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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 002030 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 07/23/08 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Ruling, opposition blocs in tug of war over extra Diet session 
(Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(2) Additional cuts in public works: Ruling parties already opposing 
proposal; Full coordination on estimated budget request guidelines 
starts (Nikkei) 
 
(3) Editorial: We welcome cabinet shuffle with Lower House 
dissolution in mind (Mainichi) 
 
(4) Questioning the Japan-U.S. alliance (Mainichi) 
 
(5) Editorial: Removing base from prefecture is only way to settle 
Futenma relocation issue (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(6) Interview with U.S. Supreme Court Associate Justice Stephen 
Breyer: Ten months to go until introduction of citizen-judge system 
in Japan; More impartiality of trial with involvement of citizens 
(Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(7) TOP HEADLINES 
 
(8) EDITORIALS 
 
(9) Prime Minister's schedule, July 22 (Nikkei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Ruling, opposition blocs in tug of war over extra Diet session 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Abridged) 
July 23, 2008 
 
The Diet is expected to enter into an extraordinary session this 
fall. The question for the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and its 
coalition partner, New Komeito, is when to kick off the game. 
Concerning this Diet calendar, LDP and New Komeito lawmakers in the 
House of Councillors are calling for moving back its convocation. 
They say it should be convened in late September. Meanwhile, the 
government and the LDP leadership in the House of Representatives 
want the kickoff for late August. In the opposition-controlled upper 
chamber, however, LDP and New Komeito executives want to put off 
this fall's Diet battle, because they do not want to be under fire 
from the leading opposition Democratic Party of Japan (Minshuto) in 
a very long session. 
 
The government and the LDP on the lower chamber's side want to 
convoke the extraordinary Diet session in late August, because they 
do not want the Diet to be thrown into confusion in December when 
the government will be in the final stretch to compile the budget 
for fiscal 2009. 
 
Meanwhile, the Maritime Self-Defense Force has been on a refueling 
mission in the Indian Ocean under a new antiterrorism special 
measures law. This law, however, is to run out on Jan. 15 next year. 
The government and the ruling coalition intend to extend the MSDF 
mission there, so they will present a bill seeking to revise the law 
when the extraordinary Diet session sets in. 
 
The new refueling law was enacted in January this year. At that 
 
TOKYO 00002030  002 OF 010 
 
 
time, the DPJ was opposed to the new refueling law. The DPJ then put 
off Diet deliberations on this new refueling legislation in the 
House of Councillors for nearly 60 days after it cleared the House 
of Representatives. The Constitution stipulates that a bill passed 
by the House of Representatives will be regarded as being rejected 
by the House of Councillors and will become law if the House of 
Councillors rejects or does not vote on it within 60 days after it 
was sent from the House of Representatives and if it is approved by 
the House of Representatives in a second vote with a majority of 
two-thirds of those present. Given this fact, the DPJ is highly 
likely to put up all-out resistance to revising the new refueling 
law. 
 
The government and the ruling coalition therefore plan to take a 
second vote in the House of Representatives in late November to 
enact the new refueling legislation. The ruling coalition expects to 
deliberate on the legislation for about a month in the House of 
Representatives and 60 days in the House of Councillors, after which 
it can be regarded as being rejected by the House of Councillors. 
Based on this timeframe, the government and the ruling coalition are 
planning to convene the extraordinary Diet session in late August, 
substantially earlier than in usual years. 
 
In the House of Councillors, however, some LDP lawmakers and New 
Komeito are calling for convening the extraordinary Diet session 
after Sept. 21, when the DPJ is slated to hold a presidential 
election. "We don't have to be in a hurry to convene the extra Diet 
session," says Hidehisa Otsuji, who heads the LDP's caucus in the 
House of Councillors. 
 
Meanwhile, the DPJ is now gearing up its offensive toward the 
LDP-led coalition in an attempt to push Prime Minister Fukuda to 
dissolve the House of Representatives for a general election. The 
LDP does not want to give the DPJ much time for a challenge. This is 
the primary reason. For another, the DPJ has implied that it will 
summon former New Komeito Secretary General Junya Yano, who has 
instituted a lawsuit against Soka Gakkai, the nation's largest lay 
Buddhist group backing New Komeito. This also seems to have had 
repercussions. 
 
(2) Additional cuts in public works: Ruling parties already opposing 
proposal; Full coordination on estimated budget request guidelines 
starts 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
July 23, 2008 
 
The government and the ruling parties have begun full coordination 
for the compilation of guidelines for estimated budget requests for 
fiscal 2009. The Finance Ministry has come up with a policy of 
procuring funds to finance a prioritized framework for measures to 
address a shortage of doctors by increasing cuts in public works. 
Some ruling party members are already opposing the Finance 
Ministry's proposal. The government is expected to approve the draft 
guidelines at a cabinet meeting on July 29. However, a final 
settlement is unlikely to be reached until the year-end budget 
compilation. 
 
The prime minister at a meeting of the Council on Economic and 
Fiscal Policy on July 22 noted, "It is not easy to strike a balance 
between strengthening growth and achieving sound finances. However, 
Japan has no choice but to follow this difficult path." 
 
TOKYO 00002030  003 OF 010 
 
 
 
Finance Minister Fukushiro Nukaga has revealed a policy of keeping 
firm the spending cut policy line, including constraining 220 
billion yen in social security expenses, while increasing spending 
by up to 30 billion yen for measures to address a shortage of 
doctors and global warming from the 50 billion yen set aside this 
fiscal year. He is determined to come up with the necessary funds by 
increasing spending cuts in discretionary expenses, such as public 
works and defense expenditures by 2 PERCENT . 
 
The prioritized framework is a desperate measure to strike a balance 
between Prime Minister Fukuda's policy stamp and sound finances. 
However, this measure could make an enemy of policy experts in the 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). The ruling camp, which is concerned 
about a dissolution of the Lower House for a snap election, is 
deeply dissatisfied with the Finance Ministry's plan. 
 
Fierce criticism of the estimated budget request guidelines was 
heard at a plenary meeting of the LDP Policy Research Council on 
July 22, with one participant noting, "The business slump in the 
construction industry is caused by policy. The LDP will not be able 
to hold itself together if cuts in public works expenditures are 
stepped up to more than 3 PERCENT ." Another participant predicted, 
"If subsidies for private schools are slashed, it will be impossible 
to run the schools." If discretionary expenditures appropriated to 
each government agency are uniformly slashed by 2 PERCENT , the 
margin of cuts in public works would expand from the previous 3 
PERCENT  cut a year to 5 PERCENT . 
 
(3) Editorial: We welcome cabinet shuffle with Lower House 
dissolution in mind 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
July 23, 2008 
 
Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda returned to work on July 22 after 
finishing his summer vacation. Ruling camp members have a strong 
interest in a cabinet shuffle. Before making a decision on whether 
to shuffle the cabinet, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda needs to make 
clearer the aim of his cabinet. Fukuda should not evade a 
dissolution of the House of Representatives for a snap election. We 
welcome a cabinet shuffle that is aimed at Lower House dissolution. 
 
Even after the Group of Eight (G-8) summit in Hokkaido was over, the 
approval rating for the Fukuda cabinet has remained low, nearly 
unchanged. Therefore, there is a possibility that a cabinet shuffle 
will turn around the situation. Most of the Fukuda cabinet members 
were kept on from the cabinet of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. 
So, Fukuda may want to form a cabinet that could be called his own. 
 
Fukuda should be aware that just changing the roster of his cabinet 
members cannot ease public distrust of politics. In case a scandal 
involving a new cabinet minister is discovered, the Fukuda 
administration will run into a crisis. As Fukuda has acknowledged 
that the first thing to do is to make clear what he should do. A 
cabinet shuffle is a step toward that end. The Fukuda cabinet's 
support rating would rise after showing such an effort to the 
public. 
 
It is true that Fukuda has led a debate on a policy of placing 
priority on average people and consumers. He plans to submit to the 
next extra session a bill establishing a Consumer Affairs Agency and 
 
TOKYO 00002030  004 OF 010 
 
 
other related bills. However, a move going against Fukuda's plan is 
now appearing in the ruling camp. For example, some members are 
calling for putting off convening the extra Diet session to 
mid-September from the planned late August. 
 
Such urgent political issues as soaring gasoline and food prices, as 
well as serious fisheries issues are closely related to the daily 
lives of people. However, some members are reluctant to convene the 
extra session soon, with one saying: "An early convocation of the 
extra session will give the opposition a chance to grill the 
government, as well as encaurage lively the campaigning for the 
presidential election of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). The 
official campaign will start on Sept. 8. 
 
The public will not accept such a view. 
 
Fukuda's tendency to put off difficult issues has become stronger. 
He has already toned down his argument on a consumption tax hike. 
Even some have rumored that the Fukuda government may postpone a 
plan to increase the government's share of basic pensions to 50 
PERCENT  in 2009. Meanwhile, the government has not pushed ahead 
with the worked of reducing the wasteful use of tax revenues. 
 
We cannot see what Fukuda wants to do. He seems unable to do 
anything, anyway. The divided Diet is not the only reason for 
preventing the government's moves. The major reason may be that the 
Fukuda government has yet to receive the judgment of the people. It 
is difficult for such a government to carry out its policies. 
 
If the Lower House dissolution is put off even after the cabinet is 
shuffled, there will be no change in the situation. We suggest 
Fukuda and the ruling coalition prepare for Lower House dissolution 
and general elections after a cabinet shuffle. 
 
(4) Questioning the Japan-U.S. alliance 
 
MAINICHI (Page 8) (Abridged slightly) 
July 20, 2008 
 
Major points of the dialogue: 
? What is the implication of a series of incidents by U.S. service 
members in Japan? 
? Should the SOFA be revised? 
? How should the government respond to the relocation of Futenma Air 
Station? 
? What kind of alliance should the Japan-U.S. alliance be in the 
future? 
 
Senior Vice-Foreign Minister Itsunori Onodera -- United States' 
policy toward Japan positive 
 
A series of criminal cases involving U.S. service members in Japan 
has substantially worried the residents near the bases. The 
incidents have made it difficult to look calmly at the environment 
surrounding the Japan-U.S. alliance. 
 
At the same time, the Japan-U.S. Joint Committee to discuss the use 
of U.S. bases in Japan and the status of U.S. service members has 
been functioning well. In the wake of the murder-robbery of a taxi 
drive in Yokosuka, a system has been established to report all U.S. 
military deserters to Japan. The United States has dealt with Japan 
quite positively in comparison to the similar pacts the United 
 
TOKYO 00002030  005 OF 010 
 
 
States has concluded with other countries. 
 
The LDP and New Komeito that support the governor in U.S. force 
realignment have now become a minority in the Okinawa prefectural 
assembly. This means responses must be more careful than before. We 
would like to deal with the matter while taking into account 
Okinawa's request for moving into the sea the envisaged Futenma 
replacement facility. We also intend to discuss with the affected 
municipalities what specifically can be done to eliminate the danger 
of Futenma Air Station. 
 
The Japan-U.S. alliance has deepened in various fields and has long 
history, as well. Some people are concerned about Japan-U.S. 
relations because the United States has decided to delist North 
Korea as a state sponsor of terrorism. At the same time, I am 
certain that they are aware that the abduction issue will not be 
resolved without the cooperation of the United States. I also 
believe that for the United States, the strategic importance of 
Japan as an ally has increased in the Far East where Russia and 
China's military expansion is evident. 
 
The United States' policy toward Japan will probably not change 
drastically, regardless of who becomes the new U.S. president, 
Senator Obama or Senator McCain. Then again, how to deal with the 
United States and Japan's foreign policy might change subtly 
depending on how the new U.S. administration is going to deal with 
Iraq, Iran, and Afghanistan. The Japan-U.S. alliance has always been 
around like air, but we should not take it for granted. We must make 
efforts to make the United States understand Japan's standpoint and 
to confirm the importance of Japan-U.S. relations. 
 
DPJ shadow cabinet senior vice-foreign minister Koichi Takemasa -- 
SOFA must be revised into pact of equality 
 
On August 13, 2004, a U.S. military helicopter crashed on the campus 
grounds of Okinawa International University. When I visited the 
accident site three days later, the fuselage had been removed by the 
U.S. military, and prefectural police officers were looking at the 
site from afar. I thought, "What happened to Japan's sovereignty? Is 
this really Japan?" A similar accident could occur anywhere in 
Japan. The Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) must be 
revised. The accident became my major turning point. 
 
In February this year, a middle school girl was sexually assaulted 
by a U.S. service member living off-base, an unexpected case. It 
took nearly two weeks for Kanagawa prefectural police to get to 
question the U.S. serviceman who was believed to have robbed and 
killed a taxi driver in Yokosuka. The question of the SOFA has been 
left unaddressed, so three opposition parties -- the Democratic 
Party of Japan, Social Democratic Party, and the People's New Party 
-- have drafted a SOFA revision plan. 
 
The government has repeatedly insisted on improving SOFA 
administration, but the infringement of sovereign must not be 
allowed. The events were symbolic of this country's diplomacy, in 
which Japan does not say what should be said. The DPJ, representing 
a sovereign state, will always say what it has to say to the United 
States. The Japan-U.S. alliance will remain the cornerstone of 
Japan's foreign policy. 
 
Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima has repeatedly asked for a 
revision of the SOFA at all costs. Okinawa hosts the bulk of U.S. 
 
TOKYO 00002030  006 OF 010 
 
 
bases in Japan, so there are dangerous factors and strong concerns 
in the prefecture. U.S. bases play a major role in the Japan-U.S. 
alliance. One cannot try too hard to understand the pain as one's 
own. 
 
In June, I attended the U.S.-Japan Legislative Exchange Program and 
explained the SOFA revision plan. I was urged by U.S. counterparts 
between meetings to let them know if there were any calls in Japan 
for revising the SOFA. The Foreign Ministry had told me that U.S. 
Congress was opposed to revising the pact, but I felt the need to 
exchange views move actively between lawmakers of the two 
countries. 
 
In addition to the SOFA revision plan, our party has produced an 
"Okinawa Vision" tha spells out the need to relocate Futenma Air 
Station out of Okinawa and eventually out of Japan. We are also 
considering including it in our manifesto for the next Lower House 
election. A plan to relocate the base to the Henoko district has 
been stalled. Even if the plan moves forward, it would be several 
years before the functions are completely relocated there. The 
danger of Futenma Air Station before then cannot be left 
unaddressed. There is every reason to explore ways to relocate it to 
a site outside the prefecture and eventually outside Japan. 
 
(5) Editorial: Removing base from prefecture is only way to settle 
Futenma relocation issue 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 5) (Full) 
July 20, 2008 
 
How long is the government going to use cheap tricks? It has been 
nearly 12 years since the Japan-U.S. Special Committee on Okinawa 
(SACO) reached an agreement in 1996 to return the U.S. Marine Corps' 
Futenma Air Station to Japan in five to seven years. Work is 
proceeding slowly. It is natural to think the plan has flaws. 
 
The Japanese government apparently does not think so. The government 
has clearly exhibited a stance of sticking to its original plan. 
 
The establishment of two working teams was decided in the July 18 
meeting of the Futenma relocation consultative council (presided 
over by Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura) composed of the 
central government and affected municipalities. One is to study ways 
to eliminate the danger of Futenma Air Station, and the other is to 
mull a replacement facility construction plan. The decision 
reportedly takes into account Governor Hirokazu Nakaima's call for 
effectively closing down Futenma Air Station in three years and for 
moving offshore the envisaged replacement facility. 
 
The government has effectively ignored the two requests all this 
time. What prompted the government to take "a step forward," as 
Governor Nakaima put it? There is no doubt that it is ascribable to 
the fact that the prefectural assembly is now controlled by the 
opposition bloc. The decision also alludes to the government's 
intention to give heed to popular will. 
 
If the government is truly mindful of popular will, it should go a 
step further. Incidentally, the Okinawa prefectural assembly that 
day adopted by a majority of votes an opinion letter and a 
resolution opposing the construction of the new base in the Henoko 
district. There must be no objection to equating the assembly's 
wishes with the popular will. 
 
TOKYO 00002030  007 OF 010 
 
 
 
The matter must be returned to the starting point. Why is the return 
of Futenma Air Station being mentioned? Needless to say, that is 
because of the danger of the air station. Questions have repeatedly 
been raised about the dangerous aspects of the airfield that sits in 
the middle of residential areas. 
 
It is still fresh in our memories that in November 2003, then U.S. 
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld viewed Futenma Air Station from 
the air and pointed out the danger of it. As if to prove that, a 
U.S. military helicopter crashed into Okinawa International 
University less than a year later. The air station remains 
dangerous; no one can deny that. 
 
The inability to find a way out of this situation comes clearly from 
the negligence of lawmakers and the administration. 
 
The matter has become complicated. The reason is simple: The return 
of Futenma Air Station is based on the relocation of its functions 
to another site in the prefecture. A dangerous facility remains 
dangerous no matter where it is relocated. 
 
To resolve the problem, there is no option but to remove the base 
from the prefecture. In the prefectural assembly, the ruling bloc 
pressed the opposition camp for a counterproposal. It was absurd. 
The Japan-U.S. security setup exists to defend the safety of the 
people. A base that exists for the security setup puts Okinawa 
residents at risk. The people of Okinawa are seeking a solution to 
that paradox. The obligation to settle the matter does not rest with 
the people of Okinawa but with the governments of Japan and the 
United States. 
 
(6) Interview with U.S. Supreme Court Associate Justice Stephen 
Breyer: Ten months to go until introduction of citizen-judge system 
in Japan; More impartiality of trial with involvement of citizens 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 3) (Full) 
July 23, 2008 
 
Preparations for the introduction of a lay judge system next May are 
under way, as can be seen in the holding of a mock trial involving 
lay judges at the Tokyo District Court, which started on July 22. 
The Tokyo Shimbun asked U.S. Supreme Court Associate Justice Stephen 
Breyer (69), now visiting Japan, about the meaning and impact of 
citizens being involved in trials. The U.S. jury system, which 
allows citizens to be involved in the judicial process, has a 
history of 200 years. 
 
Even a judge can serve as jury 
 
-- Is it difficult to realize the involvement of citizens in the 
judicial process? 
 
"No, it isn't. Citizens are expected to take part in the judicial 
process in the U.S. They actually participate in the process and are 
satisfied with the results. I incidentally was also satisfied when I 
served on a jury. When I was a judge of the federal appeals court, 
which is equivalent to Japan's high court, I served on a jury at a 
district court in my native state. Though it may be prohibited in 
Japan (under the Japanese lay judge system), it is possible for 
judges to serve on a jury in Massachusetts. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002030  008 OF 010 
 
 
Juries have their own views. They handed down a guilty verdict to a 
defendant who was charged with driving under the influence of 
alcohol. The judge then sentenced the person to attend a driving 
school and suspended his driver's license. (U.S. juries just decide 
whether defendants are guilty or not.) They do not determine 
appropriate judgments. I am very interested how Japan's lay judge 
system, under which lay judges also determine appropriate 
punishments, will work." 
 
-- What impact has the jury system had on the American society? 
 
In my view, the jury system has had a positive impact on the 
American society. Courts are a venue for judges to meet defendants 
with troubles and listen to whatever they say. Lay juries' 
involvement in such a setting helps the system work more 
impartially. Furthermore, trials by juries are a good venue to teach 
citizens the way justice should be carried out. 
 
Impossible to silence juries 
 
-- In Japan, lay judges have a duty to keep deliberating 
(discussions held between judges and lay judges during a trial 
process) about their cases. However, juries in the U.S. are not 
allowed to speak about the details of their deliberations. Why is 
that? 
 
"It is difficult to silence juries. We know from our experience that 
there would be no major problems even if they speak about their 
concerns. In addition, attorneys sometimes learn from juries. In my 
view, it is better for juries not to reveal confidential 
discussions. However, there is no way to silence them." 
 
-- You handled the Watergate case in 1972, which forced former 
President Nixon to step down. 
 
"I worked as an assistant to a special prosecutor (independent of 
the government) for several months. He was loyal to his job. It is 
difficult to investigate cases that could bring a serious political 
result. However, I learned from that prosecutor that cases like that 
require cool-headedness and sincerity. We must not protect or hurt 
someone availing ourselves of our position. It is important to 
pursue the facts." 
 
-- What do you value as a U.S. Supreme Court associate justice? 
 
"Judgments we have made or will make will have an impact on the U.S. 
as a whole, where various ethnic groups with different values live 
together, based on the consensus that they abide by the law. As 
such, we must not make rigid judgments. Our judgments must be such 
that help the state stay united. 
 
(7) TOP HEADLINES 
 
Asahi: 
Government Tax Commission begins debate to revise inheritance tax 
 
Mainichi, Yomiuri & Sankei: 
Woman dies after being stabbed at bookstore in Hachioji 
 
Nikkei & Tokyo Shimbun: 
At least 3.9 trillion yen combined fiscal deficit for central and 
local governments projected for FY2011 
 
TOKYO 00002030  009 OF 010 
 
 
 
Akahata: 
JCP holds lecture meeting on 86th anniversary of founding 
 
(8) EDITORIALS 
 
Asahi: 
(1) Heavy security for Beijing Olympics underscores China's serious 
issues 
(2) We need rewarding jobs 
 
Mainichi: 
(1) Social unrest in China cannot be resolved by Olympic patriotism 
(2) Cabinet shuffle with Lower House dissolution in mind would be 
welcome 
 
Yomiuri: 
(1) Economy white paper sidesteps key issues 
(2) Pass down the joy of books 
 
Nikkei: 
(1) Structural reform leads to improvement in employment 
(2) System failure damages confidence in Tokyo Stock Exchange 
 
Sankei: 
(1) Bus explosions in China: Protect security and human rights 
(2) Daughter kills father: Need to build good relations between 
parents and children 
 
Tokyo Shimbun: 
(1) Performance-based pay: Don't rob people of their will to work 
(2) Arrest of Karadzic: Good opportunity for Balkan stability 
 
Akahata: 
(1) Japan must reject U.S. demands for increased military spending 
 
(9) Prime Minister's schedule, July 22 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
July 23, 2008 
 
09:31 
Attended an LDP executive meeting at LDP headquarters. 
 
10:00 
Attended a cabinet meeting at the Kantei. Afterward met Chief 
Cabinet Secretary Machimura, followed by Deputy Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Futahashi. 
 
11:03 
Met Economic and Fiscal Policy Minister Ota and Assistant Chief 
Cabinet Secretary Saka. Ota stayed on. 
 
12:24 
Met Machimura. 
 
14:15 
Met Cabinet Intelligence Director Mitsuya, followed by Consumer 
Administration Promotion Minister Kishida. 
 
15:04 
Met Ambassador to the European Union Onoda, Ambassador to Kazakhstan 
 
TOKYO 00002030  010 OF 010 
 
 
Natsui, and Ambassador to Malawi Noro. 
 
15:28 
Met LDP Reform Headquarters chief Takebe. 
 
16:11 
Met LDP Foreign Affairs Research Commission Chairman Yamasaki. 
 
16:31 
Attended a meeting of the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy. 
 
17:37 
Met outgoing and incoming vice-environment minister Nishio and 
Tamura, followed by LDP Secretary General Ibuki. 
 
18:23 
Returned to his official residence. 
 
ZUMWALT