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FM AMEMBASSY DAR ES SALAAM
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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 DAR ES SALAAM 000009 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT AF/E FOR JLIDDLE 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM KPAO TZ
SUBJECT: Ambassador Green's Farewell Remarks for Zanzibar 
 
¶1. Ambassador Mark Green held a farewell gathering in 
Zanzibar on 8 January.  He addressed an audience of 200 
leaders drawn from Zanzibar?s government, political, 
civil society, cultural, academic, business and media 
sectors.  Resident American citizens attended as well. 
Muslim religious leaders who had attended previous 
similar events were noticeably absent on this occasion. 
The generally accepted explanation for their absence was 
protest against the conflict in Gaza. The speech was well 
received by senior leaders on both sides of Zanzibar?s 
bitter political divide.  It was covered in the print, 
online and broadcast media. 
 
Zanzibar and the United States:  Shared Experiences 
--------------------------------------------- ------ 
 
¶2. Zanzibaris and Americans have been friends for many 
years.  America?s official presence on Zanzibar dates 
back to 1833 when a treaty between the United States and 
Oman provided for an American consular presence here.  We 
have been your trade partners since the first American 
sailing ships blew in here from across the globe looking 
for whale oil to illuminate the streets of American 
cities.  Later, they brought with them cotton cloth and 
guns, and traded for ivory and gum copal.  Today we 
remain the largest buyers of your agriculture, especially 
seaweed.  American visitors account for a significant 
share of your tourism industry.  Trade and personal 
engagement always comes first.  Government structures 
follow to secure these things.  Before I arrived here and 
long after I am gone, the enduring relationship between 
our two peoples remains. 
 
We respect Zanzibar?s history, its cultural achievements 
and its unique union with mainland Tanzania.  Zanzibaris 
contributed significantly toward the creation of a 
language and a culture that has spread throughout much of 
East Africa and beyond.  Your music, your architecture, 
your literature, your handicrafts and the wisdom 
contained in your proverbs have added to the world?s 
cultural heritage far out of proportion to the size of 
your population. 
 
I ask you to keep in mind this long friendship and deep 
respect as I make some observations about our history.  I 
make my remarks as the representative of a people who 
have had some similar experiences to your own.  History 
is an awareness of what has happened to us in the past so 
that we can take control of what is happening to us now. 
Our views of what happened change from person to person 
and from moment to moment, but the act of self- 
examination is essential to improving our condition. 
 
I?ve made about a dozen trips here in Zanzibar, including 
visits on my own time, with my friends and family, 
visiting Zanzibari friends and their families.  I?ve been 
north and south of these islands, having discussions with 
Tanzanians from Pemba and Unguja.  I ask my Zanzibar 
friends to remember that I speak as a friend and well 
wisher.  Friends speak openly, honestly and frankly to 
one another.  I wish to discuss with you some of my 
country?s experiences struggling with political issues 
similar to those that confront Zanzibar?s leadership 
today.  I wish to share with you tonight a few aspects of 
American history and suggest points for Zanzibari leaders 
to think about as they consult together to determine 
solutions to today?s pressing issues.  In particular I 
wish to discuss our experiences with political tolerance, 
with power sharing and with the prosperity that flows 
from reconciliation.  Maybe you can draw useful lessons 
from some of the poor choices we have made. 
 
My country?s history resembles that of Zanzibar in 
several ways.  We too had a revolution against a 
monarchy.  It is important to note that in the late 1700s 
not all Americans agreed with the struggle for 
independence from the British King.  Our war for 
independence from Britain was, in part, a civil war 
amongst Americans.  When revolutionary forces captured an 
area, it was common for the property of those who were 
loyal to the King to be confiscated by the revolutionary 
government.  Known loyalists were arrested as potential 
spies.  After the British defeat, many thousands of 
loyalists fled from the former colonies.  Many took 
 
DAR ES SAL 00000009  002 OF 004 
 
 
refuge in Canada, a Commonwealth country to this day. 
 
In principle, we Americans believe that everyone is 
entitled to his or her own opinion.  However, during a 
life and death struggle against what was then the 
mightiest empire on earth, our leaders did not extend 
that right to those who believed it was their duty to 
remain loyal to their King.  Soon after we won 
independence, we were faced with another test of 
political tolerance when two fiercely-opposed factions 
arose within American society.  Our second President, 
John Adams, feared that these factions would tear the 
country apart.  He noted that each faction was supported 
by one of the two super-powers of the day, Britain and 
France, who were engaged in a world war.  He wished to 
continue the non-aligned policy of the father of our 
nation, George Washington.  He introduced laws, known as 
the Alien and Sedition Acts, which, among other things, 
severely limited the right of free speech.  He defended 
these laws as necessary evils to prevent political 
passions from destroying the nation. 
 
Historians judged his solution harshly, as did American 
voters.  He lost his bid for re-election.  The laws were 
repealed by his successor on the grounds that they were 
an affront to human rights.  Restoration of the free 
expression of political opinion contributed to a return 
to social harmony.  The dangers that Adams feared were 
real, but a better solution would have been for President 
Adams to use his influence to cool inflammatory rhetoric 
and to call publicly for all leaders to put the long-term 
best interests of the country ahead of short-term 
political interests. 
 
Turning to today?s Zanzibar, I note the heated rhetoric 
that some partisans from both sides of the political 
divide use about their rivals.  Honest political 
disagreements can be ? and should be ? discussed 
respectfully between fellow citizens who share a common 
desire for the well-being of their shared community.  The 
political climate of these isles would improve if the 
leaders of Zanzibar?s major political parties publicly 
declared that they respect their rivals as patriotic 
Zanzibaris and Tanzanians. 
 
Demokrasia ni majadiliano.  Democracy is dialog.  Dialog 
requires mutual respect.  By all means, argue about 
Zanzibar?s policy options, but remember that political 
rivals are not enemies.  Leaders have a duty to teach 
their supporters this truth and to correct those 
supporters who put party interests ahead of the interests 
of the community.  Responsible leaders curb irresponsible 
supporters. 
 
In the 1860?s America fought a Civil War.  We fought over 
how much freedom a region had within the national 
government.  We fought over slavery.  That conflict 
included violence against civilians and destruction of 
civilian property.  After the slaughter stopped, it took 
us years to recover.  Decades later, at the same moment 
in history when we emerged onto the world?s stage as a 
great power, we also began to regenerate our society by 
making progress in reconciling Blacks and Whites in a way 
that had gone largely unaddressed 100 years after our 
Civil War.  Regions of the country characterized by the 
greatest degree of racial intolerance were also the 
poorest, least educated and most ill-governed areas of 
the country.  Once progress was made in reconciliation, 
these areas experienced rapid economic, social and 
political progress. 
 
Zanzibar shares our sad history of political violence, 
slavery and the devastating consequences of extreme 
social and political divisions.  We all know that the end 
of British colonial rule in Zanzibar was soon followed by 
a violent uprising against the first post-independence 
government.  Sadly, that uprising included violence 
against civilians, as had also occurred during the 
American civil war.  It takes a spirit of political 
tolerance and openness to public discussion of painful 
historical events to overcome such bitter history so that 
the community can move forward.  My country knows this, 
as we had to do the same to overcome the bitterness left 
behind by certain episodes in our own past. 
 
DAR ES SAL 00000009  003 OF 004 
 
 
 
Let me discuss the concept of power sharing.  Our 
constitution, the supreme law of the United States, 
divides power between Federal and State governments.  At 
both the Federal and State levels, power is further 
divided between the executive, legislative and judicial 
branches.  It is common in the United States for one 
party to head the executive while another party heads the 
legislature.  It is also common for the President to 
choose some ministers (we call them Secretaries) from the 
rival party.  President Bush did this, as did his 
predecessor, President Clinton.  President-elect Obama 
has indicated that he will do the same.   Likewise, in 
the legislature, it is common for members of one party to 
join members of the rival party in support of a law 
opposed by their own party?s leadership.  No leader can 
ever have everything go entirely his way forever.  No 
party ever wins 100% of power.  No party is ever 
completely shut out of power.  Today?s opponent may be 
tomorrow?s ally.  No group should feel permanently 
alienated from government. 
 
I am convinced that much of the bitterness in Zanzibari 
politics stems from traditions of political exclusivity. 
During the Omani, Portuguese, Sultanate and British 
periods, power was exclusively held in the hands of a 
few.  There was little or no consultation or 
consideration of the interests of the majority of 
Zanzibaris.  One side had all the power and the rest had 
none.  To lose power was to lose everything.  To a 
significant degree, this tradition survives today.  Even 
though the form of government changed and the identity of 
the governing class changed, the zero-sum, all or 
nothing, winner-takes-all political tradition did not 
change.  I believe that for Zanzibar society and its 
economy to flourish, for Zanzibar to begin to tap its 
full potential, this tradition must be replaced by one of 
compromise, mutual respect and shared responsibility. 
 
As many of you know, before my service as a diplomat, I 
was a politician.  I?ve served in public office as a 
member of the Republican Party.  Many Tanzanian observers 
are concerned about the continuity of America?s major 
engagement here.  President George W. Bush has led the 
largest commitment against a specific disease --  AIDS -- 
the world has ever seen.  The President?s Malaria 
Initiative has already produced a dramatic decline in 
deaths from that disease in these isles.  The Millennium 
Challenge Account, which will fund a new and improved 
power cable connecting Unguja to the mainland and roads 
in Pemba, is another key pillar of our commitment here. 
I assure you that these people-to-people activities 
transcend American political rivalries.  I was in 
Washington this August with President Kikwete.  I 
personally followed-up on these programs with Congress?a 
Democratic Party-controlled Congress under a Republican 
President.  Leaders from both major parties worked 
together to allocate funds for our key programs in 
Tanzania because they saw the wisdom in strengthening our 
partnership with the Tanzanian people.  This is the sort 
of attitude I am talking about.  Political rivals?  Sure! 
Enemies? Never!  That which unites us is greater than 
that which divides us. 
 
The first member of my party elected President of the 
United States was Abraham Lincoln.  He once said, ?Nearly 
all men can stand adversity, but if you want to test a 
man's character, give him power.?  I have had the honor 
of meeting Zanzibar?s leaders.  I believe they can pass 
such a test.  At the same time, I want to make it clear 
to leaders from all sides that we prioritize our 
relations with the Zanzibari people over our relations 
with any one leader or party. 
 
Once political competition in Zanzibar is channeled 
within a structure that reassures all citizens that their 
rights will be respected, even if their political rivals 
are in power, then governance will improve, severe 
resource disparities among the islands will equalize and 
the full economic potential of these islands will be 
realized.  This is the moral thing to do.  It is common 
sense.  It is also good business sense.  Everyone wins. 
Investors and tourists are attracted to well-governed, 
stable regions.  They stay away from areas plagued by 
 
DAR ES SAL 00000009  004 OF 004 
 
 
conflict and poor governance.  Power sharing is not a 
matter of one side losing something and the other side 
gaining something.  Power sharing is a way for all 
Zanzibaris and both major political parties to gain 
security and prosperity.  That is what we most wish for 
all our Zanzibari friends.  That is what we ourselves 
witnessed when regions of my country that most suffered 
from severe social divisions began to reconcile.  The 
result was social renewal, improved governance and 
greater prosperity. 
 
Leaders must help their supporters see that Zanzibaris 
are best served by politics in which no one completely 
wins and no one completely loses.  In such politics, 
those in the majority realize that unless they produce 
results for the voters, they will soon find themselves in 
the minority.  Voters learn to judge political parties 
and politicians by the results they produce, not by their 
ethnic or regional identities or by their historical 
loyalties. 
 
When President Kikwete took office, he declared that 
reconciliation on Zanzibar was his highest domestic 
priority. He said, "I know that the final decision 
concerning the political and future leadership of 
Zanzibar depends on Zanzibaris themselves.  But we have 
one republic, one country.  What happens in Zanzibar 
affects us all."  We all support the President?s desire 
to work with Zanzibar?s leaders to bring reconciliation 
to these isles. 
 
American President John F. Kennedy, a friend to Africa, 
once said, ?Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let 
us never fear to negotiate.?  As friends of Tanzania, and 
friends of Zanzibar for many years, let me suggest that 
the two parties must not be afraid to negotiate.  A 
negotiation in which each side gives . . . and both sides 
gain. 
 
I am confident that Zanzibar?s current set of political 
leaders are capable of reaching a power sharing agreement 
and implementing it in a sincere fashion that serves the 
best interests of all Zanzibaris.  I believe these 
leaders will agree on an arrangement that gives 
confidence to all political players so that the 2010 
elections in Zanzibar will be free, fair and peaceful. 
This is crucial, because Zanzibar cannot afford another 
controversial and disputed election.  The make up of the 
post-2010 election power sharing government should be 
based on the will of the Zanzibari people as expressed 
through peaceful, free and fair elections.  My confidence 
is based on the conviction that the leaders of the rival 
parties have Zanzibar?s best interests at heart and on my 
knowledge that Zanzibar?s leaders can count on the 
goodwill and assistance of their fellow Tanzanians in the 
Union government and of the American people. 
 
Thank you for honoring me with your presence this 
evening.  I am grateful for having had the opportunity to 
serve here, and I wish you a fond farewell. 
 
GREEN