VZCZCXRO1009
OO RUEHCHI RUEHDT RUEHHM RUEHNH
DE RUEHPF #0630/01 2131054
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 311054Z JUL 08 ZDS
FM AMEMBASSY PHNOM PENH
TO SECSTATE WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
INFO ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE
NSC WASHINGTON DC
HQ USPACOM HONOLULU

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 PHNOM PENH 000630 
 
****CORRECTED COPY (ADDRESSES ADDED)******* 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR EAP/FO, EAP/MLS, EAP/PD, P, D, DRL 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/30/2018 
TAGS: PGOV KDEM PHUM CB
SUBJECT: CAMBODIAN ELECTORAL PROCESSES OFFER IMPROVED 
FREEDOM TO CHOOSE BUT REQUIRE CORRECTIVE MEASURES FOR FUTURE 
 
REF: A. PHNOM PENH 622 
     ¶B. PHNOM PENH 613 
     ¶C. PHNOM PENH 611 
     ¶D. PHNOM PENH 602 
     ¶E. PHNOM PENH 601 
     ¶F. PHNOM PENH 576 
     ¶G. PHNOM PENH 575 
     ¶H. PHNOM PENH 570 
     ¶I. PHNOM PENH 565 
 
Classified By: AMBASSADOR JOSEPH A. MUSSOMELI FOR REASONS 1.4 (B,D) 
 
¶1.  (C)  SUMMARY:  Given the overall peaceful atmosphere of 
Cambodia's July 27 National Assembly election and its 
generally competent conduct, the contesting parties 
(especially the ruling Cambodian People's Party) and the 
CPP-dominated National Election Committee (NEC) deserve some 
recognition for attempting to improve on past performances. 
Assessing the main flaws -- limits to NEC independence; 
unequal media access for political parties; and the cost (in 
real voters removed from voter rolls) associated with the 
beneficial erasure of 450,000 ghost voters -- the election 
fell short of some international standards.  However, 
examining the great freedoms given to all candidates to speak 
their minds during hundreds of hours of mass media exposure 
over the 30-day campaign period, and given the limited 
violence and intimidation, combined with a competently and 
smoothly conducted election day, embassy concludes that the 
Cambodian election was substantially freer than any previous 
election held in Cambodia, was free from violence, and 
allowed the Cambodian people to express their will in a more 
open and equitable atmosphere.  END SUMMARY. 
 
¶2.  (SBU)  A fundamental flaw in the Cambodian electoral 
process known to all parties since the beginning of the 
election year is the overwhelming domination of mass media by 
the CPP, though the print press is indeed quite free and at 
least a dozen newspapers with lively commentaries appear on 
newsstands every day.  During the 30-day election campaign 
itself, the ten parties other than CPP had abundant 
opportunity to get their message out on TV and radio airwaves 
(Ref I) and embassy observations on the campaign trail 
documented the greater freedom of parties to circulate 
without hindrance.  NDI-sponsored debates held in 10 
provinces and carried in national radio and televisions 
broadcasts, gave the people a chance to put questions 
directly to the candidates running in their provinces.  The 
questions were not always easy and the citizen questioners 
dramatically showcased an electorate that understood it could 
use the power of the poll to remind politicians they had a 
vital social contract with their voters to deliver services 
and development. 
 
¶3.  (C)  The disenfranchisement of more than 50,000 voters in 
the voter list clean-up process (Ref I) was a disappointing 
development, even though this group represented less than 
seven tenths of one percent of all the registered voters. 
This issue relates more to the registration process which, 
while flawed, is steadily improving.  As our Embassy mission 
observed -- confirmed by an independent NICFEC survey -- the 
vast majority of registered voters were able to locate their 
polling stations and cast their votes. 
 
¶4.  (C)  The structure of the NEC and the legal framework of 
the election law also require more attention.  A more 
independent agency with greater budgetary freedom and with 
greater powers in certain areas to protect the integrity of 
the election will bring the election process closer to an 
international standard.  Nonetheless, the NEC is improving 
its performance and this greater impartiality translates into 
more political freedoms for parties and their supporters, as 
well as a more nearly fair election process.  Although a 
majority of the members on the NEC are former CPP members 
(all members must resign from party and government 
positions), the electoral body also has some savvy former 
opposition party members and, as a group, they appear intent 
on a path to achieve a more neutral stance.  However the 
legal and budgetary framework of the NEC's operation does not 
permit it the independence it requires. 
 
¶5. (SBU)  On election day, if a well-conducted NICFEC Sample 
Based Observation study is any indication, the overwhelming 
majority of Cambodians went to the polls, only a minuscule 
percentage seemed to have been under pressure, the sanctity 
of the secret ballot was preserved, and the voters made 
well-informed choices about their next leaders.  For these 
reasons, post recommends our evaluation reflect some of the 
advances made over both the 2007 Commune Council and 2003 
National Assembly elections.  Given the absence of concrete 
evidence that alleged irregularities were significant or 
widespread, and given our own observations that 
 
PHNOM PENH 00000630  002 OF 003 
 
 
irregularities occurred in a small fraction of cases, we 
conclude that the election was largely equitably conducted. 
 
¶6.  (SBU)  Post proposes the following language in our 
evaluation of the Cambodian election. 
 
BEGIN TEXT OF PROPOSED ELECTION EVALUATION: 
 
The Cambodian election for members to the National Assembly 
on July 27, 2008, was freer than any previously held election 
and the vast majority of Cambodia's registered voters were 
able to express their will in a more open atmosphere than 
before.  Although some significant irregularities persist, 
they were relatively low in number and they do not appear to 
have affected the outcome or to have distorted the will of 
the Cambodian people, who have chosen representatives from 
five different parties to serve them in the National Assembly. 
 
A significant number of Cambodians participated in an 
election day process which was conducted in a peaceful manner 
with professional conduct by most polling staff and political 
party agents. 
 
International observers, including 47 teams from the U.S. 
Embassy, traveled freely around the country to observe the 
election, which capped a process that has generally been an 
improvement over past Cambodian elections.  U.S. Embassy 
observers registered with the National Election Committee 
(NEC) since October 2007, monitored the voter registration 
process, the voter list clean-up and proposed deletions, the 
registration of political parties and candidates, the 
preparation and distribution of voting materials, activities 
during the 30-day campaign period (in some 19 out of 
Cambodia's 24 provinces and municipalities) and election day 
processes (in 18 provinces). 
 
The following observations negatively affected the election's 
fully meeting international standards: 
 
Outside the 30-day campaign period, the opposition parties' 
access to television broadcasting was minimal and the CPP 
dominated the airwaves.  While more radio stations broadcast 
more independent and opposition views, including independent 
news from overseas media outlets, hindrances to their 
operations persisted. 
 
Equitable access by the parties to the media during the 
30-day campaign period was better than in past elections, 
especially on state-run TVK television.  However, the 
dominance of private TV stations, which aired little or no 
news about parties other than the CPP, reflects a virtual 
monopoly by the CPP of the media and imbalanced the desired 
level playing field for contesting the elections. 
 
Access by voters to their polling stations was a problem in 
some areas of the country.  In 75 percent of all polling 
stations only a few persons could not find their names or the 
location where they should vote.  However, a Sample Based 
Observation conducted by NICFEC showed that, in 24.9 percent 
of all polling stations, five or more voters came to the 
polling station but failed to find their name on the voters 
list.  Although this access problem represents a small 
percentage of the voter population, it reflects problems with 
the Voter Information Notices (VIN), the re-assignment of 
voters to different polling stations from one election to the 
next, and the deletion in 2007 of legitimate voters many of 
whom had exercised their suffrage in four previous national 
polls. 
 
The deletion of as many as 57,000 legitimate voters from the 
voter rolls during the voter list clean-up was a high price 
to pay for the successful removal of over 450,000 ghost 
voters from the registration list.  This estimate of voters' 
names deleted is based on a survey sample -- the number 
deleted could be lower.  The 57,000 figure would represent 
between six-tenths and seven-tenths of one percent of 
Cambodia's 8.1 million voters.  It is noteworthy that voters 
whose names were deleted were given the opportunity during a 
35-day period in 2007 to review deletion lists publicly 
posted and to contest the deletion.  Virtually all who took 
steps to protest the deletion of their names were re-instated. 
 
The National Election Committee (NEC) should be applauded for 
more active reconciliation of local election-related 
complaints where possible -- through Commune Election 
Committees -- and for speedy handling of all election-related 
complaints which, taken as a whole, were significantly lower 
than in the 2003 election.  However, the legal framework for 
the NEC, the limited scope of its powers, and its lack of 
institutional and financial independence hamper its 
effectiveness and its ability to achieve fair and equitable 
 
PHNOM PENH 00000630  003 OF 003 
 
 
elections. 
 
Any registered voter should be able to fully assert identity 
so that access to the polls is guaranteed.  Although the 
Royal Cambodian Government has succeeded in distributing over 
100,000 national ID cards during the last year, the use of 
1018 forms to assert identity during the election was a 
regular occurrence and did not appear to be stringently 
controlled.  Abuses of 1018 forms ranged from isolated cases 
of identity theft of an eligible voter, to the more 
widespread illegal preparation and handing out 1018 forms on 
the day of the election when these documents should have been 
executed prior to election day.  Evidence to date indicates 
these abuses occurred on a relatively small scale in some 
areas of the country and did not affect the outcome of the 
election. 
 
END TEXT 
MUSSOMELI