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Viewing cable 08TOKYO2817, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 10/09/08

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
08TOKYO2817 2008-10-09 08:14 2011-08-26 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO1928
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2817/01 2830814
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 090814Z OCT 08
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7823
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 2651
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 0296
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 4041
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 8369
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 0871
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 5759
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 1754
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 2021
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 002817 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 10/09/08 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Prime Minister Aso should tell U.S. of Japan's experience in 
handling own financial crisis (Mainichi) 
 
(2) Editorial: U.S., Europe should hastily pump capital into 
financial institutions as follow-up for coordinated rate cuts 
(Nikkei) 
 
(3) Editorial: Refueling issue must not be used as bargaining chip 
for Diet dissolution (Mainichi) 
 
(4) Envisage what will come after post-Cold War era (Asahi) 
 
(5) Senior LDP member: Lower House will be dissolved next January at 
earliest (Sankei) 
 
(6) Psychological war over Diet dissolution (Asahi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Prime Minister Aso should tell U.S. of Japan's experience in 
handling own financial crisis 
 
MAINICHI (Page 6) (Abridged) 
October 9, 2008 
 
By Atsuro Kurashige, a member of the Mainichi Tokyo Editing Bureau 
 
Prime Minister Taro Aso has delayed the date of the dissolution of 
the House of Representatives little by little. Some cleverly are 
calling it the "inchworm Diet dissolution." I would like to present 
Aso with two requests. One is to display leadership more in dealing 
with the current global financial crisis by making use of Japan's 
experience in handling its own post-economic bubble crisis. Another 
is to hold an election quickly to recover the legitimacy of the 
government, seriously taking the fact that his two predecessors 
abruptly stepped down during their terms of office. 
 
A number of senior Liberal Democratic Party members, some of whom 
have even held one of the three party executive posts, have begun to 
say that the LDP's mission has already ended. Among the LDP's 
achievements were the choice to become a member of the Free World 
during the Cold War period and the building of an affluent Japan 
based on placing emphasis on economic growth. These were splendid 
accomplishments. What remains as its sole raison d'etre is has been 
its governing capability by skillfully maintaining its power by 
pseudo-rotations of governments that made full use of the 
bureaucracy. But former LDP Secretary General Koichi Kato has said: 
"Despite that, twice in row (an administration walked off the job), 
creating puiblic doubts about the party's governing capability." 
 
At that time, the LDP should have gone to the electorate to renew 
its mandate. Doing so is still necessary in principle. Recently, 
however, the environment has changed with the U.S.-triggered 
financial crisis. The Dow Jones Industrial Average has plunged below 
the 10,000 mark, and the 225-issue Nikkei Stock Average has also 
dropped below the 10,000 level. Asian and European markets have 
reeled, too. A domino effect has set in and plunged the world into a 
negative globalism. The real economy, as well, has begun to tumbled, 
with sharp drops in exports and the production of everything from 
Japanese cars, South Korean personal computers, to Chinese textiles 
 
TOKYO 00002817  002 OF 011 
 
 
as a result of Americans tightening their purse strings. 
 
Politicians must take action now. There are tasks that must be 
urgently tackled by the current administration as political crisis 
management. This is a sort of a makeup test on its governing 
capability. Governments in the world are urged to carry out market 
intervention speedily and resolutely to end the vicious spiral of 
plunging markets. The supplementary budget bill will surely clear 
the Diet, helping out the domestic situation. But it is central that 
the U.S. hammer out bold, drastic measures to eradicate the problem 
areas in its own economy, from which the global financial crisis 
started. 
 
We should remember that Japan experienced a lost decade following 
the bursting of the bubble economy in the 1990s and ending with the 
revival of the nation's financial system around 2003. How did Japan 
overcome the problem of asset deflation by which the economy lost 
several hundred trillion yen with plunges in stock and land prices? 
To rescue the dysfunctional financial system, the government earned 
304 trillion yen in profits from interests over 14 years (based on 
estimate by the Bank of Japan) from households based on low-interest 
policy and then reorganized nearly 20 leading banks into three major 
groups by investing 13 trillion yen in taxpayers' money into the 
banks. Through these efforts, Japan was able to stop the negative 
domino effect in the end. 
 
The public was aware that those who benefited from the bubble 
economy had to make strenuous efforts and pay the bill for the 
bursting of the bubble by themselves. What is happening in the U.S. 
is quite similar to the process in Japan. The original point in both 
cases in Japan and the U.S. is the collapse of the myth that land 
prices will continue to rise. Even so, the situation in the U.S. is 
expected to become more serious from now. The economic rescue plan 
taken in the U.S. recently is regarded as just "the third station 
(on the mountain)," according to the Nikkei, when compared with 
Japan's bailout measures. It is important that the U.S. find the 
best way and timing for using public funds to contain the financial 
crisis. Speedily restoring confidence will save the fate of the 
global economy, in a sense. 
 
In a meeting of finance ministers and central bank governors from 
the Group of Seven Nations (G-7) to be held this weekend, Japan 
plans to urge the U.S. to inject public funds to shore up the 
capital base of ailing financial institutions, but that will not be 
enough. The prime minister himself should call on state leaders to 
jointly press President Bush to tap taxpayers' money. Only Japan has 
had a similar experience. Any delay in taking action could lead to 
collapsing the global economy. In this sense, Japan will be able to 
make use of this rare opportunity to make its international 
contribution. 
 
To justify the Iraq war, President Bush cited the U.S. Occupation in 
Japan as a successful experiment. He said that Iraq will become a 
Western-type democratic nation under occupational administration by 
the U.S., like Japan just after the end of the war. This is 
analogical logic, completely ignoring Japan's unique imperial 
regime. I felt that then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi did not 
fulfill the responsibility of Japan as its ally to point out 
President Bush's error. 
 
How to treat relations with the U.S. will be a major campaign issue 
in the next House of Representatives election. Of course, relations 
 
TOKYO 00002817  003 OF 011 
 
 
with the U.S. are the bedrock of Japan's diplomacy, but we are now 
in an era in which both countries' leaders should say what they 
should say to each other, premised that even the U.S. sometimes 
makes a mistake. We should not just blindly follow the U.S. 
 
The current administration's response to the ongoing financial 
crisis is only temporary crisis management. It will become possible 
for the administration to demonstration its full-scale ability to 
govern for the first time after it is recognized as legitimate. The 
sole way to do so is a judgment to be made by the voters in a 
general election. The prime minister must agree to this view. He 
should keep in mind that a pointless delay in the election will 
result in damaging Japanese politics. 
 
(2) Editorial: U.S., Europe should hastily pump capital into 
financial institutions as follow-up for coordinated rate cuts 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
October 9, 2008 
 
The world is facing a credit crisis. The benchmark Nikkei Stock 
Average plummeted on October 8, closing at 9,203, down 952 points 
from the previous day. This is the lowest level in five years and 
three months. The yen alone is appreciating against the dollar and 
the euro, temporarily testing 100 against the dollar. The U.S. 
Federal Reserve Board (FRB) and five European central banks cut 
interest rates in unison as an emergency measure. 
 
The FRB, the European Central Bank and central banks of Switzerland 
and Britain cut their policy interest rates by 0.5 PERCENT . China 
and the UAE also cut their interest rates simultaneously. Rate cuts 
joined by fast emerging countries are unprecedented. This is 
apparently an effective move. 
 
Even so, there is no change in the fact that the unstable management 
of leading U.S. and European financial institutions, triggered by 
the collapse of Lehman Brother, is the root cause of the crisis. 
U.S. and European financial authorities should immediately inject 
public money into battered financial institutions. 
 
The financial crisis has spread throughout the world. Trading among 
banks has become stagnant due to mutual distrust. Companies are 
having difficulty procuring capital. The FRB plans to help companies 
raise funds in exchange for unsecured commercial papers. Iceland, 
which was hit by currency turmoil, has declared an emergency 
situation. It will negotiate with Russia on its extending emergency 
financing in order for the nation to make up for a shortage of 
foreign currency reserves. 
 
The growing observation that the U.S. and Europe will likely cut 
interest rates has prompted investors' judgment that differences in 
interest rates between those countries and Japan would narrow, which 
has led to a further yen advance on the Tokyo market. As a result, 
investors unloaded Japanese shares out of concern that 
export-oriented companies' business performance would worsen, 
causing the stock plunge. 
 
The Bank of Japan (BOJ) did not join the concerted rate cuts. 
However, it took a cooperative stance by boosting the money supply. 
If monetary authorities of various countries indicate strong ties 
for the stabilization of the economy, it would produce a certain 
level of effects to stabilize the market. 
 
TOKYO 00002817  004 OF 011 
 
 
 
However, this is not enough to relieve financial uncertainties. The 
only way to settle the situation is for industrialized countries and 
rapidly emerging countries to deepen ties and decisively cut off the 
root cause of the negative spiral. Top priority should be given to 
regaining people's confidence in financial institutions by 
alleviating their capital shortage. 
 
Britain revealed financial stabilization measures, including the 
injection of money totaling 50 billion pounds into leading banks, 
such as Barclays and HSBC. The U.S. and other leading European 
countries will follow suit. We want the U.S. to hastily boil down 
concrete measures, including the application of the Emergency 
Economic Stabilization Act to inject public funds into financial 
institutions. 
 
A meeting of finance ministers and central bank governors from the 
Group of Seven Nations (G-7) must come up with convincing financial 
stabilization measures in concert. Japan is responsible for taking 
part in international cooperation more flexibly. The royal road to 
stabilize the economy is to show a firm resolve to prevent the 
financial market from falling into disorder. 
 
(3) Editorial: Refueling issue must not be used as bargaining chip 
for Diet dissolution 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
October 9, 2008 
 
The Diet is expected to pass during its current session a 
government-introduced bill amending the new Antiterrorism Special 
Measures Law-a time-limited law that is set to expire in January-to 
extend the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling of U.S. and other 
multinational force vessels in the Indian Ocean for another year. 
This is because the leading opposition Democratic Party of Japan 
(Minshuto), which is opposed to the legislation, has clarified its 
intention to accept the idea of taking a vote on it at an early 
date. The bill will be voted down in the opposition-controlled House 
of Councillors. However, the ruling coalition of the Liberal 
Democratic Party and the New Komeito is expected to take a second 
vote in the House of Representatives to override the House of 
Councillors' decision with two thirds of the seats. 
 
The DPJ yesterday asserted that the legislation should be referred 
to the House of Representatives Special Committee on Terrorism 
without going through a plenary sitting of the House of 
Representatives for a government explanation of the legislation and 
a question-and-answer session. The DPJ is ready to accept the bill's 
early passage. The DPJ is also said to have told the LDP that one 
single day is enough for the special committee to deliberate on the 
legislation. 
 
The DPJ probably wants to prevent Prime Minister Aso and the LDP 
from spending time on Diet deliberations and making an excuse for 
delaying a dissolution of the House of Representatives. The DPJ's 
aim is to drive the prime minister to dissolve the Diet for a snap 
election. 
 
Indeed, we want Prime Minister Aso to dissolve the Diet at an early 
date. The DPJ, however, prioritizes its political jockeying over the 
legislation's contents. This is like putting the cart before the 
horse. Since last year, the DPJ has been standing against the MSDF's 
 
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refueling activities in the Indian Ocean. As a counterproposal, the 
DPJ has presented the Diet with its own antiterrorist bill that 
features assistance activities on the ground in Afghanistan. The 
DPJ-proposed legislation has been carried over to the current Diet 
session. 
 
Actually, instead of accepting the government bill's passage, the 
DPJ should come up with points of contention in its counterproposal 
to the government bill and then seek voter response. 
 
Some people say the DPJ's advocacy of conducting activities in 
Afghanistan is unrealistic, given the deterioration of public 
security in that country. It would not have any merit to wrangle now 
about how to assist Afghanistan... There may be such a judgment 
behind the DPJ's argument for taking a vote at an early date. 
 
Meanwhile, with a general election in mind, the LDP intends to 
attack the DPJ over Afghan assistance. The LDP will likely try to 
draw public attention to the war on terror as part of its political 
strategy. The New Komeito was opposed to the idea of taking a second 
vote on the refueling bill before the general election, but the 
party is said to have changed its mind to favor it. In the public 
eye, what was behind that is hard to see. 
 
Due to discrepancy between the House of Representatives and the 
House of Councillors, the ruling and opposition parties have been 
poignantly at odds over the legislation of extending the MSDF's 
refueling activities. The legislation has been tossed about in 
politicking for the timing to dissolve the Diet. That is not the way 
the legislation should be. Under a new government coming into office 
with public confidence after the general election, the new ruling 
and opposition parties should pursue an agreement without political 
maneuvering. We want the ruling and opposition parties to stop 
bargaining over antiterrorism in order to have a snap election. We 
want them to make it a point of contention in their campaigns for 
the general election. In addition, we would also like to make a 
request concerning the government bill. Time and time again, we have 
said any legislative measures for the SDF's overseas activities must 
require Diet approval before sending SDF troops for overseas 
activities in order to establish civilian control. The government 
bill, however, continues the current antiterrorist law as is and 
does not incorporate Diet approval. This is a serious flaw. Diet 
approval, which was prescribed in the previous antiterrorist law, 
should be restored. 
 
(4) Envisage what will come after post-Cold War era 
 
ASAHI (Page 15) (Abridged slightly) 
October 9, 2008 
 
By Jitsuro Terashima, chairman, Japan Research Institute 
 
Many countries, including the United States, have fallen into the 
syndrome of feeling that they have no choice but to do something. 
Their mentality is that having come this far, there is no other 
choice but to jointly prop up the markets, for that would be far 
better than having a global recession. But is rescuing and 
irresponsibly sharing the negative legacy while leaving the system 
uncorrected the right thing to do? Bloated finance capitalism must 
be called into question and reviewed severely. 
 
The U.S. Congress has finally approved a bailout plan to buy 
 
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nonperforming assets worth 700 billion dollars (approximately 70 
trillion yen). Some seem to be relieved, but I feel profoundly 
depressed when thinking of the enormous financial burden placed upon 
the United States. The U.S. government will pump roughly 1 trillion 
dollars into the financial market, including money to rescue two 
mortgage giants and AIG. In addition, the Iraq war has cost the 
country 1 trillion dollars. The total price tag comes to a whopping 
2 trillion dollars, or 200 trillion yen. 
 
The United States economy has been hit with huge military spending 
and an excessive consumption society that are out of proportion to 
the U.S.' industrial capacity. That has been made possible by a 
system designed to guide capital into the country from around the 
world. By skillfully using financial engineering, the United States 
has turned even risks into objects of investment. The country has 
created financial markets that are attractive to a whole range of 
investments by developing a variety of unconventional financial 
products. The money game under this system has been partially 
supported by funds that flew out of Japan because of its ultra-low 
interest rates. 
 
The other day, I had a discussion with a financial source in New 
York. When the topic turned to the definition of financial 
engineering, he jokingly said: "It a technology to devise means to 
lend money to people who are not entitled to it." Sooner or later, 
such means will collapse. The subprime crisis is a natural 
consequence. 
 
There is no doubt that the post-Cold War paradigm, or the framework 
of the times, has shifted. Since the end of the Cold War, the United 
States has been referred to as the sole superpower or the global 
empire with the predominant currency. It has been seven years since 
the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States, and those 
expressions no longer mirror the actual situation. Failure in Iraq 
and the financial turmoil following the subprime crisis signify an 
end to the post-Cold War era. 
 
People say that the world has become multi-polarized. I think world 
order is being created by all players. In this year's Lake Toya 
Summit, the Group of Eight was not even able to set a direction for 
resolving the environmental issue. We still clearly remember that 
China, India, and African countries stood out during the summit. 
 
I also noticed an interesting thing about the Beijing Olympics. A 
total of 87 countries and regions won medals in the event. In the 
past, the games were dominated by the United States and Soviet 
Union. In the world of sports as well, the medals are shared by 
athletes from all over the world. 
 
In the post-Cold War era, Japan, based on the mentality to blindly 
follow in the footsteps of the United States, has kept pace with 
that country regarding events from the Iraq war to the subprime 
crisis. As a result, it has become clear that Japan cannot get 
through this period with excessive dependence and expectations on 
the United States alone. 
 
It can be said that Japan is now in an age of true globalization 
after breaking out of its dependence on the United States. At the 
same time, Japan must not get into "badger capitalism" as a result 
of becoming overly inward-looking. It must reject "vulture 
capitalism." Japan is required to have the capability to map out 
rules on international order for all players. 
 
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Japanese financial market is relatively more stable than those in 
European countries and the United States. Given the situation, 
Japanese financial institutions are making moves to invest in former 
major Western investment banks or to by their departments. But in 
view of risks associated with investing in the banks with murky 
business prospects and the number of personnel capable of managing 
international financial activities, such moves cannot be called the 
right decision. 
 
I believe that at this stage, Japan should reflect on the money game 
of the past and search for ways to steer financial assets into 
Japanese industries and technologies. 
 
(5) Senior LDP member: Lower House will be dissolved next January at 
earliest 
 
SANKEI (Page 3) (Abridged slightly) 
October 9, 2008 
 
Following the rapid spread of the economic crisis, Prime Minister 
Taro Aso is now being forced to substantially adjust his scenario 
for dissolving the House of Representatives after the passage of the 
supplementary budget for fiscal 2008. Should he create a political 
vacuum by dissolving the Lower House amid the current global 
financial crisis, he would not be able to avoid being criticized as 
abandoning his administration. Since Aso has already instructed that 
a second extra budget be drafted, the possibility is strong that 
Lower House dissolution will be pushed back to next January or 
later. Some in the New Komeito, which has called for the Lower House 
dissolution before the end of the year, are unhappy about delaying 
it. The move has shocked and shaken both the ruling and opposition 
parties, which have already launched preparations for the election. 
Aso has already been pressed to steer a difficult course in coming 
out with appropriate economic and financial measures, while 
resisting pressure from both camps. 
 
Muneo Suzuki of the New Party Daichi called for an early Lower House 
dissolution in a Lower House Budget Committee meeting yesterday 
afternoon. The minute Aso received a memo from his secretary he 
opened his eyes wide and said: 
 
"Although it is important to ask for the people's vote of 
confidence, I must consider the right timing. Stock prices fell 
today, as well. How much? 9,252 yen ... As much as 900 yen dropped. 
This isn't normal. Frankly speaking, Concern about the future of the 
economy has spread even beyond my imagination. Appropriate measures 
to stimulate the economy are definitely needed. The public would 
agree that I should come up with more economic measures before 
dissolving the Lower House. Given that, I need to make an extremely 
tough decision on whether to dissolve the Lower House." 
 
Aso's replay to Suzuki's question was taken as his declaration of 
effectively putting off Lower House dissolution. Aso won the 
presidential election of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), 
advocating the need for an early Lower House dissolution and snap 
election. He has now taken a cautious stance toward dissolving the 
Lower House soon. The presence of LDP Election Strategy Council 
Deputy Chairman Yoshihide Suga, a member of Aso's brain trust, has a 
significant impact on his policy shift. 
 
Soon after Aso delivered a policy speech on Sept. 29, Suga began to 
 
TOKYO 00002817  008 OF 011 
 
 
talk about "an idea of pushing back Lower House dissolution." The 
LDP found in its pre-election survey that it would garner totaling 
210 seats -- 145 seats in the electoral district competition and 65 
seats in the proportional representation segment, but that it would 
be difficult for the ruling coalition to secure a majority in the 
Lower House even if the New Komeito won 30 seats. The results of the 
poll made Suga worried. 
 
Aso, meanwhile, has become increasingly nervous about the rapid 
worsening of the global economy. Immediately after forming his 
cabinet, Aso told Minister of Finance and State Minister for 
Financial Services Shoichi Nakagawa: "The financial crisis appears 
to be worsening faster than we expected. We must get moving. I'm 
counting on you." 
 
After that, Aso had adamantly refused to accept the ruling camp's 
idea of dissolving the Lower House ahead of deliberations on a 
supplementary budget for fiscal 2008. He then ordered that work 
start on drawing up a second extra budget. 
 
On the morning of Oct. 8, Lower House member Hirotaka Ishihara, 
representing the Tokyo-3 district, was giving an outdoor speech in 
front of a station in Shinagawa Ward, Tokyo. He has been delivering 
a speech there every morning and evening since late August. He has 
held small meetings in the evening. He set up an office for 
campaigning on Sept. 20. 
 
Like Ishihara, a number of ruling and opposition lawmakers are 
becoming very frustrated. There was a rush of opening campaign 
offices across the nation last week. More than 1 million yen is 
needed to run one campaign office in the Tokyo Metropolitan. 
Therefore, the delay of Lower House dissolution is a matter of life 
and death for those lawmakers. 
 
With an eye on the July 2009 Tokyo Metropolitan assembly election, 
the New Komeito has demanded that the Lower House be dissolved 
before the end of the year. New Komeito members are growing 
dissatisfied with the delay. New Komeito Secretary General Kazuo 
Kitagawa said yesterday in a meeting of the party's Lower House 
members: "While closely watching effects of the U.S.-originated 
financial turmoil, another economic stimulus package should be drawn 
up late this year reforming the tax system. We also need to draft a 
second extra budget, and compile a budget for fiscal 2009. One 
senior New Komeito member complained: 
 
"If the present situation continues, (the prime minister) may 
dissolve the Lower House next January. He would not delay it beyond 
January. Under the original plan, the Lower House should already 
have been dissolved. Who is the stupid person who said that the 
general election would be held on Oct. 26? 
 
The main opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has not budged 
from its stance of stepping up pressure on the prime minister to 
dissolve the Lower House quickly. There is a possibility that Aso 
will be forced to dissolve the lower chamber before drawing up a 
second extra budget if he fails to come up with an effective package 
of economic measures. 
 
On the night of Oct. 7, Aso took part in a meeting of senior LDP 
Diet Affairs Committee members to give words of encouragement to 
them. The meeting was held at a Chinese restaurant in Tokyo. Lower 
House member Koichi Tani, imitating the proceedings of the Lower 
 
TOKYO 00002817  009 OF 011 
 
 
House plenary session, said: "I would like you to dissolve the House 
quickly, omitting the remaining proceedings." Aso involuntarily 
burst into laughter. What indeed was he thinking deep down inside? 
 
(6) Psychological war over Diet dissolution 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged) 
October 8, 2008 
 
DPJ aiming to induce snap election 
 
In the Diet, the House of Representatives Budget Committee staged a 
main event yesterday, with the leading opposition Democratic Party 
of Japan (Minshuto) having its three former presidents take the 
floor and fire away at Prime Minister Aso. "Are you going to stay 
on?" With this, the DPJ, which wants to prod the prime minister to 
dissolve the House of Representatives for a general election at an 
early date, provoked the prime minister. However, the prime minister 
carefully kept ducking and weaving. They jabbed each other, while 
dancing around the timing. 
 
At the outset, DPJ Deputy President Naoto Kan, who was the first to 
take the floor, asked a point-blank question: "You said things like 
this shortly after becoming president of the Liberal Democratic 
Party: 'We must resolutely battle the DPJ in the general election 
and win. I can attain heaven's will only when we win the election.' 
When is the general election?" 
 
The prime minister avoided making it clear. Then, Kan asked if the 
prime minister has given up "Heaven's will." He went on with his 
provocative question: "You're going to stay on without a general 
election, aren't you?" Kan advertised a roadmap in the DPJ's 
manifesto for how to secure ways and means in order to grapple with 
the financial crisis, saying: "It's important to implement policies 
that will lead to domestic demand expansion. Our party's policies 
will all lead to domestic demand expansion." 
 
The DPJ's immediate challenge is how to induce the prime minister to 
dissolve the House of Representatives. The opposition parties are 
trying to drive the prime minister to dissolve the House of 
Representatives. However, the right to dissolve the Diet is in the 
prime minister's hands. 
 
Following Kan, DPJ Vice President Katsuya Okada took the floor. In 
the beginning, Okada called the Aso cabinet's legitimacy into 
question. The prime minister underscored the need to fast-track 
economic stimulus measures before dissolving the Diet. Okada said: 
"Your cabinet has not appealed to the country yet. After an 
election, you can consolidate your support base, and then you can go 
ahead with fundamental financial policy measures." 
 
DPJ Vice President Seiji Maehara also touched on Diet dissolution in 
his question asking about the scale of freeing up the road-related 
tax revenues. "I'd like you to take a look at the budget compilation 
in December. That's all I can say." With this, the prime minister 
dodged Maehara's challenge. Maehara rebutted, "I don't know if you 
will dissolve the Diet or if you can compile the budget, but please 
do not forget what you've said now." 
 
Behind the battle of words, the DPJ is now edging on the prime 
minister to dissolve the House of Representatives. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002817  010 OF 011 
 
 
"I can't say that's enough (for deliberations). However, we don't 
want to put it off for nothing." So saying, Okada, a senior director 
on the Budget Committee, implied the DPJ's readiness to take a vote 
today on the supplementary budget. Asked whether the DPJ would 
approve the extra budget, Okada answered: "It's insufficient in many 
respects, but we don't have to vote against it." 
 
Meanwhile, the government has now introduced to the Diet a bill 
amending the Refueling Special Measures Law to extend the Maritime 
Self-Defense Force's refueling activities in the Indian Ocean. The 
ruling coalition wants to explain the proposed legislation tomorrow 
in the Diet. The DPJ will accept it and will also respond to taking 
a vote on the bill at an early date. For the time being, the DPJ's 
strategy is to save the prime minister's face with its moderate 
pursuit. "We are setting the stage (for the prime minister) to 
dissolve the Diet," a DPJ executive recounted. 
 
If the prime minister has made up his mind to dissolve the Diet 
after extending the refueling law, it would be a plus to respond to 
taking a vote on the legislation without wasting time and vote 
against it... DPJ President Ozawa and other DPJ leaders are said to 
have confirmed this course of action in their meeting on Oct. 6. 
 
However, the DPJ is not sure of what is on the prime minister's 
mind. Another DPJ executive said: "If the prime minister will not 
dissolve the Diet (even after voting on the proposed legislative 
measures), we will go all out in the Budget Committee over the 
second extra budget. They can't hang in there until the year's end. 
Everybody is about to run." 
 
Premier looking for campaign issues 
 
Provoked by the DPJ's Kan, Prime Minister Aso made an in-depth 
statement about dissolving the House of Representatives. 
 
"We will have to set campaign issues with the DPJ. There are many 
issues, which include what to do about Japan's international 
contributions, I think. We need to clear up these issues, and then 
we should make clear which party is competent to take office." 
 
This statement from Aso implied that he would like to dissolve the 
House of Representatives over the advisability of continuing the 
MSDF's refueling activities in the Indian Ocean. This is one of the 
five issues from Aso's question to the DPJ in his recent policy 
speech before the Diet. This unprecedented counter interpellation 
was aimed to make clear the campaign issues in the general 
election. 
 
The DPJ will vote against the refueling bill in the House of 
Councillors for a snap election. This is intended to have the ruling 
coalition take a second vote in the House of Representatives and 
override the upper chamber's decision. This could incur a public 
backlash, but the prime minister will dissolve the Diet without 
hesitation... The prime minister's aides think that way. Aso, before 
becoming prime minister, used to reiterate: "I take it for granted 
that we will take advantage of two-thirds (of the seats in the lower 
chamber to override the upper chamber's decision in a second vote in 
the lower chamber) when we've got to do so without delay for 
national defense or diplomacy, because that is allowed under the 
Constitution." 
 
Now that the supplementary budget is expected to pass the lower 
 
TOKYO 00002817  011 OF 011 
 
 
chamber, the government and the ruling coalition are going to enter 
into deliberations on the refueling bill and other legislative 
measures, including relevant bills to establish the Consumer Affairs 
Agency. In a cabinet ministerial conference yesterday, Aso suggested 
the need for the government to take additional measures for domestic 
demand expansion in particular, thereby indicating that he is 
willing to compile a second extra budget. One of the prime 
minister's aides said he would make clear the difference with the 
DPJ by grappling with a number of issues. At the same time, the 
prime minister seems to be exploring campaign issues. 
 
SCHIEFFER