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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 000057 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/09/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Letter from President Bush to Prime Minister Aso thanking Japan 
for dispatch of SDF to Iraq (Sankei) 
 
(2) Lineup of Asia policymaking team in Obama administration 
reflects strong expectations of Japan (Part 1) (Asahi) 
 
(3) Lineup of Asia policymaking team in Obama administration 
reflects strong expectations of Japan (Part 2) (Asahi) 
 
(4) Post-Iraq challenges (Part A): Former Deputy Secretary of State 
Richard Armitage -- Japan must present what it wants to do to the 
United States (Yomiuri) 
 
(5) Verbal agreement between U.S. and North Korea major bone of 
contention; Failure to codify verification protocol (Asahi) 
 
(6) Full-scale discussion to begin for revising National Defense 
Program Guidelines; Emphasis on China, North Korea, and 
international contributions (Nikkei) 
 
(7) Japan should dispatch MSDF vessels to waters off Somalia 
(Yomiuri) 
 
(8) Political Cartoon (Asahi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Letter from President Bush to Prime Minister Aso thanking Japan 
for dispatch of SDF to Iraq 
 
SANKEI (Internet edition) (Full) 
January 9, 2009 
 
The government today announced that President Bush had sent a letter 
to Prime Minister Aso thanking Japan for its contributions to Iraq's 
reconstruction, starting with the dispatch of the Self-Defense 
Forces (SDF) to that country. The letter came on Jan. 7. In it, Mr. 
Bush wrote this about the SDF: "Japan should be proud to have joined 
a successful support operation that helped bring freedom and 
democracy to Iraq, and recently, the lessening of violence." 
 
He also touched on the two Foreign Ministry diplomats, including 
Ambassador Oku, who were killed by armed insurgents, offering his 
condolences. "We will not forget their sacrifices," he wrote. 
 
(2) Lineup of Asia policymaking team in Obama administration 
reflects strong expectations of Japan (Part 1) 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) 
January 19, 2009 
 
(Yoichi Kato, Washington) 
 
The incoming Obama administration has decided to appoint Harvard 
University Professor Joseph Nye, a heavyweight Democrat 
knowledgeable about Japan, as ambassador to Japan. The 
administration has also decided to give working-level posts in major 
government institutions to those well-versed in Japanese affairs, 
including Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Kurt Campbell. These 
selections reflect the incoming administration's strong expectations 
 
TOKYO 00000057  002 OF 009 
 
 
that Japan will play a role as its partner on equal footing. 
 
Nye known as heavyweight knowledgeable about Japan 
 
Regarding the selection of Nye as ambassador to Japan, an informed 
source said: "In the Democratic Party, there is no big-wig 
politician whom the administration wants to send to Japan." 
Successive administrations of the Democratic Party designated 
politicians who had reached the very top in the U.S. political world 
were designated as ambassador to Japan, including former Vice 
President Mondale and former House of Representatives Speaker Foley. 
These selections represent the administrations' stance of 
prioritizing Japan as its ally. Among the incumbent Democratic 
politicians, however, there is no suitable candidate with a similar 
status, according to the source. 
 
If Nye is officially nominated as ambassador to Japan, he will be 
the first academic-turned ambassador since the late Edwin O. 
Reischauer. Nye has already produced remarkable academic works. In 
addition, he served as assistant secretary of defense in charge of 
East Asian and Oceanian affairs under the Clinton administration 
from 1994 through 1995, during which, he had to handle the case of a 
school girl raped by U.S. military personnel in Okinawa. 
 
Persons connected with the incoming administration are worried about 
the fact that some Japanese have voiced anxiety about or distrust in 
the administration. Some persons have fear that the next 
administration might prioritize experts on China over those on Japan 
in the Asia policymaking team. Others speculate that the new 
administration might move in the direction of protectionism. 
 
Further, certain Japanese government officials have deplored that 
there is no shoulder to lean on, like former Deputy Secretary of 
State Armitage in the first-term Bush administration. 
 
The Obama camp has sent a message at every opportunity promising to 
attach importance to Japan-U.S. relations. Hearing negative views in 
Japan despite these messages, some on the U.S. side have expressed 
their irritation. 
 
Under this circumstance, Nye is indisputably an ideal person to 
assume the ambassadorship in Japan. He is expected to be welcomed by 
the Japanese people with respect and to be able to send assurances 
to them. 
 
Nye has advocated that not only "hard power" but "soft power" as 
well should be used as a diplomatic tool. His stress on the use of 
"smart power" coincides with President-elect Obama's views. 
 
In terms of his status, achievement and knowledge, Nye is fully 
qualified to be ambassador to Japan and serve as proxy for the 
president. 
 
(3) Lineup of Asia policymaking team in Obama administration 
reflects strong expectations of Japan (Part 2) 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) 
January 9, 2009 
 
(Yoichi Kato, Washington) 
 
Consideration also to China 
 
TOKYO 00000057  003 OF 009 
 
 
 
The assistant secretaries in charge of East Asian and Pacific 
affairs of the Defense Department and the State Department are 
responsible for drawing up diplomatic and security policies toward 
Japan and Asia of the U.S. government. The senior Asian director at 
the National Security Council (NSC) is in charge of coordination 
work. 
 
The Obama administration announced yesterday that it has tapped 
Jeffrey Bader as senior Asian director at the NSC, Kurt Campbell as 
assistant secretary of state, and Wallace Gregson as assistant 
secretary of defense. These three will be key members of the Obama 
administration in administrating Asia policy. 
 
This lineup demonstrates the administration's great consideration to 
Japan. Campbell dealt with the incident of a schoolgirl raped by 
U.S. military personnel in Okinawa in 1995, and he engaged in 
negotiations on re-defining the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty in 1996 
as deputy assistant secretary of defense during the Clinton 
administration. 
 
Gregson, an elite member of the Marines, tackled Asian and Pacific 
issues under Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Campbell. He also 
has many years of experience in Okinawa, so he is familiar with U.S. 
military base issues. Campbell and Gregson are experts on dealing 
with problems related to the maintenance of the Japan-U.S. alliance, 
as well as on making defense plans. 
 
To enable Campbell to spend more time handling relations with Japan, 
an agreement has been reached to set up in the Department of State a 
special envoy for the North Korean nuclear issue when the Obama 
administration is inaugurated, according to informed sources. This 
decision was made in response to criticism that Assistant Secretary 
of State Hill was too busy dealing with North Korean issues to 
handle other Asian issues. The selection for the post of special 
envoy has yet to be completed, but Campbell, if appointed as 
assistant secretary of state, will surely be able to spend more time 
handling relations with Japan and China. 
 
While giving priority to Japan, the lineup also shows consideration 
to a balance in the entire Asia and Pacific region. By awarding the 
post at the NSC to Bader, a well-known China expert, the 
administration is apparently aiming to come up with policies also 
giving consideration to China and other Asian countries. 
 
In the Democratic Party's presidential primary, Campbell supported 
Hillary Clinton (incoming state secretary), while Bader was one of 
the leading figures in the Obama camp from the very beginning of the 
campaign. Obama's strong confidence in Bader is likely to increase 
his influence. 
 
(4) Post-Iraq challenges (Part A): Former Deputy Secretary of State 
Richard Armitage -- Japan must present what it wants to do to the 
United States 
 
YOMIURI (Page 12) (Full) 
January 9, 2009 
 
Interviewed by Satoshi Ogawa, Washington 
 
I am very proud of the fact that the Japanese government dispatched 
Ground Self-Defense Force troops to Samawah, Iraq, to provide 
 
TOKYO 00000057  004 OF 009 
 
 
reconstruction support and had the Air Self-Defense Force engage in 
an airlift mission from Kuwait to Iraq. The fact that they have 
joined the most difficult task of this period is vital for Japan, 
and it has heightened assessments of the SDF and the Japanese 
people. As far as Japan and the United States are concerned, I 
believe the United States has deepened its respect for the SDF's 
performance and the SDF has increased its respect for the United 
States that has been engaged in painstaking, dirty, and dangerous 
work around the world. 
 
The United States wants to see Japan provide as much support as 
possible in Afghanistan, as well. The Maritime Self-Defense Force's 
refueling mission in the Indian Ocean helped not only the United 
States but also other relevant countries, including Pakistan and 
India. Although they all truly appreciated it, there is a need to 
provide assistance on the mainland (Afghanistan) by using CH-47 
transport helicopters and C-130 cargo planes. Japan has demonstrated 
that it is capable of providing sufficient support in Iraq. Such 
should be possible in Afghanistan, as well. 
 
At this point in time, on the eve of the establishment of the Obama 
administration, my advice to Japan is that you decide in your own 
country on what you want to do -- rather than coming to the United 
States to tell you what you cannot do -- and show resolve to the 
United States. I would like Japan to think of "boots on the ground" 
by sending personnel to Afghanistan. 
 
I would like to point out that besides military boots, there are all 
sorts of "boots," such as those of doctors, nurses, construction 
workers, teachers, police officers. Japan must bear a greater 
monetary burden and increase its official development assistance 
budget, but they are only part of many matters Japan can decide on. 
 
I would like Japan to demonstrate a proactive attitude rather than a 
negative attitude, which it has shown in the past. 
 
It is clear that Article 9 of the Constitution prohibiting the use 
of the right to collective self-defense has been an impediment to 
international contributions involving the SDF. But even under 
Article 9, Japan has worked things out several times, demonstrating 
it had the political will. Japan was able to dispatch police 
officers to Cambodia and units with military capability to the Golan 
Heights, Samawah, and the Indian Ocean. 
 
Over the last year or so, Japan has had a total of three prime 
ministers, and the government is now paralyzed. The problem is that 
making decisions as a state is extremely difficult. The Liberal 
Democratic Party has problems, but it is unclear whether the 
Democratic Party of Japan is powerful enough to defeat the LDP in an 
election. This problem would linger on for several years until the 
political system is realigned. But the international situation 
cannot wait for Japan that long. 
 
Even if Japan does not carry out (SDF) assistance in Afghanistan, 
that does not mean an end to the U.S.-Japan alliance. But such would 
be regarded as inappropriate as a country holding a two-year 
(non-permanent) seat on the UN Security Council that started this 
year. 
 
Next year marks the 50th anniversary of the revision of the 
U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. The United States and Japan have not 
released a clear joint declaration since the Joint Declaration on 
 
TOKYO 00000057  005 OF 009 
 
 
Security of 1996. (Next year) would provide an ideal opportunity to 
discuss efforts to strengthen the alliance, and I strongly hope that 
a new joint declaration will be formulated. 
 
(5) Verbal agreement between U.S. and North Korea major bone of 
contention; Failure to codify verification protocol 
 
ASAHI (Page 10) (Full) 
January 8, 2009 
 
The Six-Party Talks on North Korea's nuclear program failed to 
codify the verification protocol of North Korea's nuclear program. 
Last October, the United States and North Korea agreed on the method 
of verification measures through bilateral talks, and in December, 
the heads of the delegations of the six countries held talks in 
which the North refused to clearly state in writing what it had 
agreed to the United States in October.  What happened in between? 
 
North Korea agreed to three points 
 
The purpose of the visit to Pyongyang by U.S. Assistant Secretary of 
State Christopher Hill was to prevent the North from producing 
plutonium. He did this by reaching an accord on verification 
measures in exchange for a promise to remove the North from the U.S. 
list of states sponsoring terrorism. However, Pyongyang was adamant 
about not codifying the verification protocol, insisting that what 
it would do was to present documents with operating records, as well 
as to allow on-site inspections of nuclear facilities and interviews 
with relevant officials. 
 
Under such circumstances, what cropped up was a verbal agreement on 
verification measures. The verbal accord consisted of three points: 
1) North Korea accepted the verification of nuclear development 
using highly-enriched uranium (HEU); 2) the North unconditionally 
allowed verification at 21 facilities it had declared, as well as at 
unreported nuclear sites based on consent by both sides; and 3) the 
North agreed to use the expression 'sampling of nuclear materials.' 
The expression 'sampling of nuclear materials,' which became a point 
of issue later, was changed to 'scientific measures.' A U.S. 
government official said, however: "North Korea initially accepted 
to use the sampling (of nuclear materials)." 
 
The North hardened its stance 
 
Following the verbal commitment, the U.S. government delisted North 
Korea as a state sponsor of terrorism. However, the verbal agreement 
came under criticism for being ambiguous. The U.S. government then 
began groping for supplementary documentation. 
 
At bilateral talks between the United States and North Korea in 
November, North Korean Foreign Ministry American Affairs Bureau 
Director General Li Gun suggested: "We cannot say that we agreed on 
the expression 'sampling.' How about using sampling as meaning 
scientific measures?" The U.S. side felt it had scored a hit. But 
before Li returned home, North Korea denied that it had made the 
proposal by releasing a statement by the Foreign Ministry's 
spokesperson. The officials concerned were perplexed by North 
Korea's incoherent response. 
 
Washington's revelation of the verbal accord was the reason behind a 
change in Pyongyang's stand. A source familiar with the Six-Party 
Talks said: "North Korea began to have a distrust of the United 
 
TOKYO 00000057  006 OF 009 
 
 
States." 
 
Even so, Hill, who wanted to reach an agreement, held talks with 
North Korean Vice Foreign Minister Kim Kye Gwan on Dec. 4 in 
Singapore. A plan he had in mind was to resolve the issue by 
producing an attached annex with closed doors. Kim, however, 
stubbornly insisted that things should be pushed ahead based on the 
agreement reached in Pyongyang. Kim proposed that the wording 
'scientific measures' be changed to 'all measures necessary for the 
verification of the protocol,' while refusing to use the word 
"sampling." The U.S. government was disappointed at Pyongyang's 
response. 
 
Six-Party Talks failed 
 
The chief negotiators of the Six-Party Talks gathered in Beijing on 
Dec. 8. A source familiar with the talks said: "Mr. Hill did not 
show any spunk." On the morning of the 9th, China distributed a 
draft on the verification protocol. The contents of the draft were 
even more specific. It is because the draft specified verification 
procedures such as: 1) launching three measures to which North Korea 
had agreed; 2) starting scientific measures which meet international 
standards when the second stage of denuclearization nears 
completion; 3) at the third stage, initiating verifying facilities 
that North Korea did not report; and 4) at an advanced stage of the 
abolishment of nuclear weapons, North Korea would rejoin the Nuclear 
Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and allow the International Atomic 
Energy Agency (IAEA) to conduct special inspections. 
 
A South Korean government source said: "I'm positive that the 
document referred to the sampling of materials." Nuclear development 
using highly-enriched uranium, nuclear proliferation and nuclear 
weapons were included in the targets subject to verification. 
 
However, North Korea did not even show any interest in the draft 
document. In a meeting on Dec. 10, Kim refused to accept the 
document, saying: "Our nuclear capabilities will be unveiled. From 
national defense and security standpoints, we cannot accept it." 
 
There were no words implying sampling in the chairman statement 
China presented on Dec. 11. The statement was aimed to complete 
economic and energy assistance to North Korea. A source familiar 
with the Six-Party Talks said: "In order to undermine the talks 
China shifted its stance favoring North Korea." Hill returned to his 
country rather than waiting until after the talks were over. 
 
(6) Full-scale discussion to begin for revising National Defense 
Program Guidelines; Emphasis on China, North Korea, and 
international contributions 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
January 9, 2009 
 
The government's Council on Security and Defense Capabilities, which 
is composed of experts, will hold its first meeting today to kick 
off full-fledged discussions on revising the National Defense 
Program Guidelines (NDPG) that sets the nation's basic defense 
policy. The panel will discuss reviews of the disposition of troops, 
equipment, and the size of the Self-Defense Forces, with an emphasis 
on responses to China's military buildup, the unclear North Korean 
situation, and international contributions. It also intends to add 
more flexibility to the rigid allocation of budgets to the Ground, 
 
TOKYO 00000057  007 OF 009 
 
 
Maritime, and Air Self-Defense Forces. 
 
The council, chaired by Tokyo Electric Power Company President 
Tsunehisa Katsumata, is scheduled to present a report to Prime 
Minister Taro Aso by summer. Based on it, the government will draw 
up a new NDPG and the next Midterm Defense Buildup Program (fiscal 
2010 - 2014). Cabinet decisions will be made on them at the end of 
the year. 
 
The government has been keeping an eye on China whose military 
spending has been posting two-digit growth and North Korea whose 
intentions are unclear about abolishing its nuclear programs. At the 
same time, Russian naval vessels and aircrafts are stepping up 
activities near Japan's territorial waters and airspace. As seen in 
the deployment of F-15s at the Naha base, Japan has begun stepping 
up the "defense of southwest." Japan still needs to build a more 
effective maritime-and-air warning and surveillance system, 
including the procurement of (FX) next-generation fighters. 
 
In the wake of the enactment of the basic space law that has opened 
the door for use of space for defense purposes, the panel is 
expected to consider the introduction of early-warning satellites to 
increase the accuracy of a missile defense system. Relaxation of the 
three principles on arms exports is also expected to become a topic 
of discussion from a perspective of developing the defense industry 
and improving technology. 
 
In addition to the SDF's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, the 
government is studying the possibility of sending troops to waters 
off Somalia to deal with piracy there as part of Japan's 
international contribution. Although the importance of international 
contribution is spelled out in the current NDPG, the panel will 
discuss the securing of equipment and personnel and the modality of 
the organization and education, as demand for overseas missions is 
expected to grow. 
 
The panel will consider the efficient allocation of budgets to the 
three forces free from sectionalism. 
 
Points at issue for the new National Defense Program Guidelines 
 
? To deal with China's military buildup and the situation in North 
Korea 
0A review of the disposition of troops of the Ground, Maritime, and 
Air Self-Defense Forces and the flexile allocation of budgets 
 
? To deal with expectations for international contribution 
0Reviews of the regal basis for the overseas dispatch of the SDF and 
of equipment and the system and the definition of the realignment of 
U.S. forces in Japan 
 
? To deal with technical innovation 
Propriety of the introduction of early-warning satellites, easing 
the three principles that have strictly restricted weapons exports, 
and the procurement of (FX) next-generation fighters. 
 
(7) Japan should dispatch MSDF vessels to waters off Somalia 
 
YOMIURI (Page 12) (Full) 
January 9, 2009 
 
Shinichi Kitaoka, Tokyo University professor 
 
TOKYO 00000057  008 OF 009 
 
 
 
Though the Self-Defense Forces' (SDF) Iraq mission did not played a 
major role in assistance for the reconstruction of that nation, it 
fulfilled a role of firmly maintaining the Japan-U.S. alliance for a 
limited period, by lending its hand to the U.S. when it was in 
trouble. The SDF earned the confidence of the international 
community by acting in an orderly manner. It was a valuable 
experience in terms of improving its capability of coping with 
unpredictable incidents. 
 
However, Japan's UN peace-keeping operations are in terrible shape. 
Only 38 persons were taking part in such operations as of the end of 
November 2008, ranking Japan 79th in the world, accounting for 0.04 
PERCENT  of the total number of persons -- approximately 90,000 -- 
who took part in PKO from all over the world. The Constitution 
stipulates in the preamble that "we desire to occupy an honored 
place in an international society and that we believe no nation is 
responsible to itself alone." From a positive pacifist standpoint, 
Japan's contribution should come to about 1 PERCENT . It once 
dispatched several hundreds SDF personnel to PKO in Cambodia. The 
Ground-Self Defense Force's (GSDF) engineering unit would be most 
useful. Repairing roads and bridges is no mean contribution. In my 
view, Japan's dispatch of an engineering unit to Southern Sudan 
would be appreciated. 
 
One reason that Japan is inactive in international cooperation 
activities can be found in its legal system. Clause 1 of Article 9 
of the Constitution bans the use of force as means of settling 
international disputes. In view of the development of international 
laws and the process of the establishment of the Constitution, it is 
clear that this means a dispute between Japan and another country 
should not be settled with the use of force. Applying this clause to 
a case of Japan helping other countries settle their disputes within 
the UN framework is the misinterpretation of the Constitution. 
"Emergency escort" in the event of other countries' troops being 
attacked and the use of weapons in carrying out duties should be 
approved. 
 
Another problem is the prime minister's leadership. The Cabinet 
Legislation Bureau, the SDF and the New Komeito are negative about 
the idea of Japan taking part in international cooperation 
activities. It is a problem that the prime minister cannot persuade 
them. The Legislation Bureau wants to maintain the strict 
interpretation of the Constitution. The SDF wants an impeccable 
legal base. Isn't it necessary to consider what is needed for 
national interests and interpret and manage the Constitution in a 
flexible manner, based on that consideration? The five principles 
for participation in PKO activities, such as an agreement on 
ceasefire between parties to a dispute should be interpreted in a 
flexible manner in accordance with UN operations. 
 
Japan should dispatch Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) troops to 
anti-piracy operations on waters off Somalia. Maritime state Japan 
deeply relies on sea lanes. In order to secure the safety of sea 
lanes, the UN has adopted a resolution legitimatizing activities to 
do so. It is better to set up a law. However, even now it is 
possible for Japan to protect commercial ships with defensive action 
on the seas in accordance with the SDF Law. 
 
Concerning assistance to Afghanistan, too, there is room for the 
ASDF transportation unit and the GSDF engineering unit to play an 
active role. Japan should host an international conference and 
 
TOKYO 00000057  009 OF 009 
 
 
discuss the war on terror and reconstruction assistance to encourage 
the whole world to tackle anti-piracy operations. 
 
In order for Japan to implement international cooperation 
activities, it is necessary for it to have a permanent law that sets 
requirements for the dispatch of SDF troops. It should create a 
framework stipulating types of activities Japan can engage in so 
that politicians can make decisions, after determining merits and 
demerits of taking part in anti-piracy operations in a comprehensive 
manner. 
 
Troubled areas can become a hotbed for terrorism. The international 
community should contribute to peace building in areas that are 
unable to stand on their own. The national defense plan, which is to 
be revised at the end of this year, should mention that Japan as a 
leading country is responsible for taking part in international 
cooperation activities. 
 
SCHIEFFER