VZCZCXRO2309
PP RUEHAST RUEHBI RUEHLH RUEHPW
DE RUEHCI #0180/01 1701315
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 181315Z JUN 08
FM AMCONSUL KOLKATA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 2033
INFO RUCNCLS/ALL SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIA COLLECTIVE
RUEHGO/AMEMBASSY RANGOON 0437
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC
RUEIDN/DNI WASHINGTON DC
RUEILB/NCTC WASHINGTON DC
RUEHC/USAID WASHDC
RHHMUNA/USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RUEHCI/AMCONSUL KOLKATA 2485

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 KOLKATA 000180 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PTER PHUM SOCI ECON IN
SUBJECT: MUSLIM SUPPORT FOR WEST BENGAL'S COMMUNISTS  ERODING 
 
REF: A)   STATE 58985    B)  KOLKATA 00160 
 
KOLKATA 00000180  001.2 OF 003 
 
 
¶1.  (SBU) Summary:  One of the factors which contributed to the 
Communist Party of India - Marxist's (CPM) significant losses in 
the May panchayat (local, district and village-level) elections 
was the erosion of Muslim support.  This growing Muslim 
disaffection was prompted by the 2007 Sachar Committee report 
highlighting the lower soci-economic conditions of the Muslim 
community, and perceptions that the CPM-led state government's 
land acquisition for industrial development disproportionately 
impacted poor Muslim farmers.  The panchayat election results 
and statements by senior government officials indicated that 
many Muslims abandoned the Communist party, traditionally seen 
as the Muslims' secular protector in the face of Hindu 
nationalism.  Muslims have formed an umbrella group of smaller 
Muslim political parties to protect themselves, sometimes 
violently from land acquisition proposed by the state 
government.  Recognizing the growing Muslim opposition, the GOWB 
has delayed acquisition of land for industrial projects and 
intends to direct government programs to the Muslim community. 
The Muslim disillusionment with the CPM does not reflect an 
Islamic radicalization but rather a response to perceptions that 
the CPM has done little for the community.  However, Muslim 
feelings of alienation could be exploited by radical individuals 
or groups if allowed to fester.  End Summary. 
 
¶2.  (SBU) The CPM-led Left Front's losses in four West Bengal 
districts in the May panchayat (local body) elections, 
especially in Muslim-dominated areas, reflected the party's 
eroding support among the minority community.  The CPM 
experienced big losses in East Midnapore, the district where 
land acquisition violence occurred in the past year around 
Nandigram, and in South 24-Parganas -- two districts where 
Muslims have a significant presence.  In addition, the combined 
effects of land disputes over a new Tata car factory, slow 
economic development and violence by CPM cadres also resulted in 
significant losses in Singur, Hooghly district.  The CPM's own 
data show a general decline in Muslim support as now only 14.67 
per cent of its members in West Bengal are Muslim (as of 2007), 
down from 14.90 per cent in 2004 and 15.2 per cent in 2001. 
Yet, Muslims constitute by some estimates almost a third of the 
state's population.  In absolute terms, of the CPM's 321,682 
members in West Bengal only 47,190 are Muslim. 
 
¶3.  (SBU) CPM leaders have admitted that farmers' fears of land 
acquisition for industry and the lack of development for the 
minority Muslim community as described in the 2007 Sachar 
Committee report contributed the slide in Muslim support.  In a 
June 10 meeting with ConGen, WB Chief Minister Buddhadeb 
Bhattacharjee acknowledged that Muslim farmers are apprehensive 
about losing their land.  Bhattacharjee admitted candidly that 
the Muslims appeared to have voted against the CPM during the 
recent local body elections.  The Chief Minister claimed that 
some "extremist elements" within the Muslim community were 
active in fostering anti-Communist sentiment.  He specifically 
mentioned West Bengal Jamaat-e-Ulema-Hind (JUH) State Secretary 
Siddiqullah Choudhury as a local Muslim leader seeking to 
exacerbate anti-CPM feelings.  He added that Choudhury financed 
his activities from fees in granting halal or Islamic 
certification for food products.  (Note:  ConGen met Choudhury 
in 2007, which was widely protested by CPM officials as foreign 
interference.  Post has no information regarding Choudhury's 
"extremist" activities; however, other law enforcement officials 
have said that Choudhury has religious fundamentalist links. 
End Note.) 
 
¶4.  (SBU) On June 11, West Bengal Chief Secretary Amit Kiran Deb 
also told ConGen that there was a definite unhappiness among 
Muslims towards the CPM in the recent local body elections. 
However, he added that Muslim voting against the CPM may not 
persist if the government addresses some of their concerns and 
provides better government services, education and employment 
opportunities.  Deb also said that the state government has 
slowed the process of acquiring 5,000 acres of land needed for 
creation of a new airport. 
 
----------------------- 
Nandigram Shows the Way 
----------------------- 
 
¶5.  (SBU) Political Scientist Sabyasachi Basu Roychowdhury noted 
that previously during the early 1990's that the GOWB had taken 
land for industrial and housing projects in Falta and Rajarhat 
areas, which also had significant Muslim populations.  However, 
objections were muted due to the fear of the CPM's strength. 
Last year's efforts to acquire land in Nandigram in East 
Midnapore district, was a watershed as it demonstrated that the 
 
KOLKATA 00000180  002.2 OF 003 
 
 
CPM could be challenged.  Much of the violence was in two blocks 
in the Nandigram village area that had around a 58 percent 
Muslim population.  Other areas which were earmarked for land 
acquisition were Bhangur and Dankuni, which have Muslim 
populations of over 30 per cent.  The GOWB put the Dankuni 
development project and land acquisition on hold following the 
panchayat elections.  Roychowdhury felt that the Muslims learned 
from the Nandigram experience that peaceful protests had failed 
in the past and that only through the violence had land 
acquisition been elevated to a serious political issue. 
 
¶6.  (SBU) Roychowdhury believed that for the Muslims strong, 
violent protest was the only way to stop the CPM's intimidation. 
 Whether accurate not, among the Muslim community he felt that 
there was a pervasive feeling that the CPM-led state government 
was intent on taking over the land where Muslims were in 
majority and depended on land for their livelihood. 
Particularly in East Midnapore and Hooghly districts, Muslim 
fears escalated with the feeling that CPM was not maintaining 
its secular principles.  However, Roychowdhury stressed that the 
Nandigram violence committed in March and November 2007 was 
political and not communal.  The protest by the local villagers 
was over proposed land acquisition and not on religious issues, 
he added.  However, the voting pattern which led to the Left 
Front's losses showed that Muslims appeared to have voted 
against the CPM in significant numbers.  As a result, for the 
first time in 31 years, the election results reflected a 
distinct dent in the Left's rural support base. 
 
------------------------------------ 
Muslim Have Groups But Not Organized 
------------------------------------ 
 
¶7.  (SBU)  As a sign of the coalescing Muslim political identity 
and activism which has taken place in the last year, eight 
Muslim organizations in West Bengal, with differing ideological 
and political stands, created a coalition to tackle the 
"indifferent" attitude of the state government towards 
minorities.  The Council, named the Milli Ittehad Parishad 
(MIP), was constituted in September 2007 with representation 
from several Muslim organizations, including the Jamaat-e-Islami 
Hind, Shahri Jamiat Ahl-e-Hadith, Milli Council, Sunnat 
Aljamaat, Shia Asna Asari and the Muslim Institute.  The Council 
is led by Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind's Siddiqullah Choudhury and has 
the patronage of the Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat and Qari Fazlur 
Rahman, Imam-Eidain (Imam who leads the largest congregation of 
prayer on the day of Id). 
 
¶8.  (SBU) In West Bengal the JUH historically has been close to 
the Congress party and relatively quiet until the Nandigram land 
acquisition became violent.  Following Nandigram, Choudhury 
began a strident anti-CPM campaign on the issue of land 
acquisition targeting Muslims.  Sources add that Muslim 
activists, who were normally "loyal" to the ruling Left Front, 
had extended their support to the MIP's call of voting against 
the CPM.  However, Muslim contacts admit that the community is 
not homogenous and it lacks specific political agendas.  The 
Muslim parties have both fundamentalist as well as liberal 
elements and have little cohesion.  The MIP members found a 
strong leader in Choudhury and rallied around him hoping to be 
part of the agitations.  Land acquisition inflamed the common 
Muslim farmer and Chowdhury became the visible face of the 
protests. 
 
--------------------- 
CPM Appeasing Muslims 
--------------------- 
 
¶9.  (SBU) The erosion of CPM's Muslim votes, indicated by the 
rural poll results, has prompted the CPM-led GOWB to start a 
survey to assess the weak development in the Muslim community 
and to find out ways to address the community's problems.  The 
GOWB has also announced that it is considering reservations in 
government jobs for the Muslims.  West Bengal's Finance Minister 
Asim Dasgupta has raised the budget for the minority affairs 
department from USD 42 million to USD 75 million and each 
government department has created a special fund for minority 
development and madrasa education.  The government also has 
plans to recruit about 1,000 madrasa teachers by 2008 and around 
4,000 in the next three years.  There are about 10,000 madrasa 
teachers at present.  Minority Affairs Minister Dr. Abdus Sattar 
told the press that that the state government will assess the 
level of literacy and basic services like clean drinking water, 
toilets, roads and health facilities provided to the minority or 
the Muslim community. 
 
 
KOLKATA 00000180  003.2 OF 003 
 
 
------- 
Comment 
------- 
¶10.  (SBU) The CPM was not targeting Muslim farmers specifically 
when its Party members sought to enforce the GOWB's efforts to 
acquire land for industrial development.  Rather, the Muslim's 
growing population in the state and their incidental presence in 
the areas intended for industrial development put them in 
conflict with the CPM.  Historically, the CPM had used the 
Muslims as a vote bank, turning a blind eye to illegal migration 
from Bangladesh and liberally providing ration and voting cards 
to all.  The CPM had until recently successfully portrayed 
itself as a strictly secular party and defender of Muslims 
against Hindu nationalists.  In the fallout of the violence 
around Nandigram and Singur villages, in which Muslims were 
attacked by CPM cadres, the CPM experienced a backlash among the 
Muslim community. 
 
¶11.  (SBU) Comment Continued:  Some Muslim groups and leaders 
such as Siddiqullah Choudhury have taken advantage of this 
political shift to project themselves as representing the 
community's interests.  So far the Muslim disillusionment with 
the CPM is being directed to forming political associations or 
groups such as the MIP, which in a positive sense channels 
Muslim disaffection within the existing political process. 
Muslims may simply shift their vote or interests from the CPM to 
Muslim parties.  However, the broader concern is that Muslim 
alienation could also provide a receptive environment in which 
radical groups or individuals could operate.  In response, the 
GOWB will need be sensitive to the impact of its land 
acquisition on the Muslim community and will have to follow 
through on its plans to improve the Muslim community's access to 
education, health care and employment to address the issues 
outlined in the Sachar Commission Report.  However, the state 
government has a poor record in planning and in providing basic 
public services in general.  Rather, Muslim disaffection will 
likely continue and radicalization of some members of the 
community is a distinct possibility. 
JARDINE