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RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 1979

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 12 TOKYO 002798 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 10/07/08 
 
INDEX: 
 
 
(1) Poll on Aso cabinet, political parties (Asahi) 
 
(2) In Lower House Budget Committee session, prime minister 
highlights the need to set points at issue, such as continuation of 
Indian Ocean refueling mission, before heading for Lower House 
dissolution (Yomiuri) 
 
(3) Offshore move difficult: Masuda (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(4) New source of trouble emerges for Iwakuni; Central government 
may have sounded out city on construction of U.S. military housing; 
City keeps its silence, ignoring citizens' right to know (Tokyo 
Shimbun) 
 
(5) Interview with Eisuke Sakakibara, professor at Waseda 
University: Largest-scale postwar financial crisis still only at the 
second station (on the mountain) (Asahi) 
 
(6) Editorial: New JICA should give considerable thought to 
strategic ODA (Yomiuri) 
 
(7) 160 North Korean defectors quietly entered Japan; Government 
does not recognize them officially (Asahi) 
 
(8) TOP HEADLINES 
 
(9) EDITORIALS 
 
(10) Prime Minister's schedule, October 6 (Nikkei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Poll on Aso cabinet, political parties 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
October 7, 2008 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Bracketed figures denote 
proportions to all respondents. Figures in parentheses denote the 
results of the last survey conducted Sept. 24-25.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Aso cabinet? 
 
Yes 41 (48) 
No 42 (36) 
 
Q: Why? (One reason only. Left column for those marking "yes" on 
previous question, and right for those saying "no.") 
 
The prime minister is Mr. Aso 32(13) 5(2) 
It's an LDP-led cabinet 26(11) 43(18) 
From the aspect of policies 24(10) 27(11) 
Cabinet lineup 9(4) 21(9) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 32 (34) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 23 (23) 
 
TOKYO 00002798  002 OF 012 
 
 
New Komeito (NK) 4 (3) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (2) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (1) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) 
Other political parties 0 (0) 
None 31 (32) 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 7 (5) 
 
Q: There will be a general election shortly for the House of 
Representatives. To what extent are you interested in the general 
election this time? (One choice only) 
 
Very interested 35 
Somewhat interested 44 
Not very interested 17 
Not interested at all 3 
 
Q: If you were to vote now in a general election for the House of 
Representatives, which political party would you like to vote for in 
your proportional representation bloc? 
 
LDP 33 (36) 
DPJ 34 (32) 
NK 4 (4) 
JCP 3 (4) 
SDP 1 (1) 
PNP 0 (0) 
RC 0 
NPN 0 (0) 
Other political parties 1 (1) 
N/A+D/K 24 (22) 
 
Q: In your single-seat electoral district, which political party's 
candidate would you like to vote for? 
 
LDP 31 
DPJ 30 
NK 3 
JCP 3 
SDP 1 
PNP 0 
RC 0 
NPN 0 
Other political parties 0 
Independent 2 
N/A+D/K 30 
 
Q: Would you like the current LDP-led coalition government to 
continue, or would you otherwise like it to be replaced with a 
DPJ-led coalition government? 
 
LDP-led coalition 34 (39) 
DPJ-led coalition 40 (40) 
 
Q: Which one between Prime Minister Aso and DPJ President Ichiro 
Ozawa do you think is more appropriate for prime minister? 
 
Mr. Aso 50 (54) 
Mr. Ozawa 22 (26) 
 
 
TOKYO 00002798  003 OF 012 
 
 
Q: Do you think it would be better for Japan to have the ruling and 
opposition parties change places at times? 
 
Yes 73 (73) 
No 19 (21) 
 
Q: Land, Infrastructure and Transport Minister Nariaki Nakayama 
resigned five days after assuming his cabinet post as he was 
criticized for a series of gaffes. Do you think the responsibility 
of Prime Minister Aso, who appointed Mr. Nakayama, is big, or do you 
otherwise think it is not so big? 
 
Big 44 
Not so big 48 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Oct. 4-5 over the 
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. 
Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on 
a three-stage random-sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained 
from 1,036 persons (57 PERCENT ). 
 
(2) In Lower House Budget Committee session, prime minister 
highlights the need to set points at issue, such as continuation of 
Indian Ocean refueling mission, before heading for Lower House 
dissolution 
 
YOMIURI NET (Full) 
1:44, October 7, 2008 
 
At a Lower House Budget Committee meeting this morning, Prime 
Minister Taro Aso said this in connection with Lower House 
dissolution for a snap general election: "In dealing with the 
Democratic Party of Japan, we must set the points at issue. It is 
necessary to make it clear which party (the LDP or DPJ) has the 
ability to run the government after clarifying (the thinking) about 
Japan's international contribution and other matters." 
 
Since the DPJ is opposed to the extension of the Maritime 
Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, Aso set 
a policy course of only moving on to the next Lower House election 
after exposing through Diet deliberations the difference in views 
between the two parties on Japan's international contributions. 
 
About the timing for dissolving the Diet, the prime minister simply 
said: "I do not have any specific date in mind. We must cherish the 
votes given to us (in the 2005 Lower House election). I will make a 
decision on (whether) to dissolve the Lower House immediately after 
giving it thorough consideration." 
 
Regarding the fact that the LDP Diet Affairs Committee ordered 
government agencies to consult with it in advance on opposition 
parties' requests for data, the prime minister reiterated the view 
that a decision on the contents of data (to be presented) is to be 
made by each cabinet minister and that such does not constitute a 
review by the LDP." Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries Minister 
Shigeru Ishiba, too, said: "We have never asked for (the LDP Diet 
Affairs Committee's) permission in advance for the provision of 
data. We will not do such in the future, either." 
 
(3) Offshore move difficult: Masuda 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
 
TOKYO 00002798  004 OF 012 
 
 
October 7, 2008 
 
TOKYO-The Defense Ministry's Administrative Vice Minister Kohei 
Masuda, now back from his official trip to Okinawa last weekend, 
stated in a press conference yesterday at the Defense Ministry that 
the government would go through various procedures for the planned 
relocation of the U.S. military's Futenma airfield in the prefecture 
and would like to push ahead with the Futenma relocation plan while 
listening well to local requests. The government plans to build an 
alternative facility for Futenma airfield in a coastal area of Camp 
Schwab in the prefecture's northern coastal city of Nago. Meanwhile, 
Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima and Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro 
have requested the alternative facility's construction site be moved 
out into the sea. Asked about this proposal, Masuda answered: "Our 
present plan is balanced in consideration of the environment and 
various other aspects. It would be quite difficult (to move the site 
offshore) without rational cause." 
 
(4) New source of trouble emerges for Iwakuni; Central government 
may have sounded out city on construction of U.S. military housing; 
City keeps its silence, ignoring citizens' right to know 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Pages 20 & 21) (Abridged slightly) 
October 6, 2008 
 
By Chiaki Ueda 
 
A new controversial issue has emerged for the city of Iwakuni in 
Yamaguchi Prefecture, which is being shaken by the realignment of 
U.S. forces in Japan. The existence of a document has come to light 
that shows the city had been informally asked by the central and 
prefectural governments about the construction of U.S. military 
housing at the Atagoyama area. The city, which has denied any 
approach by them, is holding its silence. Will the citizens' right 
to know be protected? 
 
City assemblyman Yoshihiro Watari said in a strong tone with a copy 
of the document in his hand: "The city said in June that there had 
been no approach by the central government or the prefectural 
government. The city told us a big lie." In September, like-minded 
city and prefectural assemblymen, including Watari, disclosed a copy 
of the document that have fallen into their hands following some 
news reports, saying that it was clear that there had been an 
informal request about the construction of U.S. military housing and 
that concealing it would put the citizens at a disadvantage. 
 
The document consists of the minutes of three sets of discussions: 
talks among city officials; talks with prefectural officials; and 
talks with prefectural and prefecture housing corporation officials. 
They all discussed the use of Atagoyama area. The document notes 
that it was produced by the Atagoyama area development office. 
 
The talks reportedly held at the mayor's office on April 7, 2008 
were attended by Mayor Yoshihiko Fukuda, Deputy Mayor Kuniyasu 
Otomo, and senior officials of departments responsible for the 
Iwakuni base and Atagoyama. Their discussion centered on the fact 
that the prefectural and central governments had tried to confirm 
the mayor's intent. 
 
According to the minutes, the base division director first said: 
"There were calls from the prefectural government and the Defense 
Ministry urging us to confirm quickly the mayor's intent." The 
 
TOKYO 00002798  005 OF 012 
 
 
minutes also include some statements on the city's request to the 
central government for the resumption of the civilian airport at the 
Iwakuni base. The division director said: "In order to resume the 
civilian airport, they pointed out the need to have (the mayor's) 
clear intent to endorse the construction of U.S. military housing." 
The mayor then asked: "The civilian airport, U.S. military housing, 
and Atagoyama. It is going to be a trade-off?" The division director 
replied, "Yes, it is going to be a trade-off." 
 
One asked, "Why does Iwakuni have to pay such a price for securing 
U.S. military housing?" Another city official noted: "I cannot bear 
to offer an explanation to the local residents." Still another 
commented: "In view of the sentiment of local residents, selling the 
area for U.S. military housing is difficult." Those comments alluded 
to the city's agony. 
 
The Atagoyama development project began in 1998. It was pushed 
forward in tandem with a plan to move the Iwakuni base runway 1 
kilometer offshore with the aim of reducing noise at the base. The 
blueprint was to reclaim the planned new base area with earth and 
sand from Atagoyama and redevelop the Atagoyama area to build 1,500 
housing units for 5,600 people on the 60-ha land. 
 
The prefectural government, prefectural housing corporation, and 
city government decided in June 2007 to halt the project, citing 
diminished demand due to a change in the economic situation. 
Planning to relocate a national hospital to and selling one-fourth 
of the land to the civilian sector, they have asked the central 
government to purchase the remaining three-fourths of the 60-ha 
land. The prefectural government is asking the central government to 
procure the site, saying the prefecture has cooperated on the 
government's project. The Defense Ministry, on the other hand, says 
that it is still at the stage of collecting information. 
 
Since the document was disclosed, the city has taken an odd stance. 
Although the city has admitted that there had been a meeting on the 
date specified in the document and the meeting had resulted in a 
memo, an Atagoyama area development office official said: "We do not 
know if the disclosed document was drafted by the city, so we cannot 
make any comment on it." 
 
The document, which specifies the names of attendants, the date, 
venue, and who said what at the meeting, does not look like a memo. 
Why does the city refuse to refer to the document so adamantly? 
 
Katsusuke Ihara, who served as Iwakuni mayor from 1999 until he was 
defeated by Fukuda in the February 2008 mayoral race, explained: 
"There is no other place but Atagoyama to build U.S. housing for 
4,000 people. The central government indirectly asked the city as 
early as several years ago. It is natural to think that the city cut 
a secret deal behind the scenes. The city cannot admit that there 
was an informal request because such would make it a liar." Although 
the central and prefectural governments have denied any informal 
request to the city, chances are slim for them to sell the land to 
the civilian sector. Building U.S. military housing is the most 
likely scenario. The prefectural and city governments are 24.4 
billion yen in dept because of the halted project. They are supposed 
to compensate for it 2 to 1. Without the construction of U.S. 
military housing, huge financial burdens would fall upon them. 
 
Ihara noted: "If there is no other way but to build U.S. military 
housing, the city should tell that to the citizens fairly and 
 
TOKYO 00002798  006 OF 012 
 
 
squarely, discuss it, and obtain their understanding. Truth and the 
citizen's right to know are most important" 
 
What do citizens think of the matter? 
 
Kuruma-machi is only 1 kilometer away from the Iwakuni base's front 
gate. Sometimes, roaring noise from the base is heard all day at 
this area. Third Kuruma Residents Association Chairman Takashi 
Takabayashi, 68, said angrily: "If U.S. military housing were to be 
built after night landing practice, there are no merits in living in 
Iwakuni. Was the city trying to endorse such a plan secretly?" 
 
In April, the association presented the city with a petition saying: 
"Once (the U.S. military) begins NLP as a result of U.S. military 
realignment, noise pollution would worsen. Let them move us to 
Atagoyama, instead of building U.S. military housing there." 
 
The citizens have been toyed with by the central government and U.S. 
military. The government temporarily stopped paying subsidies for 
the construction of the city hall following the city's rejection of 
the U.S. military realignment plan. The situation has changed with 
the election of pro-base Mayor Fukuda. 
 
Takamitsu Hirokane, 70, one of the landowners of Atagoyama, said: 
"It was not easy to make a decision to sell the family land. They 
explained: 'The relocation of the runway will help reduce noise. We 
need your cooperation for securing safety and a peace of mind.' 
There was no reason to oppose it." 
 
Hirokane also raised his voice: "That will completely change (with 
the construction of U.S. military housing. I am not convinced with 
such a plan. The city, which has not disclosed what should be 
disclosed, is flinching from its responsibility." 
 
A 63-year-old man living near Atagoyama also said: "The area in 
front of one's house might be surrounded by a barbed-wire fence. 
People won't be able to stand such a scene mentally. Atagoyama is 
our hometown. We cannot sell it for the sake of the United States." 
 
(5) Interview with Eisuke Sakakibara, professor at Waseda 
University: Largest-scale postwar financial crisis still only at the 
second station (on the mountain) 
 
ASAHI (Page 12) (Full) 
October 7, 2008 
 
-- Although legislation to bail out the U.S. financial system was 
passed by the Congress after much confusion, no prospects are in 
sight for the financial crisis to be contained. 
 
"With an eye on the upcoming election of the U.S. House of 
Representatives in November, the members were hesitant to use 
taxpayers' money to rescue Wall Street. I think the crisis will 
surely drag on and will not come to an end without injecting public 
funds into financial institutions, as Japan did in the past." 
 
-- The financial crisis originating in the U.S. but then spread to 
Europe. How do you view the spreading of the contagion? 
 
"What is now going on is the largest-scale postwar financial crisis. 
Furthermore, we are still only around the second station (on the 
mountain). Central banks across the world have pumped large volumes 
 
TOKYO 00002798  007 OF 012 
 
 
of dollars into money markets to boost the dollar's liquidity and to 
prevent the global financial system from collapsing. In Japan and 
many other countries, banks will certainly become more reluctant to 
provide funds to smaller businesses. A global credit crunch will 
affect the real economy and trigger a global recession in 
industrialized countries. 
 
"The Case-Shiller home price index shows that futures markets will 
not bottom out before May in 2010 and will remain flat after that. 
In other words, the financial unrest will last for another two years 
or more. The impact of the crisis on the real economy is expected to 
appear afterward." 
 
-- It was just after a currency crisis hit Asia when you, as 
International Finance Bureau director general and vice minister of 
finance for international affairs, moved to correct the trend of 
strong yen against the dollar. What view do you have about the 
current depreciation of the dollar? 
 
"The dollar is certainly weak, but since the global economy is 
worsening, the situation is not such that only the dollar is 
declining. When Bear Stearns went bankrupt in March, the yen climbed 
to 95 yen to the dollar, and the euro was quoted at 1.6 dollars at 
one point. Since then, real economic conditions in Europe have 
become worse than conditions in the U.S., and the dollar against the 
euro has not fallen for over six months. The yen has not noticeably 
risen against the dollar, either. Exchange rates are determined 
relatively. In March, Japan, the U.S., and Europe mulled the 
possibility of cooperative intervention in exchange markets to 
support the dollar, but we are not in such a situation at present. 
 
"Western banks now find it difficult to procure dollars. This is a 
serious problem. Central banks' cooperative injections of funds into 
markets were a proper step. But even if the U.S. asks Japan to 
purchase nonperforming loans with public funds, Japan should 
absolutely not accept the request. 
 
"It is impossible for Japan to use taxpayers' money to bail out 
foreign banks that have branch offices in Japan. Japan should agree 
to take measures to normalize the functions of markets, but rescuing 
U.S. banks is what the U.S. should do. Japan must make this point 
clear." 
 
-- Is it conceivable that the current financial crisis will become 
the beginning of the end of the system of the dollar being a key 
currency? 
 
"It might be possible, when seen from the span of 20 to 30 years. In 
5-to-6-year units, however, I do not think that the dollar-based 
system will significantly collapse. Rather, we should take the view 
that the beginning of the end of the American financial kingdom has 
set in. 
 
(6) Editorial: New JICA should give considerable thought to 
strategic ODA 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full) 
October 7, 2008 
 
With the merger of the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) 
and the Overseas Economic Cooperation Operations, a part of the 
Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC), the new JICA has 
 
TOKYO 00002798  008 OF 012 
 
 
been inaugurated. The expanded JICA's biggest challenge is to 
implement Japan's official development assistance (ODA) projects in 
a visible manner. The new JICA is an aid agency with over 1 trillion 
yen of available financial resources annually. 
 
Japan's ODA consists of three areas: 1) technical assistance to 
enhance human resources; 2) yen loan program to extend low-interest 
loans for improving such social infrastructure as roads and bridges, 
and 3) grants to provide assistance to non-governmental 
organizations and other bodies. 
 
In the past, JICA was in charge of technical assistance; JBIC was 
responsible for yen loans; and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
(MOFA) was charged with grant aid. This system was often criticized 
as ineffective due to the vertically fragmented system of 
administration. 
 
As part of the ODA reform, the new JICA has taken over MOFA's grant 
aid. Therefore, it now manages the three areas of grant aid, 
technical assistance and yen loans in an integrated fashion. 
 
Under the control of the Overseas Economic Cooperation Council, 
chaired by the prime minister, MOFA is in charge of making ODA 
policy and the expanded JICA implements ODA projects. This system 
will probably be welcomed by aid-recipient countries. 
 
Under the one roof, the new JICA has to implement effective aid 
programs. It will have to shorten the period of six to seven years 
it required to implement an aid project after receiving a request. 
 
For example, Japan provided Tunisia with yen loans to build an 
industrial park, as well as with technical aid to enhance human 
resources. This kind of aid project should be increased. 
 
The Japanese government has advocated the importance of aid to 
Africa. For Japan, which aims at a bid for a permanent seat on the 
United Nations Security Council, Africa is a powerful voting bloc 
and rich in natural resources. The new JICA needs to give 
considerable thought to enhancing assistance to Africa. 
 
However, although the three aid areas have come under the one roof, 
part of the technical assistance is controlled by the Ministry of 
Education, Culture, Sports, and Science and Technology, and the 
Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry as in the past. It is also 
important to turn now to correcting the evils of bureaucratic 
sectionalism, as well. 
 
The expanded JICA will face an adverse wind. Because of the 
country's strained fiscal situation, Japan's ODA budget has been cut 
by as much as 40 PERCENT  over the last ten years. Japan was once 
the largest aid donor in the world, but last year it dropped to 
fifth place. 
 
ODA is a major tool to strengthen Japan's diplomatic base. Japan 
must take advantage it in a strategic way in order to prevent its 
influence from weakening. To help the new JICA function, there is an 
urgent need to boost the ODA budget. 
 
(7) 160 North Korean defectors quietly entered Japan; Government 
does not recognize them officially 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Excerpts) 
 
TOKYO 00002798  009 OF 012 
 
 
October 7, 2008 
 
By Furuya, Shenyang 
 
There is an ongoing trend of North Korean defectors heading for 
Japan. People who have fled from North Korea are temporarily taken 
into Chinese custody and wait for their departure for Japan. But the 
Japanese government has been concealing such a fact out of deference 
to China. How is Japanese society going to address the question of 
North Korean defectors in the future? How is it going to accept 
defectors from North Korea? Without disclosing any information, 
discussions on the subject are bound to stall. 
 
160 North Korean defectors have already entered Japan 
 
It is little known that almost every day a Japanese restaurant 
delivers box lunches to a two-story gray building behind the 
Japanese Consulate General in Shenyang, China. They are meals for 
people called "guests," whose existence is not recognized by the 
Japanese government. 
 
A person familiar with the matter said: "Although their stay 
stretches to several months, they are not allowed to cook. If they 
can have access to knifes, they might use them to commit suicide or 
fight among themselves. If they are allowed to use fire and a fire 
breaks out as a result, that would result in a liability issue. So 
there is no other option but to provide them with box lunches 
everyday." 
 
Accepted by the Japanese government are mostly those who had 
migrated to North Korea under the 1959-1984 mass "repatriation 
program." Many are secretly taken into Japanese custody when the 
rush into the Japanese embassy or consulates general after having 
secretly crossed the China-DPRK border, according to a Japanese 
government source. The number has increased since the late 1990s. 
Over 160 North Korean defectors have so far entered Japan. 
 
In May this year, a 73-year-old Japanese woman from Sendai and his 
son were taken into protective custody by Chinese authorities. 
Several Chinese brokers who had helped them flee from North Korea 
asked the Japanese government for 10,000 dollars in cash. The 
government did not comply with their demand. The government also was 
threatened that they would be repatriated to North Korea. 
 
North Korean authorities made two visits to the police facility in 
Jilin Province where the woman and his son were staying and demanded 
the handover of custody of the two. The Japanese Foreign Ministry 
did not make public this case. 
 
The Foreign Ministry is particularly attentive to the position on 
this of the Chinese government, which wants to handle the matter 
secretly. In consideration of relations with North Korea, China 
ostensibly upholds a stance that no refugee issue exists between the 
two countries and that it deports all North Korean defectors back to 
their country. But in reality, China, which wants to avoid drawing 
fire from the international community, has allowed North Korea 
defectors to leave the country based on "humanitarian 
considerations." 
 
Some cases have reportedly found their way into the media due to the 
slow procedures in China. Another Japanese government source said: 
"For settling North Korean defector cases, it is best that the media 
 
TOKYO 00002798  010 OF 012 
 
 
do not write anything about them." 
 
Japan learned bitter lessons from an incident in May 2002 in which 
five North Koreans entered the Japanese Consulate General in 
Shenyang. The Japanese Foreign Ministry was harshly criticized along 
with China because the North Korean defectors had been taken into 
Chinese custody after entering the premises of the Japanese 
Consulate General. Since then, Japanese and Chinese authorities seem 
to have been in accord to send North Korean defectors to Japan 
without making a fuss. 
 
Life assistance left to supporters 
 
How are North Korean defectors treated at Japanese diplomatic 
missions in China? One concerned supporter said: "Defectors are not 
allowed to go out of the building they are in. They are allowed only 
to do some light indoor exercise, so some become nervous wrecks." 
Some were told by Japanese officials to feel grateful that steps 
were being taken to send them to Japan, according to another 
supporter. 
 
There is no move to establish a system for accepting North Korean 
defectors, partly because the process up to their arrival in Japan 
is kept secret. The North Korean Human Rights Law, enacted in 2006, 
urges the government to take steps to protect and support North 
Korean defectors. But in reality, the livelihoods of North Korean 
defectors in Japan are left to their supporters and families. 
 
Many children of the defectors who were born in North Korea cannot 
speak Japanese. In some cases, such children are stateless due to a 
lack of documentation. Finding employment and renting apartments are 
difficult for them. A North Korean defector, who is a grandchild of 
a Japanese wife, experienced extreme difficulty in establishing a 
family register in Japan due to a lack of the marriage license of 
the parents (who live in North Korea). 
 
There have been at least two known cases in which Japanese wives who 
had repatriated to Japan returned to North Korea. 
 
Many North Korean defectors have a misconception that once they get 
to Japan, they can enjoy comfortable lives. One Japanese supporter 
noted: "The government's attitude is that it helps those who want to 
go to Japan but does not assist them once they arrive in Japan. Such 
an attitude is irresponsible." 
 
Japan's acceptance of defectors from North Korea 
 
Accepted by the Japanese government are mostly Japanese nationals, 
ethnic Koreans, and their families who had migrated to North Korea 
under the 1959-1984 mass "repatriation program". Under this project, 
over 93,000 individuals went to North Korea. Included in them were 
Japanese spouses and 6,000 children. Of them, 1,831 were Japanese 
wives.  Between 1997 and 2000, a total of 43 Japanese women returned 
to Japan for a week under home visit programs. Those who migrated to 
North Korea are not allowed to travel freely between the two 
countries. 
 
(8) TOP HEADLINES 
 
Asahi, Sankei & Tokyo Shimbun: 
New York stocks temporarily fall to 9,700 points 
 
 
TOKYO 00002798  011 OF 012 
 
 
Mainichi, Yomiuri & Nikkei: 
New York stocks fall below 10,000 point level 
 
Akahata: 
UNIV Co-Po poll: Private college students living in apartment 
complex spent average of 2.14 million yen until entering 
dormitories 
 
(9) EDITORIALS 
 
Asahi: 
(1) Rice import obligation: Ruling, opposition parties should 
compete in ideas of strengthening agriculture 
(2) Government-affiliated financial institutions: How to produce 
effect by reforms 
 
Mainichi: 
(1) Extra Diet session: Lower House dissolution will create 
political vacuum 
(2) New JICA: Show integration effects to the world 
 
Yomiuri: 
(1) Lower House Budget Committee: Deepen argument on fiscal 
resources 
(2) New JICA: Give considerable thought to strategic ODA 
 
Nikkei: 
(1) Stock plunges -- warning to Japanese, U.S. governments and 
corporations 
(2) Supplementary budget should be quickly adopted 
 
Sankei: 
(1) Lower House Budget Committee: Policy debate urged 
(2) 44th birthday of Megumi Yokota: Prime Minister Aso should take 
tough stance against North Korea 
 
Tokyo Shimbun: 
(1) Stock plunges: Countries concerned must cooperate to overcome 
financial crisis 
(2) Battle against global warning: Japan should show its ideas to 
developing countries 
 
Akahata: 
(1) Withholding of medical insurance premiums: Prime minister must 
listen to indignant complaints 
 
(10) Prime Minister's schedule, October 6 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
October 7, 2008 
 
07:54 
Met Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Matsumoto at the Kantei. 
 
08"26 
Met Health and Welfare Minister Masuzoe and Social Insurance Agency 
Director General Sakano. 
 
09:00 
Attended a Lower House Budget Committee meeting. 
 
12:01 
 
TOKYO 00002798  012 OF 012 
 
 
Had a photo shoot with Nagasaki Prefectural Assembly Chairman 
Tokuaki Miyoshi. 
 
12:04 
Returned to the Kantei. 
 
13:00 
Attended the Lower House Budget Committee meeting. 
 
17:05 
Attended an LDP executive meeting. 
 
17:28 
Returned to the Kantei. 
 
18:39 
Dined with the Emperor and Empress at the Imperial Palace, along 
with wife Chikako. 
 
21:36 
Returned to his residence in Kamiyama. 
 
SCHIEFFER