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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 000229 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/30/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Obama administration's challenges: Placing high priority on 
Japan a challenge (Asahi) 
 
(2) With order to MSDF to prepare for anti-piracy dispatch, civilian 
control left behind (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(3) MSDF dispatch to the sea of pirates (Sankei) 
 
(4) Objections to dispatching the MSDF to Somalia under tight 
weapons-use rules -- Discussion between DPJ Vice President Seiji 
Maehara and Yoshiko Sakurai (Shukan Shincho) 
 
(5) Cracks widening in Machimura faction: Senior members applying 
pressure on Hidenao Nakagawa to contain criticism of administration 
(Nikkei) 
 
(6) Editorial: Clarify points of dispute in Diet debate in run-up 
for next Lower House election (Nikkei) 
 
(7) Japan, Russia at odds over disembarkation card submission 
(Yomiuri) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Obama administration's challenges: Placing high priority on 
Japan a challenge 
 
ASAHI (Page 10) (Abridged slightly) 
January 29, 2009 
 
Yoichi Kato, Washington 
 
On January 13, Secretary of State-designate Hillary Clinton attended 
her confirmation hearing at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 
What she stated before the committee regarding Japan-U.S. relations 
attracted much attention. 
 
She specifically said: "Our alliance with Japan is a cornerstone of 
American policy in Asia, essential to maintaining peace and 
prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region." 
 
There is nothing new in this statement. But in her contribution to 
the Foreign Affairs November/December 2007 issue, she wrote: "Our 
relationship with China will be the most important bilateral 
relationship in the world in this century." The absence of reference 
to Japan puzzled persons concerned in Japan. What Clinton said on 
January 13 was a complete about-face. "She realized her mistake," 
notes Michael Green, Japan Chair for the Center for Strategic and 
International Studies. 
 
Japan, South Korea and Australia were always discussed in a package 
in confirmation hearings of past nominees. Hillary Clinton singled 
out Japan in her hearing, and that made other countries in the 
region jealous, according to a source connected to Japan-U.S. 
relations. 
 
Additionally, President Obama has appointed former Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of Defense Kurt Campbell as assistant secretary of state 
and former regional coordinator of U.S. forces in Okinawa Willace 
Gregson as assistant secretary of defense. Both are Japan experts. 
 
TOKYO 00000229  002 OF 012 
 
 
Soon after winning the presidency, Obama called Prime Minister Taro 
Aso, placing Japan in the first group of nine countries to contact. 
This also showed his consideration for Japan. 
 
Meanwhile, Treasury Secretary-designate Timothy Geithner during his 
confirmation hearing accused China of manipulating its currency 
rate, drawing fire from Beijing. The Obama administration's stance 
is described by some in Washington as pro-Japan, anti-China. 
 
Given such favorable consideration by the Obama administration, the 
question is if Japan can live up to its expectations. 
 
The Chicago Council on Global Affairs made public last fall the 
results of its public opinion survey that showed strong expectations 
by Americans of Japan to play a greater military role. The Chicago 
Council also pointed out: "What has surfaced as the biggest 
challenge for U.S.-Japan relations is the gap in expectations. For 
the management of the bilateral alliance, it is essential for the 
upcoming U.S. administration to dissolve this and find (Japan's) 
appropriate tasks in assistance to Afghanistan and other matters." 
 
Japanese and U.S. government sources share this view. Sources 
connected with the U.S. government are well aware that Japan is not 
allowed to dispatch the Self-Defense Force on an overseas mission 
that would be combat based. As mentioned on Jan. 27 by Chairman of 
the Joint Chiefs of Staff Navy Adm. Michael Mullen, what is expected 
of Japan is to make contributions in nonmilitary fields, such as 
medical care, economic development, and education. 
 
At the same time, there are persons like James Shinn, who served as 
deputy undersecretary of defense for Asia and Pacific until last 
fall, raising a question about Japan's paradoxical stance: "How 
could Japan seek a permanent seat on the UN Security Council while 
shirking its responsibility to carry out activities endorsed by the 
UNSC?" 
 
Smart alliance nowhere in sight 
 
In her confirmation hearing, Hillary Clinton repeatedly mentioned 
"smart power," a clever mix of "hard power," such as military power, 
and "soft power" like values and culture. 
 
Japan is required to become a "smart" U.S. ally. "Smart power" has 
been promoted by Harvard University Professor Joseph Nye, who is 
expected to become new ambassador to Japan. In an interview with the 
Asahi Shimbun in November 2007, Nye discussed the meaning of "smart 
power" this way: "A smart ally means a country that can well 
integrate its own hard power with soft power. As far as Japan is 
concerned, it is essential to have not only soft power that attracts 
neighboring countries in Asia but also the ability to join 
activities to maintain the international order by utilizing the 
Self-Defense Forces." 
 
The difference in expectations is also evident over the issue of 
U.S. force realignment. 
 
Over the construction of the envisaged Futenma Air Station 
replacement facility, there is thinking in Okinawa and part of the 
Japanese government to implement the project by making changes to 
the plan. The U.S. side, including sources connected with the Obama 
administration, is in no mood to accept any changes to the plan. The 
U.S. side is keeping a watchful eye on a move in Japan to reduce the 
 
TOKYO 00000229  003 OF 012 
 
 
so-called sympathy budget, or Japan's host-nation support for the 
costs of stationing U.S. forces in the country. 
 
As for the abduction issue, Clinton during her confirmation hearing 
indicated that the Obama administration must put greater emphasis on 
resolving the issue of Japanese citizens abducted by North Korea. At 
the same time, Japan has received a request from a U.S. government 
official not to use (the abduction issue) as a litmus test for 
Japan-U.S. relations. There is a subtle difference in stances of the 
two sides in the Obama administration. 
 
Strong political leadership must be displayed to help resolve such a 
difference in expectations. But given the divided Diet, there seems 
to be limits to what Japan can do. There are no prospects for 
improving the situation, either. On the U.S. side, there are those 
willing to watch the situation patiently, thinking that there is no 
other option, and those alarmed at the situation, as seen in former 
Deputy Defense Undersecretary Richard Lawless' comment: "If this 
situation persists, Japan's presence will continue to diminish." 
 
What matters ultimately is what role Japan intends to play in its 
relationship with the United States and the international 
community. 
 
(2) With order to MSDF to prepare for anti-piracy dispatch, civilian 
control left behind 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Abridged) 
January 29, 2009 
 
Shigeru Handa, senior editorial writer 
 
Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada yesterday ordered the Maritime 
Self-Defense Force (MSDF) to prepare for antipiracy deployment to 
waters off the coast of Somalia in eastern Africa. The MSDF's 
anti-piracy mission is based on the invocation of a maritime 
security policing provision in the Self-Defense Forces Law. The 
government is said to be looking into the feasibility of a new law 
for anti-piracy measures. However, the government does not even have 
a draft bill ready. Meanwhile, the Diet has hardly discussed the 
government's deployment plan. No cabinet decision is needed for the 
government's masterplan that sets a period of time for deployment, 
so the SDF may have to act there at its discretion. 
 
The SDF will be sent overseas under the SDF law for the first time 
since its dispatch to the Persian Gulf in 1991. At that time, the 
government sent MSDF minesweepers to the Persian Gulf for the safe 
navigation of Japanese ships. The MSDF there removed mines. 
 
The SDF's dispatch to the Persian Gulf was its first overseas 
mission with no experience. At that time, the government did not set 
any guidelines for the SDF to use weapons. "If there is a ship 
coming to attack, we would ram our ship against it to stop it," an 
MSDF officer said when he was on the minesweeping mission there. 
 
The MSDF's mission in the Persian Gulf ended without any mishaps. 
However, the government continued to be careful about sending the 
SDF overseas. In 1992, the government and the ruling parties 
established a law for cooperation on United Nations peacekeeping 
operations or the so-called PKO cooperation law. Under this law, the 
government sent Ground Self-Defense Force troops to Cambodia. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000229  004 OF 012 
 
 
The SDF deployments to the Indian Ocean and Iraq were under two 
different special measures laws, the Antiterrorism Special Measures 
Law and the Iraq Special Measures Law. The SDF, since its deployment 
in Cambodia, has gone through overseas missions over the past 17 
years under a number of special laws for overseas activities. As it 
stands, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and the leading 
opposition Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) are both willing to 
establish a permanent law instead of having a special measures law 
enacted each time. 
 
If the government sends the SDF overseas only under the SDF law, it 
may well be criticized for ignoring past circumstances. There are 
problems that should be cleared up through Diet deliberations. 
However, since there is no bill before the Diet, the problems remain 
up in the air. For example, one issue is what to do about the 
government's guidelines for the SDF to use weapons overseas. The 
SDF's use of weapons on its overseas missions is currently limited 
to legitimate self-defense or emergency evacuation only. This 
constraint is in place also for the MSDF's antipiracy maritime 
security policing activities off Somalia, as well as under the PKO 
cooperation law and the two special laws for antiterror activities 
in the Indian Ocean and assistance to Iraq. 
 
However, the MSDF's anti-piracy maritime policing action under the 
SDF law is to protect Japanese ships and Japan-linked ships only. 
Unlike the SDF law, the PKO cooperation law and the antiterror and 
Iraq special measures laws allow SDF members to use weapons in order 
to protect themselves and "those under their control," as well. 
These three laws make it possible for the SDF to carry out 
international cooperation. 
 
The question is when to dispatch the SDF, where to operate, and what 
kinds of troops to send out for overseas activities. Under the PKO 
cooperation law, the government specified these matters in an 
"implementing plan." Under the antiterror and Iraq special measures 
laws, the government likewise specified them in a "masterplan" and 
made a cabinet decision on it. In addition, the government is 
required under these laws to ask the Diet for its approval of SDF 
activities or otherwise report SDF activities to the Diet. In other 
words, the Diet also participates in the process of sending the SDF 
overseas, thereby shaping the "civilian control" of the SDF under 
the cabinet and the Diet. 
 
In the case of the MSDF's maritime policing activities in waters off 
Somalia, however, the government is not required to come up with any 
plan or even to make a Diet report. This could slacken civilian 
control. As a result, the SDF's discretion will increase. However, 
the SDF's responsibility will increase, as well. "The commanding 
officer over there and the headquarters here will communicate," MSDF 
Chief of Staff Keiji Akahoshi said. "That's important," he added, 
indicating that the government will make a decision if and when 
there is a problem. 
 
(3) MSDF dispatch to the sea of pirates 
 
SANKEI (Page 1) (Full) 
January 30, 2009 
 
Yukio Okamoto, foreign affairs analyst 
 
Last year, more than 100 ships were attacked by pirates in waters 
off the coast of Somalia. According to findings from UKMTO, a 
 
TOKYO 00000229  005 OF 012 
 
 
Dubai-based antipiracy organization that files records regarding all 
damage caused by pirates, three Japanese or Japanese-related ships 
were seajacked by pirates. In addition, three other ships were 
attacked. There is now less damage because of the northeastern 
monsoon blowing in the Gulf of Aden and the new sealane there. 
However, when the weather serves, there will be more trouble again. 
Ships between Europe and Japan pass through this sea. Trade with 
Europe is being threatened. 
 
Warships from about 20 countries, including China and Malaysia, are 
already participating in antipiracy operations. Pirates will scuttle 
away when they see warships. In this way, Japanese ships have been 
saved as well. Deterrence with saber-rattling is important. The 
Japanese government has also begun to prepare the Maritime 
Self-Defense Force for deployment to waters off Somalia under the 
existing law. Japan has been falling behind other countries. 
However, I would like to welcome this move. 
 
There were pirates even before Christ was born. Today, pirates use 
rockets and modern IT equipment to attack foreign ships. The Somali 
pirates used to be fishermen. They have connections with local 
military groups and they are armed-just like the one-time "Murakami 
Suigun" naval force in the Inland Sea of Japan. When local fishermen 
saw Chinese and other foreign fishing boats operating in the sea 
before their eyes, they drove away those foreign fishing boats. Over 
time, fishermen began taking cellphones and other devices. 
Furthermore, they went on escalating their hunting to capture cargo 
and crewmen for huge ransoms. Nowadays, piracy is the biggest 
business in Somalia. They will continue hunting for game as long as 
Somalia is in a state of anarchy. 
 
Pirates can easily board a defenseless merchant ship that can only 
use water to flush out attackers. They take the captured ship back 
to points off the Somali ports of Eyl and Galad. Even though they 
are rounded up by an international naval fleet, civilized countries 
will abide by the law, so they are in no danger of being killed. 
Local youths, each with an annual income of 600 dollars or so, can 
make money to the extent of 50,000 dollars a year after becoming 
pirates. It is a low-risk, high-return crime, and they cannot stop 
it. 
 
I recently visited the Gulf and met with UKMTO and international 
fleet officials. One of them told me, "We are all mariners, so we 
will do our best to protect Japanese ships as well." They wanted 
Japan to participate in the CTF-151, which is a newly organized 
fleet against pirates. "The sealane we must protect is as long as 
1,800 kilometers," a fleet official said. "So," he added, "we need 
more vessels and helicopters and patrol planes." 
 
To eliminate piracy, Somalia must have a government with 
law-enforcing capacity. However, Somalia is currently under the 
control of the Somalia Islamic Council, which is a fundamentalist 
organization. Somalia's interim government was under the protection 
of Ethiopian troops. Ethiopia, however, has now pulled its troops 
out of Somalia. (Ironically, Arab pirates rampant in the Arabian Sea 
in old times had nothing to fear other than Ethiopian soldiers.) 
Moreover, those Somali pirates are based in a half-independent 
region called Puntland. For the time being, Somalia can be little 
expected to establish an effective government. 
 
By the way, Social Democratic Party President Mizuho Fukushima was 
invited to a Democratic Party of Japan convention. She was quoted as 
 
TOKYO 00000229  006 OF 012 
 
 
saying in a speech there: "We're against sending the Self-Defense 
Forces to wipe out the pirates. We can't agree even if the 
government creates a law. Nothing is more important than human 
life." This could be one way of thinking. However, human life is 
important for the people of other countries as well. Indeed, 
Japanese ships must be secured. Even so, we are not allowed, also 
from the perspective of ethics, to say anything like this: "We 
should make the people of other countries take on the risk of 
escorting Japanese ships." In the end, the answer is that Japan has 
no choice but to give up trading with Europe. She should have said 
so clearly to the audience. 
 
(4) Objections to dispatching the MSDF to Somalia under tight 
weapons-use rules -- Discussion between DPJ Vice President Seiji 
Maehara and Yoshiko Sakurai 
 
SHUKAN SHINCHO (Pp. 50-53) (Abridged slightly) 
February 5, 2009 
 
Sakurai: There is a growing international effort to combat piracy in 
waters off Somalia. China decided late last year to dispatch three 
vessels -- two naval vessels and a fueler, and has now begun working 
as a "major power." South Korea, too, has decided to send its naval 
vessels. Meanwhile, Japan is still conducting discussions with the 
aim of dispatching the Maritime Self-Defense Force by late March. 
That being said, I have some questions for Mr. Maehara, who is vice 
president of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and an expert on 
security affairs. J. Thomas Schieffer served as U.S. Ambassador to 
Japan for three years and nine months. Before leaving his post, Mr. 
Schieffer held a press conference on January 14 in which he said: 
"Pirates are criminals. I find it difficult to understand why it 
takes such a long time for Japan to make a decision to protect its 
own people from pirates." The Ambassador, who has a deep 
understanding of Japan's special circumstances, including Article 9, 
criticized the country outright that day, indicating his difficulty 
to understand this situation. I think Japan's response is so slow 
that it goes beyond comprehension. 
 
Maehara: The United Nations has unanimously adopted three 
resolutions against piracy off Somalia. Japan should enact a special 
law and quickly dispatch the MSDF based on those resolutions, which 
Japan supported. The government is trying to dispatch the MSDF under 
SDF Law Article 82 governing maritime policing activities. We can't 
help but become cautious about such an approach. That is because for 
one thing, the Police Duties Execution Law will be applied to 
maritime policing activities. To begin with, SDF Law Article 82 is 
designed to allow the MSDF to take over only when the Japan Coast 
Guard cannot deal with a situation in waters near Japan. In other 
words, it is not based on a situation where the MSDF goes all the 
way to waters off Somalia to protect Japanese merchant ships there. 
It's not illegal but the grounds are unsound. 
 
Sakurai: Under the maritime policing provision, the MSDF would be 
bound hand and foot, and the members won't be able to perform their 
duties, as expected. 
 
Maehara: Probably not. Under the government's interpretation of the 
Constitution, Japan is not allowed to use force overseas. That has 
been a bottleneck in conducting peacekeeping operations (PKO) and 
establishing the Antiterrorism Special Measures Law. In waters off 
Somalia, the MSDF can use weapons limited to legitimate self-defense 
and emergency evacuation. It sounds funny, but there is one more 
 
TOKYO 00000229  007 OF 012 
 
 
instance. They are allowed to shoot someone who was sentenced to 
three years or more in prison. Even in such a case, weapons used by 
the MSDF must be on the same level as those of pirates. 
 
Sakurai: I understand that the MSDF is not allowed to use 
overwhelming firepower even against criminals like pirates and that 
they must not, in principle, inflict damage on humans. 
 
Maehara: They can attack a pirate ship but must not sink it, because 
such would inflict damage on humans. To begin with, there is a 
tremendous gap between a destroyer and a pirate ship in terms of 
fighting and defense power. So pirate ships are usually armed with 
things like rocket launchers. If MSDF members use weapons on the 
same level as those used by pirates in fighting back, that might 
very well end up sinking the pirate ship. Doesn't that constitute 
the use of force, which is prohibited under the Constitution? There 
is no military court in Japan, so wouldn't the SDF members who 
resulted in such a consequence be forced to face criminal penalties 
later on? The answers to these questions remain unclear. Forced to 
perform their duties under such ambiguous conditions, SDF members 
won't be able to make a quick decision on an attacks or danger. 
Conversely, they might suffer damage. 
 
Sakurai: Under such circumstances, sufficiently protecting Japanese 
vessels might be difficult. China has been protecting Taiwanese 
vessels, as well. There might arise a situation where Japanese 
ships, too, would have to be protected by Chinese naval vessels. 
Such could occur when Japan is placed under China's protection and 
China gains superiority over Japan. Such must be convenient for 
China that proposed to the United States dividing up Pacific 
control, but is unacceptable for Japan. 
 
Vessels not subject to MSDF escort 
 
Sakurai: When North Korean spy ships entered waters off the Noto 
Peninsula in 1999, an order for maritime policing operations was 
issued. But the spy ships were aware that Japan was not allowed to 
attack them, so they just kept sailing on to move out of Japanese 
territorial waters. One of the boats came to a halt due to engine 
trouble, but Japan could not do anything about it. Enemies who know 
that the Japanese side does not fire back unless they attack first 
flee from Japanese waters without fail. It is also said that once 
dispatched to waters off Somalia, the MSDF will protect only 
Japanese-registered vessels and ships carrying Japanese cargoes. 
Even if they encounter a foreign vessel under attack by pirates, 
they will have to remain on the sidelines because they are under the 
maritime policing provision of the Japanese law. They would be 
despised and scorned as a result. 
 
Maehara: I agree. The maritime policing clause would not allow them 
to rescue such a vessel. I believe Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada 
is engaged in tough discussions. If a Japanese ship happens to be in 
close proximity of a foreign vessel, the MSDF would block a pirate 
ship from approaching the foreign vessel in the pretext of 
protecting it. I'm sure the defense minister is envisioning a 
variety of scenarios like that. But when such a pretext cannot be 
found, the MSDF would have to conclude that (protecting a foreign 
ship) is not part of their duties. 
 
Sakurai: I cannot imagine how the international community would 
react to Japan if such a situation occurred. Kuwait did not express 
its gratitude to Japan for just making financial contributions 
 
TOKYO 00000229  008 OF 012 
 
 
during the first Gulf War. Back then, Japanese troops were not 
stationed in the Gulf. But this time around, Japanese troops might 
not be able to help a foreign vessel that is right in front of them. 
Fierce criticism is certain to arise. Despite that, when asked about 
maritime policing operations that would tightly bind the MSDF's hand 
and foot, Prime Minister Aso answered, 'I don't think any pirate 
ship will attack a destroyer.' Is that the view supporting the 
dispatch of the MSDF? 
 
Maehara: In October 2000, a U.S. vessel equipped with the Aegis 
system was crippled by an attack by a rubber boat carrying bombs in 
the Gulf of Aden. So no one can say for sure that there will be no 
suicide attack in waters off Somalia. 
 
Sakurai: MSDF vessels could become targets. It is too optimistic to 
think that the presence of destroyers makes the surrounding waters 
safe and protected. I strongly believe Japan needs military power 
that can actually protect vessels instead of artificial military 
strength. 
 
Maehara: The SDF has long discussed whether the weapons-use criteria 
based on the Police Duties Execution Law are really sufficient. The 
set of criteria still exists as a bottleneck. It would too time 
consuming to amend the Constitution for resolving this issue. In an 
effort to clarify the government's constitutional interpretation, 
former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe set up an expert panel tasked to 
make recommendations on four scenarios, such as intercepting 
ballistic missiles that may be targeted at the United States, 
protecting U.S. naval vessels under attack in international waters, 
and defending foreign troops that come under attack, for instance, 
during providing reconstruction assistance in Iraq. It was 
regrettable that Mr. Abe quit as prime minister before the panel 
come up with its recommendations. The panel presented its report 
endorsing the use of the right to collective self-defense to Mr. 
Abe's successor, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda. 
 
(5) Cracks widening in Machimura faction: Senior members applying 
pressure on Hidenao Nakagawa to contain criticism of administration 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
January 30, 2009 
 
Cracks in the Machimura faction, the largest faction in the Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP), are widening. With former Secretary General 
Hidenao Nakagawa's strong opposition to Prime Minister Taro Aso's 
policy of hiking the sales tax as an occasion, senior officials of 
the faction, such as former Prime Ministers Yoshiro Mori and Shinzo 
Abe, who are close to Aso, have tightened the figurative noose 
around Nakagawa. The moves of Nakagawa, who is even eyeing political 
realignment, could trigger the disintegration of the faction. As 
such, part of the aim of the leadership in placing pressure on 
Nakagawa is to contain his criticism of the administration. Internal 
discord will likely continue for some time to come. 
 
Touches on possible review of party leadership system 
 
Nakagawa during a plenary meeting of the Machimura faction on 
January 29 underscored: "The very fact that such talk has cropped up 
will bother the Aso cabinet. We should stand together as a group." 
"Such talk" indicates criticism of Nakagawa by senior officials of 
the Machimura faction and an argument calling for reviewing the 
factional system. 
 
TOKYO 00000229  009 OF 012 
 
 
 
Abe on the 27th said this while visiting Saudi Arabia: "There is an 
argument that a troika leadership structure for the faction is 
somewhat unnatural. We will probably reach a decision to change it." 
He referred to a possible review of the Machimura faction's 
collective leadership system. Referring to Abe's remark, one senior 
official of the Machimura faction explained, "What he meant was that 
Machimura will be reinstated to the faction chairmanship, with 
Nakagawa being ousted." 
 
Mori, supreme advisor, is gradually tightening the noose around 
Nakagawa, repeatedly telling people close to him, "If Mr. Nakagawa 
opts out of the faction, I will not dissuade him." 
 
Mori, the most influential member of the faction, has strengthened 
criticism of Nakagawa, with the party presidential election last 
year as the occasion. Many of the Machimura faction's senior 
officials, such as Mori, Abe and Machimura, supported Aso in that 
election, while Nakagawa supported former Defense Minister Yuriko 
Koike, splitting the unity of the faction. Nakagawa then 
strengthened criticism of the Aso administration over the sales tax. 
He has been a pain in the neck for the administration. 
 
Nakagawa is eyeing realignment of political circles. Some faction 
members said that if he tries to split the faction, by jockeying for 
realignment, he should leave the faction immediately. Since some 
faction members, such as Ichita Yamamoto, have fallen in step with 
Nakagawa, voices are being heard calling for reducing the number of 
Nakagawa sympathizers by lessening the influence of Nakagawa before 
the next Lower House election. Those members are presumably 
calculating that if they insinuate that they will sideline Nakagawa 
from the leadership, he will tone down criticism of the 
administration. Seishiro Eto and Seiken Sugiura, senior members of 
the faction who are close to Nakagawa, on the afternoon of the 29 
directly asked Mori in the Diet building to repair his relations 
with him, noting, "Junior members are worried about relations 
between you and Mr. Nakagawa. Mori replied, "I have never said I 
will review the three-leader system." 
 
Mori reportedly said when he had dined with former Upper House 
Caucus Chairman Mikio Aoki and business leaders in Tokyo on the 
evening of the 28th, "I will not allow him to break up the party." 
 
Nakagawa posted a comment on his website on the evening of the 29th, 
which went that he wants to make necessary preparations within the 
party, while supporting Prime Minister Aso, so that the party can 
make progress and develop over the mid- to long-term. He thus 
stressed a stance of remaining in the party to support the 
administration and continue activities. However, it will be 
difficult to repair the fissure, once created. The source of 
contention will likely linger. 
 
(6) Editorial: Clarify points of dispute in Diet debate in run-up 
for next Lower House election 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
January 30, 2009 
 
Interpellations by each party's representative in connection with 
Prime Minister Taro Aso's policy speech have started. On the first 
day, Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General Yukio 
Hatoyama took the podium and asked the prime minister about his 
 
TOKYO 00000229  010 OF 012 
 
 
views on the practice of amakudari ("descent from heaven" or retired 
officials landing cushy jobs with companies related to their 
previous duties) by central government employees, and on the sale 
tax issue. 
 
The current term for Lower House members ends this September. The 
Lower House could be dissolved at any moment once the fiscal 2009 
budget is enacted. Both the ruling and opposition parties are 
responsible for clarifying campaign issues in the upcoming Lower 
House election through marathon debate on the fiscal 2009 budget. 
 
From that perspective, as well, it is regrettable that DPJ Chairman 
Ichiro Ozawa did not take the podium. Hatoyama questioned the prime 
minister, while introducing the Environment New Deal Initiative, 
which Ozawa advocates. However, his presentation lacked punch. 
Ozawa, a potential candidate for the next prime minister, should 
have engaged in verbal confrontation with the prime minister. 
 
Hatoyama criticized a government ordinance that approves "watari" 
(migrant birds) or the practice of retired officials jumping from 
one cushy job to another many times, receiving pensions and pay 
along the way. The prime minister said that government agencies are 
allowed to offer job referral services to retired bureaucrats during 
the three-year transition period under the revised National Civil 
Service Law. He then replied, "Job referral services by government 
agencies are necessary in order to faithfully implement the law 
intended to secure the efficacy of regulations on such matters as 
reemployment through the implementation of strict monitoring." 
 
However, when Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General 
Hiroyuki Hosoda once again pressed the prime minister, saying, 
"'Watari' job referral services should be ended," the prime minister 
categorically said, "I have no intention of granting applications 
for watari job referral services in view of harsh criticism from the 
public." 
 
The prime minister thus has gone a step further from his previous 
stance of strictly applying the government ordinance. Placing a ban 
on watari job referral services by ministries and agencies is only 
natural. It is logical to abolish the government ordinance that 
approves such services so as not to leave loopholes. The government 
will shortly map out a roadmap for reforming the public servant 
system, which will include the establishment of a Cabinet Personnel 
and Administrative Control Bureau. However, it would be impossible 
for it to obtain public understanding if it gives the impression 
that it is lenient toward the "watari" practice. 
 
The prime minister gave the strong impression that he remained 
thoroughly committed to playing it safe in making replies so as to 
remain noncommittal. 
 
Regarding measures to deal with piracy in waters off Somalia, 
Hatoyama questioned the prime minister about the guidelines for the 
use of weapons in the event of Maritime Self-Defense personnel being 
dispatched. However, he did not clarify his own party's stand, 
including the propriety of setting up a new law. His approach was 
thus irresponsible, causing anxieties about the DPJ's ability to run 
the government. 
 
Hatoyama sought early dissolution of the Lower House. The prime 
minister replied, "I would like to clarify points of dispute with 
the opposition camp at an appropriate time and go to the people." 
 
TOKYO 00000229  011 OF 012 
 
 
Budget deliberations are the best venue for that. We hope to hear 
fruitful debate. 
 
(7) Japan, Russia at odds over disembarkation card submission 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Excerpts) 
January 30, 2009 
 
Russian authorities demanded that Japanese government officials on a 
humanitarian mission submit disembarkation (E/D) cards before 
landing on one of the four disputed northern islands. This issue may 
lead to suspending the visa-free exchange visit program and 
eventually aggravating Japan-Russia relations. 
 
Japan: "Submission would mean Japan's acceptance of Russian claim to 
its ownership 
 
The Japanese officials returned to Nemuro Port, Hokkaido, from 
waters off Kunashiri Island yesterday afternoon. Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Kawamura commented that the Russian response is "beyond 
our comprehension." 
 
Tokyo and Moscow exchanged diplomatic notes in 1998 in which both 
sides specified that Japanese nationals on a humanitarian mission 
are required to submit only these papers issued by the Japanese 
foreign minister before landing on the disputed northern islands: 
(1) the identification card; and (2) the form that enters the 
destination and other details. A member of the Foreign Ministry's 
European Affairs Bureau emphasized that Russia's demand for E/D 
cards this time goes against the diplomatic notes. Japanese 
officials fear that submitting E/D cards in accordance with Russia's 
domestic law would mean that Japan accepts Russia's claim that the 
island belongs to Russia. 
 
There are four special programs for Japanese to visit the 
Russian-held but Japanese-claimed four Northern Territories - 
Kunashiri, Etorofu, Shikotan, and the Habomai islet group: (1) 
Visa-free exchanges between former islanders and Russian residents 
on the islands, also involving those linked to campaigns for 
returning the four islands, politicians, and correspondents; (2) 
visits by former islanders and their relatives to graves of 
ancestors on the islands; (3) homecoming by former islanders and 
their relatives with no restrictions; and (4) humanitarian aid. The 
Russian government's introduction of this system that requires no 
immigration procedures reportedly stemmed from its consideration to 
the Northern Territories issue. Given this, unsuccessful 
negotiations on the latest issue could bring about negative effects, 
such as a suspension of the visa-free exchange program. 
 
The Japanese government, however, does not want to develop the 
ongoing trouble into a major political issue. A senior Foreign 
Ministry official take this optimistic view: "The Russian government 
must have the same view as Japan's." The Russian side's explanation 
is that it is important to figure out how many people land on the 
islands. The Foreign Ministry is aiming to settle the situation by 
means of Japan giving information on the number of visitors through 
diplomatic channels as it did before. 
 
Meanwhile, some government officials suggest the need for Japan to 
seek an early settlement by taking even flexible measures, as 
represented by this comment by Lower House member Muneo Suzuki: 
"Submitting E/D cards does not infringe on Japan's sovereignty. That 
 
TOKYO 00000229  012 OF 012 
 
 
should be settled in a businesslike and technical way." A Russian 
government official said: "Submitting E/D cards under the visa-free 
exchange visit program is unrelated to both sides' claims to 
sovereignty over the territories." 
 
Russia: Rule applied to all foreigners 
 
In the past, Moscow tried to demonstrate its control of the four 
northern islands by taking up seizure cases involving Japanese 
fishing boats in summit meetings and other important diplomatic 
events. Some observers take the view that even if Russia upsets 
Japan over the disembarkation card issue, Russia's position on 
sovereignty over the four islands will unlikely weaken. 
 
Vladimir Nosov, the Russian Foreign Ministry's representative in 
Sakhalin Province, which has jurisdiction over the Northern 
Territories, said in a telephone interview with the Yomiuri Shimbun 
yesterday: "Russia will require all foreign travelers to submit E/D 
cards, based on its domestic law." Japan did not encounter such a 
request until last year since Russia revised its domestic laws in 
¶2006. According to Nosov, "The Russian government's immigration 
agency has strictly applied the laws since the beginning of this 
year" in order to count the number of those entering and going out 
of the islands. 
 
Russia has been irritated at Japan's stubborn attitude in recent 
Japan-Russia peace-treaty negotiations. Such frustration has driven 
it into taking "acts against the agreements reached between the two 
countries," according to a diplomatic source related to Japan-Russia 
relations. The Russian side has taken the view that Japan refused 
the compromise plan proposed in 2001 by then President Putin to 
resolve the territorial issue with Russia returning the Habomais and 
Shikotan based on the 1956 Japan-Soviet Union Joint Declaration. A 
political scientist specialized in Japan-Russia relations says that 
"the proposal was inconceivable in the days of the Soviet Union." 
 
The Russian government has attributed the stagnation in recent 
negotiations to the Japanese side. Moscow has indicated that even if 
Japan-Russia relations deteriorate over the E/D card issue, "the 
responsibility will not lie with us." 
 
President Medvedev invited Prime Minister Aso in a telephone 
conversation on Jan. 24 to a ceremony in mid-February in 
commemoration of the start of export of liquefied gas (LNG) to Japan 
under the Sakhalin-2 project. He also unofficially suggested holding 
a Japan-Russia summit meeting, indicating his eagerness toward 
cooperation with Japan in developing the Far East and East Siberia. 
The dominant view in the Russian government is that the issue of 
suspended humanitarian assistance by Japan should be settled not at 
a leaders' or government level but at a working level. 
 
ZUMWALT