dissolved for a general election? 
 
Right away 33.7 
Around April after the budget for fiscal 2009 is approved in the 
Diet 32.7 
Around June when the ordinary Diet session ends 12.5 
Wait until the current term expires in September without dissolving 
the Diet 15.1 
D/K+N/A 6.0 
 
Q: Would you like the present LDP-led coalition government to 
continue, or would you otherwise like it to be replaced with a 
DPJ-led coalition government? 
 
LDP-led coalition government 30.5 (33.1) 
DPJ-led coalition government 51.4 (45.4) 
D/K+N/A 18.1 (21.5) 
 
Q: Which political party are you going to vote for in the next House 
of Representatives election in your proportional representation 
bloc? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 26.3 (27.4) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39.7 (38.3) 
New Komeito (NK) 3.1 (3.9) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 5.9 (4.9) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 3.1 (2.1) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 1.0 (0.6) 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0.1 (0.1) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.2 (---) 
Other political parties, groups --- (---) 
D/K+N/A 20.6 (22.7) 
 
Q: When comparing Prime Minister Taro Aso and DPJ President Ichiro 
Ozawa, which one do you think is more appropriate for prime 
minister? 
 
Taro Aso 22.1 (33.5) 
Ichiro Ozawa 46.4 (34.5) 
D/K+N/A 31.5 (32.0) 
 
Q: (Only for those who gave "Taro Aso") What is the primary reason 
for your choice of Prime Minister Aso? Pick only one. 
 
Because he's trustworthy 9.5 (12.1) 
Because he's with the LDP 42.4 (30.5) 
Because he has leadership ability 5.1 (5.6) 
Because something can be expected of his policies 11.7 (13.8) 
Because he's appropriate as Japan's leader on the diplomatic front 
10.5 (14.7) 
O/A 15.1 (12.5) 
D/K+N/A 5.7 (10.8) 
 
Q: (Only for those who gave "Ichiro Ozawa") What is the primary 
reason for your choice of DPJ President Ozawa? Pick only one. 
 
Because he's trustworthy 6.5 (5.5) 
Because he's with the DPJ 23.6 (24.2) 
 
TOKYO 00000088  006 OF 012 
 
 
Because he has leadership ability 20.6 (20.8) 
Because something can be expected of his policies 36.9 (32.3) 
Because he's appropriate as Japan's leader on the diplomatic front 
1.7 (5.5) 
O/A 8.8 (7.5) 
D/K+N/A 1.9 (4.2) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 27.5 (28.9) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 31.1 (28.7) 
New Komeito (NK) 2.2 (3.3) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3.6 (4.9) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 2.4 (1.9) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.4 (0.3) 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- 0.1 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.2 (---) 
Other political parties, groups --- (---) 
None 30.8 (30.4) 
D/K+N/A 1.8 (1.5) 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Jan. 10-11 across the 
nation by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit 
dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers, 
those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters 
totaled 1,477. Answers were obtained from 1,025 persons. 
 
(4) SDF gains confidence from overseas missions; Political use of 
SDF being questioned 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
January 15, 2009 
 
Takahiro Takino, Takashi Sudo 
 
The atmosphere surrounding joint exercises between the Ground 
Self-Defense Force and the U.S. military has changed over the last 
several years. The joint exercises began in 1981. The GSDF is now 
able to carry out joint drills that are based on scenarios that are 
far more complex than those used in early years. 
 
In December 2008, a joint on-the-map command post exercise was 
conducted at the GSDF's Camp Asaka. The drill was practical, 
requiring thinking about from the evacuation of residents to the 
protection of cultural assets based on a scenario in which a 
ballistic missile was fired at Japan and chemical warfare broke out. 
"Finally, we have become able to discuss operations with the U.S. 
military," a senior GSDF officer said. SDF personnel have begun 
feeling confident. 
 
Last summer, Takashi Araya, 49, a former colonel and the first 
special operations group chief, retired from the GSDF. Araya built 
from scratch the first special force that was established in 2004 by 
using a trial-and-error method. The sudden retirement of the senior 
officer who had played a role in the GSDF's forefront has created a 
stir, though it was not made public. 
 
Araya, currently a martial-arts teacher in Tokyo, keeps mum about 
why he retired from the GSDF. At the same time, he does not conceal 
his sense of discomfort about the future of the organization to 
which he belonged to for a quarter century. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000088  007 OF 012 
 
 
He entered an educational institution of the U.S. Army, the most 
powerful in the world. He learned that the operation of a special 
force reflected political will, based on the country's unique 
values. Military troops of each country undergo rigorous training to 
acquire combat skills and psychological and information warfare 
ability. 
 
Does Japan have such a national will? How should (a special force) 
be introduced? He racked his brain. He went to Iraq, as well. 
Experiencing a taste of the battlefield, he came to realize that SDF 
personnel did not think with their minds because they were taught to 
do things by the book and that U.S. troops were trained through 
actual warfare to use their brains to take action. 
 
He also came to believe that with a slight shift in its thinking, 
the GSDF could make greater contributions to the world. He said: "In 
terms of religion, Japanese people are lenient. Given that, Japanese 
troop can be of greater help in conflict zones than the U.S. 
military. All (the SDF) has to do is to have concrete operations and 
skills suitable for objectives." 
 
The Japan-U.S. alliance has a history of over half a century. The 
SDF, which was established with the aid of the United States, the 
superpower, is said to be in maturity militarily. 
 
"The relationship is such that we can tell the U.S. military what it 
doesn't want to hear," a senior Maritime Self-Defense Force officer 
noted. The SDF's shift to forces with a strong voice began with the 
deployment of minesweepers to the Persian Gulf in 1991 and is based 
on the operation of troops on such overseas missions as UN 
peacekeeping operations in Cambodia and Mozambique and 
reconstruction assistance in Iraq. 
 
A symbolic event occurred last fall. The United States called for a 
halt to the Japan-Russia joint search and rescue exercise that began 
in 1998 between the MSDF and the Russian Navy. The step was regarded 
as part of (U.S.) sanctions on Russia that launched military 
intervention in Georgia in August. A Foreign Ministry official said: 
"We felt uncomfortable with the call about the exercise of such a 
level. The Department of Defense was forceful." 
 
The MSDF reacted strongly. It was fixated on carrying out the 
exercise with the country that used to be a threat to Japan and with 
which it took 10 years to build relations of trust to carry out 
such. The SDF tenaciously persuaded the U.S. Navy, and the 
(Japan-Russia joint exercise) took place in October. Reflecting on 
the event, a senior MSDF officer said: "It required courage to 
reject the U.S. request, but it was absolutely necessary for the 
stability of the region." 
 
The unusual decision was reported to the Prime Minister's Office via 
the Foreign Ministry. Another MSDF officer explained: "It seems that 
the conclusion was reached through direct talks between the MSDF and 
the U.S. Navy. There is a line that must not be crossed." Military 
commentator Tetsuo Maeda took this view: "After the end of the Cold 
War, there has appeared a trend to do things between armed forces to 
increase readiness. But a question remains about to what extent 
Japan is allowed to do such in relation to its Constitution." 
 
It is natural for the SDF, which has become confident through 
overseas missions, to have its own wishes regarding operations. How 
should they be used? Political wishes are being questioned. 
 
TOKYO 00000088  008 OF 012 
 
 
 
(5) New Japan's message to America!: Alliance and self-support; 
Mountain of global-scale challenges to exchanges of talented people: 
Elites to be nurtured on grass-roots level 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
January 15, 2009 
 
"New York is my hometown. Inuyama is my adopted home," said Bianchi 
Anthony in fluent Japanese, smiling in a friendly manner. The 
fifty-year old Anthony is a former vice chair of the Inuyama City 
Assembly in Aichi Prefecture. Inuyama is an old castle town with a 
population of 75,000. 
 
When he was an English teacher at a municipal middle school in the 
city, he wrote a supplementary textbook so that Japanese and foreign 
teachers could cooperate more in helping students improve their 
English conversation ability. However, the school's administration 
was reluctant to adopt it, saying there was no precedent. 
 
Bianchi, who once worked at New York City Hall, ran for a seat on 
the Inuyama city assembly in 2003. He was elected easily. He was 
able to have his supplementary textbook adopted in 2005. Middle 
schools in Inuyama achieved results 10 points higher than the 
national average in achievement tests conducted by a private 
organization in 2007. 
 
Bianchi came to Inuyama on the JET (Japan Exchange and Teaching) 
program. Under that program, the government invites young foreigners 
who had graduated from universities in English-speaking countries to 
Japan for a year to work as assistant English teachers at local 
middle and high schools. The aim is to improve English education in 
Japan and bring and international perspective to local communities. 
The program started in 1987. About 50,000 people from 54 countries 
have taken part in the program. More than half have been Americans. 
 
When the program was started, trade disputes between Japan and the 
U.S. were at their peak. Executive Director Nobuo Ishihara of the 
Research Institute for Local Government, who proposed this plan when 
he was the chief of the Secretariat of the Internal Affairs 
Ministry, revealed that it was also intended to reduce Japan's 
foreign currency reserve. 
 
The main agenda of Japan-U.S. relations during the Cold War were 
such bilateral issues as security arrangements and trade disputes. 
Participants in personnel exchanges at that time were mainly 
politicians and bureaucrats. The GARIOA (Government Appropriation 
for Relief in Occupied Areas) Fund and the Fulbright Program 
produced (eminent persons,) such as former Ambassador to the U.S. 
Yoshio Okawara and former Vice Finance Minister for International 
Financial Affairs Yukio Gyoten. Late former Prime Minister Keizo 
Obuchi and former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Foley became regular 
participants in parliamentarian exchanges, which the Japan Center 
for International Exchange (JCIE) has been hosting since 1968. 
 
Change came after the Cold War -- a time when the Japanese economy 
entered a stable growth phase and when China began to rise. The 
research report issued by the JCIE includes the following data. The 
number of U.S. Congress-related persons (legislators and staff 
members) who visited Japan on programs hosted by the private sector 
has been declining since the mid-1990s. For staffers, the flow of 
visits has dropped 80 PERCENT  over the past five years. Only nine 
 
TOKYO 00000088  009 OF 012 
 
 
U.S. members of Congress visited Japan in 2006. This number is less 
than half of those who visited China. Among think-tanks based in 
Washington, the number of Japan experts is now less than one-third 
the number of China experts. 
 
Concern is mounting that exchanges among elites are declining. 
Global-scale challenges, such as environmental measures, have 
appeared in the 21st century. Broad-based private-sector cooperation 
that goes beyond the bilateral and government-to-government 
framework is being sought. 
 
Director Sadaaki Numata of the Japan Foundation Center for Global 
Partnership (CGP) said: "Japan-U.S. relations will not deepen only 
through intellectual exchanges between elites of the two countries. 
Exchanges on the grass-roots and civic society levels are also 
important." 
 
More than 20,000 Americans have come to Japan with the JET program. 
Some of them are now contributing to Japan's internationalization or 
engaging in diplomacy between the two countries. Marc Dillard (39) 
at the American Embassy in Tokyo wanted to become a diplomat when he 
realized Japanese and American people shared the same values. He 
thought he could work as a bridge between the two countries. Among 
diplomats at the American Embassy, about 20 of them have taken part 
in the JET program. Three of them are now serving as section heads. 
 
Moves to use former JET participants are now under way. Yukio Tada, 
director of the Washington Office of Sojitsu Corporation, who has 
lived in the U.S. for 15 years, is helping them find jobs at 
Japanese companies, setting up a non-governmental organization. The 
United States-Japan Conference on Cultural and Educational 
Interchange will also look into a way to use former JET participants 
for bilateral cooperation in the private sector. 
 
The late U.S. Ambassador to Japan Mike Mansfield, who served in the 
post from 1977 to 1989, once called relations between Japan and the 
U.S. the most important bilateral relationship in the world, bar 
none. Persons who will take a major role in the new bilateral 
alliance in the age of globalism will be nurtured on the grass-roots 
level, as well. 
 
(6) Prime Minister's schedule, January 14 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
January 15, 2009 
 
07:58 
Took a walk around his private residence in Kamiyama-cho. 
 
11:28 
Met at Kantei Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Uruma, joined later by 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Kawamura and deputy chief cabinet 
secretaries Matsumoto and Konoike. Kawamura, Konoike and Uruma 
remained. Kawamura remained. 
 
13:10 
Handed written official appointment to Parliamentary Secretary for 
the Cabinet Office Okamoto, attended by Kawamura. 
 
15:27 
Met with Ambassador to International Organization in Geneva 
Kitajima. 
 
TOKYO 00000088  010 OF 012 
 
 
 
16:08 
Met with Philippine Transport and Communications Minister Mendoza, 
followed by IMPULSE Chairman Masato Uemura, joined by Upper House 
members Masaji Matsuyama and Yoshifumi Matsumura. 
 
16:56 
Met with NHK Management Committee Chairman Yoshiro Komaru. 
 
17:29 
Attended meeting of ambassadors to Middle Eastern and African 
countries and meeting of ambassadors to international organizations. 
 
 
18:17 
Met with Russia's Federal Assembly's Federation Council Chairman 
Mironov. 
 
19:11 
Dined with LDP Ibaraki chapter head Yamaguchi at Japanese restaurant 
Tsuruyoshi in Akasaka district attended Senior Deputy Secretary 
General Hayashi. 
 
20:43 
Met with secretary at Bar "Golden Lion" in Imperial Hotel. 
 
22:54 
Returned to his private residence. 
 
(Corrected copy) Japan hijacked by the Murayama Statement 
 
SANKEI (Page 13) (Abridged slightly) 
January 14, 2009 
 
By Hidetsugu Yagi, professor of Takasaki City University of 
Economics 
 
The furor over the controversial essay written by former Air 
Self-Defense Force Chief of Staff Toshio Tamogami has escalated. 
There is now a review going on of the selection of the instructors 
for courses on historical and state views started during Tamogami's 
tenure as head of Joint Staff College. The lecture courses in 
question are extra courses at the college, a training institute for 
Self-Defense Force brass officers. The (Japanese Communist Party's 
organ daily) Akahata and the like have persistently charged that the 
college was slanted toward selecting conservative individuals to 
teach the courses. 
 
In reaction to the accusation, Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada said 
on Nov. 21: "It is difficult to conclude that the selection of the 
lecturers was appropriate. We would like to review the courses." 
Admiral Takashi Saito, Chief of Staff, Joint Staff, also told on 
Dec. 16 members of the Upper House Foreign and Defense Affairs 
Committee who had toured the college: "Some courses lack a sense of 
balance. We must consider the selection of the lecturers and the 
contents of the lectures." 
 
In addition to the selection of lecturers in courses for 
rank-and-file SDF members, the contents of those courses, and even 
the courses at the National Defense Academy are being examined to 
determine if they are in line with the Murayama Statement (of 
apology for World War II). Reportedly, leftist political parties 
 
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eager to scrutinize the matter are examining the selection of all 
writers for SDF-related magazines and newspapers and what they 
wrote. 
 
The Defense Ministry and the SDF are being taken over by the 
Murayama Statement. Under such circumstances, will SDF personnel be 
able to maintain their morale? 
 
I am concerned that such a trend might spread to public education, 
as well. The Basic Education Law that was revised two years ago 
stipulates to "cultivate a mind that respects tradition and culture 
and that loves the nation and homeland that have fostered them." The 
teaching guidelines were revised, albeit insufficiently, in March 
¶2008. 
 
Once the Murayama Statement ties the hands of the government 
bureaucracy, children at public school would have to be taught that 
"during a certain period in the not too distant past, Japan, 
following a mistaken national policy, advanced along the road to 
war, only to ensnare the Japanese people in a fateful crisis, and, 
through its colonial rule and aggression, caused tremendous damage 
and suffering to the people of many countries, particularly in 
Asia." This would naturally be reflected in the textbook screening 
process, as well. 
 
What the Basic Education Law calls for might turn into pie in the 
sky. The ideal could turn into mere shell as a result of the 
Murayama Statement taking precedence over the Basic Education Law. 
 
Even if the Constitution is amended in the near future and the SDF 
is defined properly, the SDF would by analogy remain in line with 
the Murayama Statement as long as it is upheld. Such a body would be 
a far cry from the national army of a normal country. 
 
Even though the Murayama Statement's origin raises some issues, the 
statement is the government's view. Under the banner of the Murayama 
Statement, specific forces press the government and related 
organizations to underpin the government's view. Because it is the 
government's view, people cannot openly object to the Murayama 
Statement even thorough they know that it has some problems. They 
have to back down. 
 
In Japan, there are principles that are convenient for specific 
forces. The Kono Statement on the so-called comfort women issue, the 
neighboring country clause of school textbook screening, the 
Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Basic Law for a 
Gender-Equal Society are some examples. (Specific forces) present 
their assertions by pushing those principles to the forefront. 
 
The origins and the bases of those principles, including the 
Murayama Statement, present problems, and government-connected 
people are aware of that. Because all those principles were 
authorized by the government, people connected with the government 
must back down when those principles are put forward. The series of 
problems deriving from the Tamogami essay has made clear that such 
exist. 
 
As long as such principles exist, amendments to the Basic Education 
Law and the Constitution would be subject to them. Oddly enough, 
those principles, taking precedence over the Constitution and the 
Basic Education Law, would turn themselves into dead letters. 
 
 
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To prevent that, there is no other way but to make those principles 
relative. The only way to prevent the country's education, 
administration, diplomacy, and education from being taken over by 
those principles is to make clear that the roots and the bases of 
the principles which specific forces are putting up as their banners 
have some problems and to reexamine them fundamentally. Those 
principles must not be monopolized by specific forces. 
 
ZUMWALT