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Viewing cable 08TOKYO1398, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/21/08

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
08TOKYO1398 2008-05-21 21:57 2011-08-26 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO0238
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #1398/01 1422157
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 212157Z MAY 08
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 4435
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 0305
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 7923
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 1604
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 6233
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 8515
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 3471
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 9472
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9925
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 001398 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 05/21/08 
 
INDEX: 
AMERICAN EMBASSY, TOKYO 
PUBLIC AFFAIRS SECTION 
OFFICE OF TRANSLATION AND MEDIA ANALYSIS 
INQUIRIES:  03-3224-5360 
INTERNET E-MAIL ADDRESS: otmatokyo@state.gov 
DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 
May 21, 2008 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Poll on Fukuda cabinet, political parties, road-specific tax 
revenues (Asahi) 
 
(2) Pressure for more fiscal expenditures casting pall over reform, 
as discussion of basic economic policy guidelines kicks off (Asahi) 
 
(3) With plan to double aid to Africa, Fukuda aims to halt ODA 
slide, alarmed at Japan's waning international status (Tokyo 
Shimbun) 
 
(4) Dark cloud being cast over Machimura faction's good fortune; 
Feud between Machimura and Nakagawa intensifying (Sankei) 
 
(5) Japan waives jurisdiction over most GI cases: U.S. archives 
(Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(6) Look to Africa (Part 2): Trading firm executive-turned 
ambassador to Botswana (Mainichi) 
 
(7) Stop cluster bombs (Series 1) - Voices of world and Japan (Part 
2): Interview with Ambassador MacKay, permanent representative of 
New Zealand to the UN Office in Geneva; Need to serve as deterrent 
against "bad weapons"; Prevention of unacceptable harm to civilians 
is our starting point (Mainichi) 
 
(8) Stop cluster bombs (Series 1) - Voices of world and Japan (Part 
3): Conflicting viewpoints between two groups of countries as to a 
total ban and a partial ban (Mainichi) 
 
(9) Editorial: Simple possession of child pornography should be 
banned (Yomiuri) 
 
(10) Editorial: Japan-U.S-ROK talks must result in progress on 
nuclear and abduction issues (Yomiuri) 
 
(11) Editorial: Time to make decision to totally ban cluster bombs 
(Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Poll on Fukuda cabinet, political parties, road-specific tax 
revenues 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
May 20, 2008 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. Bracketed figures denote 
proportions to all respondents. Figures in parentheses denote the 
results of the last survey conducted Apr. 30-May 1 unless otherwise 
specified.) 
 
TOKYO 00001398  002 OF 015 
 
 
 
Q: Do you support the Fukuda cabinet? 
 
Yes 19 (20) 
No 65 (59) 
 
Q: Why? (One reason only. Left column for those marking "yes" on 
previous question, and right for those saying "no.") 
 
The prime minister is Mr. Fukuda 22(4) 4(3) 
It's an LDP-led cabinet 32(6) 21(14) 
From the aspect of policies 20(4) 66(43) 
No particular reason 23(4) 7(5) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 22 (24) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 26 (28) 
New Komeito (NK) 3 (4) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 (2) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (0) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 (0) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) 
Other political parties 0 (0) 
None 38 (34) 
No answer (N/A) + don't know (D/K) 8 (8) 
 
Q: Do you think the House of Representatives should be dissolved as 
early as possible for a general election? 
 
Yes 49 
No 41 
 
Q: If you were to vote now in a general election, which political 
party would you like to vote for in your proportional representation 
bloc? 
 
LDP 23 (22) 
DPJ 39 (39) 
NK 3 (4) 
JCP 3 (2) 
SDP 1 (1) 
PNP 0 (0) 
NPN 0 (0) 
Other political parties 1 (1) 
N/A+D/K 30 (31) 
 
Q: Following the reinstatement of a gasoline surcharge in late 
April, the ruling coalition took a second vote in the House of 
Representatives on a bill to use gasoline tax revenues for road 
construction and other road-related infrastructure projects and 
passed the bill. Do you think it was appropriate to take a second 
vote on this legislation? 
 
Yes 27 
No 63 
 
Q: Prior to the taking of a second vote this time for road 
construction and other road-related infrastructure projects, the 
government made a cabinet decision to incorporate gasoline and other 
road-specific tax revenues into the state's general account budget 
from next fiscal year. Do you appreciate this? 
 
TOKYO 00001398  003 OF 015 
 
 
 
Yes 41 
No 46 
 
Q: Prime Minister Fukuda says he will make a review from public 
horizons of how to use road-specific tax revenues upon incorporating 
the road tax revenues into the state's general account budget. Do 
you think Prime Minister Fukuda will be able to substantially change 
the use of road tax revenues? 
 
Yes 9 
No 82 
 
Q: Do you appreciate the DPJ's response to the issue of gasoline and 
other road-specific tax revenues? 
 
Yes 31 
No 50 
 
Q: In April, the government introduced a new health insurance system 
for those aged 75 and over. Do you appreciate this? (Figures in 
parentheses denote the results of a survey conducted Apr. 19-20.) 
 
Yes 15 (18) 
No 74 (71) 
 
Q: Under this new system, almost all of those aged 75 and 
over-including dependents who currently do not have to pay insurance 
premiums-will have to pay premiums in October and afterward. Do you 
agree to collecting insurance premiums from almost all of those aged 
75 and over? 
 
Yes 17 
No 75 
 
Q: The government and the ruling coalition will maintain the new 
health insurance system for the elderly after reviewing it for such 
measures as lowering the premium for those with low income. 
Meanwhile, the DPJ and other opposition parties are calling for 
abolishing the system itself. Which side do you appreciate? 
 
Government, ruling coalition 30 
Opposition parties 53 
 
Q: Prime Minister Fukuda met with Chinese President Hu Jintao on the 
occasion of his recent visit to Japan. Do you appreciate the 
Japan-China summit this time? 
 
Yes 35 
No 47 
 
Q: What's your impression of Prime Minister Fukuda after the 
Japan-China summit this time? Is it better, worse, or unchanged? 
 
Better 6 
Worse 10 
Unchanged 81 
 
Q: All eyes are on foreign leaders about whether they will attend 
the Beijing Olympics opening ceremony over the Tibet issue. Do you 
think it would be better for Prime Minister Fukuda to attend the 
opening ceremony? 
 
TOKYO 00001398  004 OF 015 
 
 
 
Yes 56 
No 24 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted May 17-18 over the 
telephone on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. 
Respondents were chosen from among the nation's voting population on 
a three-stage random-sampling basis. Valid answers were obtained 
from 2,217 persons (60 PERCENT ). 
 
(2) Pressure for more fiscal expenditures casting pall over reform, 
as discussion of basic economic policy guidelines kicks off 
 
ASAHI (Page 6) (Full) 
May 21, 2008 
 
The government's Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy (CEFP) 
yesterday started reviewing the state's expenditures and revenues in 
the run-up to mapping out in late June a set pf basic policy 
guidelines on economic and fiscal management and structural reforms 
for the fiscal 2008 national budget. However, the ruling parties are 
increasingly calling for boosting expenditures in such areas as 
social security. A plan to reform revenues and expenditures as a 
set, which has been in place since the Koizumi administration, has 
now reached a critical juncture. 
 
Prime Minister Fukuda during the CEFP meeting yesterday called for 
firmly maintaining the government goal of moving the primary balance 
of the central and local governments into the black by fiscal 2011, 
noting: "It is harsh to cut expenditures. However, we should not 
stop our reform effort now for the sake of future generations, as 
well. The government will cut wasteful spending without protected 
sanctuaries." 
 
Moving the primary balance into the black means achieving the 
government's fiscal soundness where expenditures, excluding debt 
payments, are balanced by tax revenues, that is to say, progress on 
the recapitalization of the nation's financial base to some degree. 
 
The government has been propelling spending cuts, incorporating in 
the basic guidelines for fiscal 2006 this goal for achieving the 
primary balance and goals for attaining a budget cut in each sector. 
However, since the ruling parties suffered a crushing defeat in the 
Upper House election last summer, calls for a spending increase have 
been gaining ground, the lawmakers citing that they cannot fight in 
the next general election if the situation remains as is. 
 
Pressure for more spending is particularly strong in three areas: 
social security, including medical services, education, and official 
development assistance (ODA). Related agencies and policy 
specialists in those areas are actively trying to secure increased 
budgets, as can be seen in that Health, Labor and Welfare Minister 
Yoichi Masuzoe pointed out the need to take a second look at the 
goal of constraining social security expenditures. 
 
Prime Minister Fukuda has come up with a policy of shifting 
special-purpose road construction revenues for more general usage so 
that squeezed funds can be used for medical services, measures to 
protect the environment, and education. This has fueled a 
budget-grabbing battle. The Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and 
Transport (MLIT) and road policy experts in the Liberal Democratic 
Party (LDP) are trying to fend off such moves in an effort to hold 
 
TOKYO 00001398  005 OF 015 
 
 
on to the road budget. 
 
One private-sector member during the CEFP meeting yesterday drove 
the point home, "Some media reports say that the government policy 
of allocating road revenues for general usage might slow spending 
reform, but we must not allow the reform drive to slow down." 
However, there is the possibility of the present goal of cutting 
expenditures being revised, if the distribution of budgetary funds 
is changed significantly as a result of the reallocation of road 
revenues for general usage. Some Finance Ministry officials take the 
view that principles would be chipped away, if budget allocation is 
increased in certain areas. There is a widespread sense of caution 
that should that occur, expenditures would continue to rise. 
 
Consideration given to ruling parties in tax code discussion 
 
The time-limit for hiking the consumption tax is drawing near, 
because the government plans to raise the ratio of the basic pension 
(national pension) funded from tax revenues from the current 
one-third to 50 PERCENT . This would cost funding resources worth 
approximately 2.3 trillion yen or a rise in the consumption tax by 1 
PERCENT . The LDP Tax System Research Commission and the 
government's Tax Research Commission will speed up debate on a 
consumption tax hike. 
 
Private-sector members of the CEFP, including Fujio Miarai, chairman 
of the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren), at the CEFP 
meeting yesterday proposed a taxpayer identification number system 
intended to prevent tax evasion, by grasping the income of tax 
payers, and a tax deduction system attached with a benefit package 
aimed at reducing low- income earners' tax burden. One aim of those 
proposals is to pave the way for raising the consumption tax rate, 
by giving consideration to income disparities and a sense of 
fairness. 
 
Finance Minister Nukaga at the meeting called for a drastic tax code 
revision before year's end. Yutaka Kozai, chairman of the 
government's Tax Research Commission noted, "The Tax Research 
Commission will pursue discussion more scrupulously than before." 
Private-sector members echoed, "It is necessary to drastically 
reform the tax code, including the consumption tax." 
 
However, the CEFP has no plan to hold the next meeting on the tax 
code in preparation for drafting of basic guidelines for fiscal 2008 
due to the political consideration that it should not move ahead 
before discussion by the ruling moves into high gear. Basic 
guidelines for fiscal 2008 will adopt words similar to those 
included in the fiscal 2007 version of basic guidelines, which 
stipulated that efforts will be made in order to realize a drastic 
reform of the tax code, including the consumption tax. 
 
Many elements in the government are of the view that the rest should 
be left to the prime minister and the ruling camp to make a 
political decision. However, whether the prime minister will decide 
to raise the consumption tax at a time when his cabinet support 
ratings are low remains unclear. Barriers to raising the consumption 
tax are high, because the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) also 
intends to place a moratorium on a consumption tax hike until the 
next general election. 
 
(3) With plan to double aid to Africa, Fukuda aims to halt ODA 
slide, alarmed at Japan's waning international status 
 
TOKYO 00001398  006 OF 015 
 
 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
May 21, 2008 
 
Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda said in a meeting of the Overseas 
Economic Cooperation Conference yesterday that Japan would double 
its official development assistance (ODA) disbursements to Africa 
over the next five years ending in 2012. With an eye on applying the 
brakes to ODA budget cutbacks, Fukuda is aiming to increase 
diplomatic activities in order to attain his policy goal of turning 
Japan into a peace-cooperation state. 
 
The prime minister's decision to double ODA disbursements to Africa 
reflects his strong alarm at the recent decline of Japan's stance as 
an aid donor in the international community. 
 
Over the decade from 1997, Japan's ODA budget in the general account 
(cash outlays) decreased about 40 PERCENT . In real terms, Japan, 
which once was the world's biggest aid donor, slipped to fifth place 
(based on provisional figures) among the 22 member countries of the 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) last 
year. 
 
Fukuda therefore decided to significantly increase spending on ODA 
projects ahead of the 4th Tokyo International Conference on African 
Development (TICAD) to start on May 28, saying: "We must not 
disappoint the leaders of more than 40 participating countries." 
 
In 2005, then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi announced a plan to 
double ODA outlays to Africa over the next three years. Hidden in 
the plan, though, was the "trick" of achieving the goal by 
accumulating forgiven debts, since the government was facing severe 
fiscal straits. 
 
The new plan is designed not to write off debts but to increase new 
ODA allocations from about 100 billion yen to 200 billion yen. Money 
for non-reimbursable (grant) aid is disbursed from the general 
account budget. Given this, a Foreign Ministry source deemed the 
doubling plan as one step toward expanding ODA funds. 
 
In a meeting of the House of Councillors' Special Committee on May 
16, in which the ODA doubling plan was adopted, Prime Minister 
Fukuda said in reference to a plan to shift highway-related tax 
revenues to the general budget: "I expect the increased portion in 
the general account will be incorporated in the ODA budget." He thus 
expressed his desire to see an increase in ODA funds. 
 
But the policy guidelines for 2006 specified an annual 2-4 PERCENT 
cut in ODA disbursements over the five years starting in FY2007. 
Many take the view that the guidelines must be reviewed before the 
ODA budget is boosted. The government intends to determine policy 
guidelines for this year at a cabinet meeting in late June. In 
negotiations on the guidelines, the focus of discussion is expected 
to be on how to coordinate this ODA-reduction policy and the new 
doubling plan. 
 
Now that the government is being pressed to finance expenditures in 
the social security area, such as a review of the health insurance 
system for people aged 75 or older, it will not be easy for it to 
raise funds. 
 
(4) Dark cloud being cast over Machimura faction's good fortune; 
 
TOKYO 00001398  007 OF 015 
 
 
Feud between Machimura and Nakagawa intensifying 
 
SANKEI (Page 5) (Full) 
May 20, 2008 
 
The ruling Liberal Democratic Party's Machimura faction (formally, 
the Seiwa Policy Study Group, with a membership of 86), which has 
produced four LDP presidents including Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, 
last evening held a fund-raising party at the Tokyo Ground Prince 
Hotel in Akasaka. The largest reception hall in Tokyo was filled 
with approximately 5,000 people, a demonstration of the faction's 
strength. But what was lacking there was any emotional uplift. This 
is because the momentum of the Fukuda administration has rapidly 
declined. Moreover, a factional feud between Chief Cabinet Secretary 
Nobutaka Machimura and former LDP Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa 
has grown stronger. Dark clouds seem to be casting a shadow over the 
good fortune of the LDP's largest faction. 
 
The party was extremely well attended, and three especially set-up 
rooms on a different floor were also full to capacity. 
 
LDP Secretary General Bunmei Ibuki was surprised, saying, "A faction 
that has produced four prime ministers in succession was able to 
gather so many!" Election Strategy Council Chairman Makoto Koga 
complimented the faction: "The Seiwa Policy Study Group has produced 
monumental work, unprecedented in the LDP's history." Former 
Secretary General Taro Aso, who is waiting for the prime minister's 
post once Fukuda leaves office, showed his loyalty when he said: "I 
vow to join your efforts to overcome the biggest crisis since the 
party was founded." Last September when the Fukuda cabinet was 
inaugurated, the faction adopted a caretaker system under which it 
is led by three senior members -- Machimura, Hidenao Nakagawa, and 
Shuzen Tanigawa, chairman of the party plenary of both chambers of 
the DIet. However, Nakagawa has the real power. Former Prime 
Minister Yoshiro Mori has become the faction's supreme advisor. As a 
result, the Machimura faction is controlled actually by Mori and 
Nakagawa. 
 
Nakagawa said: 
 
"In TV dramas, politicians are described as villains. For the first 
time, a politician is being depicted as a hero in Fuji TV's drama 
'Change.' The starting point of politics is honesty. We, the Seiwa 
group, should continue to produce heroes and heroines." 
 
He underscored the strength of numbers that the largest faction in 
the LDP held. He sought to constrain moves by those faction members 
waiting to succeed Fukuda as prime minister. 
 
The Machimura faction descended from the Seiwakai faction founded by 
the late Prime Minister Takeo Fukuda. It struggled alone for many 
years as the anti-mainstream force of the LDP, but after Mori became 
prime minister in 2000, the tide turned. The faction then produced 
in succession the Koizumi, Abe and Fukuda administrations. Mori has 
been a kind of kingmaker for the faction, much like the late Shin 
Kanemaru, who once served as LDP vice president. 
 
But cracks can now be seen in the Machimura faction's once iron-clad 
unity. 
 
Because Nakagawa, a dyed-in-the-wool politician, and Machimura, a 
bureaucrat-turned politician, do not get along, their jockeying for 
 
TOKYO 00001398  008 OF 015 
 
 
power has intensified. Mori has warned them: "You should not think 
only about the next presidential race. We should consider how we 
should back our colleague (Fukuda) from our faction." But the 
confrontation between Nakagawa and Machimura has continued to 
escalate. 
 
Another development is a move to possibly field former Defense 
Minister Yuriko Koike as a candidate in the next party presidential 
race. Shinzo Abe, who rejoined the faction in March, has deep ties 
with Aso. A mid-level faction member said: "The Machimura faction 
could fall apart during the next presidential race." 
 
Ibuki in his toast, praised Prime Minister Fukuda for doing his best 
under a difficult situation, adding that he wanted the faction 
members to line up and support him. His comments can be taken as a 
bit of nastiness toward the Machimura faction. 
 
Mori in his toast said: "I pray for Japan's prosperity and peace in 
the international community." But what indeed was he thinking deep 
down inside? 
 
(5) Japan waives jurisdiction over most GI cases: U.S. archives 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 1) (Full) 
May 18, 2008 
 
In 1953, the Japanese and U.S. governments made a secret deal over 
incidents involving U.S. military personnel in Japan. At the time, 
Japan agreed to give up its jurisdiction over their cases with the 
exception of major crimes. As a result, Japan waived its primary 
jurisdiction over 97 PERCENT  of those incidents that took place 
during the following period of about five years. This fact became 
known from declassified U.S. government documents. 
 
In those days, Japan held court trials over criminal cases involving 
U.S. soldiers. According to one of the declassified U.S. official 
documents, however, the U.S. government took Japan's criminal 
punishments as lighter than anticipated. The U.S. government later 
asked the Japanese government to make public the arcane deal. 
However, the then prime minister, Nobusuke Kishi, did not agree to 
do so for fear of a potential backlash in Japan. Kishi was quoted as 
saying, "If we spill the beans, it would be disgraceful." 
 
Concerning crimes committed by off-duty U.S. soldiers, Japan is said 
to have had primary jurisdiction over their cases under the 
Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). The Japanese 
government takes the position that it has not waived its 
jurisdiction. In Okinawa and other prefectures, however, prosecutors 
dropped a number of cases. There were also many cases that were not 
tried in Japan. In fact, Japan used to waive its jurisdiction. 
 
The official documents, created between 1958 and 1966, were 
discovered at the U.S. National Archives. 
 
These declassified documents include a confidential telegram, which, 
dated Oct. 2, 1958, was sent from Secretary of State Dulles to the 
U.S. Embassy in Japan. In this arcane document, Dulles wrote that 
the United States "should obtain Japan's waiver of its jurisdiction 
if and when the United States agrees to revise the Japan-U.S. 
Security Treaty." With this, Dulles suggested the need to make 
public the secret deal. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001398  009 OF 015 
 
 
Two days later, Ambassador MacArthur met with Prime Minister Kishi. 
In the meeting, MacArthur asked Kishi: "Japan has customarily waived 
its jurisdiction without revealing the secret record of discussions 
in 1953, and I'd like to ask you to clarify that Japan will do so in 
the future," Kishi, however, disagreed. 
 
According to a document created by the U.S. State Department in June 
1957, Japan had primary jurisdiction over about 13,000 cases after 
1953 and waived its jurisdiction over 97 PERCENT  of those cases. 
Actually, Japan held court trials over only 400 cases or so. 
 
Another document created that month had a description of cases tried 
at Japanese courts, saying Japan's criminal punishments are lighter 
than those tried in U.S. courts martial. 
 
The secret deal was taken over even after the security pact was 
revised. In the 1960s, South Korea and Taiwan called for conditions 
on the same plane as those for Japan. In its negotiations with South 
Korea and Taiwan, the United States attempted to refer to the facts 
about Japan's waiver of jurisdiction. According to the document, 
however, Japan rejected it. 
 
(6) Look to Africa (Part 2): Trading firm executive-turned 
ambassador to Botswana 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
May 21, 2008 
 
"I want you to carry out resource diplomacy," Prime Minister Yasuo 
Fukuda on May 13 told Ryoichi Matsuyama, who had just been appointed 
as Japan's first ambassador to Botswana. The Japanese government 
established its embassy in an African country in January this year. 
Fukuda was briefed on the resource situation in Botswana for about 
20 minutes by Matsuyama, a former managing director of Mitsui 
Bussan. 
 
The Republic of Botswana has a population of 20 million. Just 36 
Japanese reside in that country. Annual trade between Japan and 
Botswana totals only 4 billion yen. The Japanese government's 
purpose of sending the former trading house executive there is to 
secure such rare metals as nickel and chrome. 
 
Rare metals are the new strategic materials, indispensable in the 
manufacturing of high-tech products such as cellular phones. 
However, the producing areas are limited to China, Russia and 
Africa. 
 
China has already inhibited its exports of rare materials. Japan has 
been forced to seek new suppliers. Britain and France, former 
colonial powers, have secured interests in Africa. The exports of 
Botswana to Britain account for 75 PERCENT . 
 
Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Akira Amari, who became the 
first Japanese cabinet minister to visit Botswana last November, 
urged Botswana President Festus Mogae to review its relations with 
former suzerain powers, noting: "Are they partners to whom you sell 
ores or partners who nurture your industries?" Japan's technology to 
predict underground reserves based on data collected from satellite 
images was the key to an agreement between Japan and Botswana on 
joint research on rare materials. Amari and Mogae also agreed that 
Japan would provide Botswana with know-how. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001398  010 OF 015 
 
 
Japan, which has been experiencing financial difficulties, cannot 
win competition to increase aid amounts. Japan must break doors of 
the former colonial powers by its technology and experience of 
providing aid over the years. 
 
(7) Stop cluster bombs (Series 1) - Voices of world and Japan (Part 
2): Interview with Ambassador MacKay, permanent representative of 
New Zealand to the UN Office in Geneva; Need to serve as deterrent 
against "bad weapons"; Prevention of unacceptable harm to civilians 
is our starting point 
 
MAINICHI (Page 8) (Full) 
May 20, 2008 
 
The Mainichi Shimbun interviewed Ambassador Don MacKay, who served 
as chairperson of the Wellington Conference on Cluster Bombs of the 
Oslo Process, about the points of contention in drafting a draft 
treaty banning cluster munitions. 
 
Interviewer: Katsumi Sawada 
 
We have still several sticking points, but I believe it is possible 
for us to reach a final agreement on a draft treaty banning cluster 
munitions. 
 
We had intensive discussion in informal talks under the Wellington 
Conference (held this past February as part of the Oslo Process). I 
refrained from mentioning states by name, but many countries 
reconsidered their positions in the Wellington Conference 
(concerning the definition related to a total ban or a partial ban 
that will allow some exceptions). With the final stage of talks 
approaching, each state has begun trying to meet halfway. 
 
When we discuss the definition, I think we need to return to the 
spirit of the Oslo Declaration (issued in February 2007, which 
decided to start the Oslo Process), namely, "Prohibit weapons that 
cause unacceptable harm to civilians." 
 
The Oslo Declaration does not mention a total ban. What we are going 
to create is not a disarmament treaty but a humanitarian treaty. If 
weapons are developed that will not have a harmful effect on 
civilians, we are positive about them. It is a good thing that 
during the year and a half since (the process started), many states 
have begun looking for ways to make (cluster bombs) more reliable 
and accurate (with less numbers of unexploded elements). 
 
Another point of contention is whether there would be any trouble 
when a joint military campaign with non-member states (of the Oslo 
Process, for instance, the United States and Russia is carried out 
after a treaty banning cluster munitions is concluded). A 
considerable number of major states call for modifying the draft 
treaty. In this regard, we need to well deal with that. 
 
If this treaty is concluded, cluster bombs will be labeled as "bad 
weapons." Non-member states (such as the U.S. and Russia) would be 
forced to be prudent about using them, so civilian casualties caused 
by unexploded munitions would be reduced. The draft treaty also 
mentions the need to improve assistance to victims. This is also a 
very important element. 
 
Each state's position as to definition of cluster munitions 
 
 
TOKYO 00001398  011 OF 015 
 
 
 Exceptions to ban Major states 
Group of states favoring a total ban on cluster bombs No exception 
Norway, Ireland, New Zealand 
Group A of states favoring a partial ban Allows exception about 
latest bombs (equipped with target designation system) Germany, 
U.K., France 
Canada and Australia 
Sweden 
Group B of states favoring a partial ban Allows exception about 
improved bombs (equipped with self-destruct mechanism) and latest 
bombs Japan 
Finland 
 
(8) Stop cluster bombs (Series 1) - Voices of world and Japan (Part 
3): Conflicting viewpoints between two groups of countries as to a 
total ban and a partial ban 
 
MAINICHI (Page 8) (Full) 
May 21, 2008 
 
Katsumi Sawada, Dublin 
 
The Oslo Process is aiming to produce a convention banning cluster 
munitions by the end of this year, but there has been the strong 
conflict of views between the two groups of countries participating 
in the process over the question of whether to totally or partially 
ban cluster bombs. A major point of contention in the Dublin 
Conference on Cluster Munitions is how to define exceptions and 
weapons that will not be subject to prohibition. Meanwhile, the 
United States, which is not a member of the Oslo Process, has given 
a warning to the Dublin Conference. 
 
A major subject for discussion in the Dublin Conference is what to 
do about a draft treaty, which Norway and some other countries 
jointly submitted to the Wellington Conference on Cluster Bombs held 
this past February. The draft treaty defines cluster munitions as 
the "weapons that release explosive submunitions" and then it leaves 
room to put down exceptions to the ban. A major point in issue in 
the Dublin Conference is to discuss what will be put down for this 
exception provision and how to define weapons subject to the ban. 
 
Norway and some other countries calling for a total ban call for 
reducing the number of exceptions to as few as possible. Meanwhile, 
Japan, Britain, Germany, France and some other countries are 
opposed, calling instead for a partial ban so that some weapons 
could be made exceptions. These countries have come up with a 
proposal to modify the draft treaty. The host country of the Dublin 
Conference, Ireland, notes: "The points of contention have now been 
considerably narrowed down." 
 
Group of countries calling for partial ban divided 
 
What has made the situation complex is the fact that the group of 
countries calling for a partial ban has now divided into two 
sub-groups. 
 
Proposals aimed at modifying the draft treaty that have been 
presented by the group of countries calling for a partial ban are 
broadly divided into two categories. One is Japan's proposal to 
except improved weapons equipped with a self-destruct device that 
will function when bombs fail to detonate. Another proposal has been 
submitted by Germany. This proposal would except the latest weapons 
 
TOKYO 00001398  012 OF 015 
 
 
equipped with a target designation system, with a similar system 
also installed in their submunitions. 
 
The U.S. possesses a large number of the improved weapon, and in 
actual combat, their dud rate exceeds 10 PERCENT . With such bombs, 
the unexploded components could cause harm to civilians. But in the 
case of the latest model, the dud rate is low and the number of 
submunitions is also limited. 
 
Britain, Germany, France, and Canada are insisting that the improved 
models also should be prohibited, while Japan and Finland are trying 
to keep the improved models. These two groups are wide apart in 
their views. International attention is now on how far the group of 
countries calling for a partial ban can unify views internally. 
 
However, the U.S. has cast a pall over the Dublin Conference. A 
senior U.S. official suggested to the Japanese media, including the 
Mainichi Shimbun, there was "a new policy," implying there has been 
improvement to lower the rate of failure to detonate. The official 
sought to check the Dublin Conference. Behind this move is 
Washington's intention to adopt the pose that it is taking 
improvement measures on its own and use this to slow the momentum to 
conclude a convention. 
 
The draft treaty prohibits the non-member states (of the Oslo 
Process) from using cluster bombs against member states. Japan has 
questioned this provision and has insisted on reconsidering it, 
noting that trouble could arise in joint operations with countries 
that are not signatories to the Oslo Process, such as the U.S. 
 
(9) Editorial: Simple possession of child pornography should be 
banned 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full) 
May 6, 2008 
 
In order to protect children from criminal harm, there should be no 
hesitation to strengthen the legal system. A ruling parties' project 
team is working on amending the Child Prostitution and Child 
Pornography Law. This law was enacted in 1999 as Diet 
member-sponsored legislation. It bans such activities as providing 
nude or semi-nude images of children under 18 "that excite or 
stimulate prurient desires." 
 
The ruling camp's project team has set a policy direction of newly 
banning and punishing the "simple possession" of child pornography 
collected by individuals. Although the banning of simple possession 
of child pornography was debated at the time of the law's enactment, 
the issue was shelved because of the arguments that "consideration 
be given to the privacy of the possessor," and "concerns about the 
abuse of investigative authority." 
 
However, with the rapid expansion of child pornography on the 
Internet, advanced industrialized countries have begun to toughen 
restrictions. The only countries in the Group of Eight (G-8) that 
have not banned simple possession are Japan and Russia. 
 
U.S. Ambassador to Japan Schieffer has expressed to Justice Minister 
Hatoyama his expectation that simple possession would be banned in 
Japan. The fact that simple possession is allowed in Japan has 
become an obstacle to closer international cooperation in 
investigating child pornography. Once images flow into the Net, it 
 
TOKYO 00001398  013 OF 015 
 
 
is difficult to retrieve them. The children who are filmed being 
sexually assaulted will continue to bear deep moral scars all their 
lives. 
 
In Nara Prefecture, where the tragic incident of a child having been 
kidnapped and slain by a person with such a mania, the simple 
possession of pornography of children under 13 years of age was 
banned three years ago. 
 
An opinion poll carried out last year by the Cabinet Agency found 90 
PERCENT  of the public approving the restriction of simple 
possession of child pornography. The opportunity is already ripe. 
 
The ruling camp's project team plans to introduce a system of 
blocking under which the provider would cut off connections to 
child-porno sites. Some of the debate has been over whether 
restrictions should be applied to cartoons, anime, and computer 
graphics (CG) that depict child pornography scenes.  In the United 
States and France, such material, too, is subject to restrictions. 
On the other hand, in Britain, CG animations alone are banned, with 
anime and comics being outside the scope of the law. There thus are 
slight differences depending on the country in handling this issue. 
 
There is also the problem of freedom of expression associated with 
placing restrictions, so careful debate seems necessary. But first 
of all, banning the simple possession and introducing a blocking 
system should be the focus of attention and considered when amending 
the law. 
 
(10) Editorial: Japan-U.S-ROK talks must result in progress on 
nuclear and abduction issues 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full) 
May 21, 2008 
 
Director-level talks between Japan, the United States, and South 
Korea have taken place after a long interval. We would like to see 
the North Korean nuclear issue, now at a crucial stage, move forward 
through close cooperation between the three countries. 
 
 
Through their talks in Washington, the three countries' chief 
delegates to the six-party talks confirmed the policy course to 
enhance trilateral cooperation to ensure that North Korea presents a 
complete and correct declaration of its nuclear programs. 
 
The three countries lacked unity toward the end of the term of the 
former Roh Moo Hyun administration of South Korea. Trilateral talks 
were not held regularly. The United States separately briefed Japan 
and South Korea on its talks with North Korea in early April in 
Beijing. 
 
With the launch of the Lee Myung Bak administration, which places 
high priority on the Japan-U.S.-South Korea framework, and a 
changeover of the South Korean chief negotiator, the stage has 
finally been set for trilateral talks. 
 
Differences in views on the nuclear issue among the three countries 
have always been mentioned as a factor since the late 1990s. 
Although their ultimate goal is to make North Korea abandon its 
nuclear ambitions, the three countries' approaches and priority 
policies vary. Such cannot be helped because they are separate 
 
TOKYO 00001398  014 OF 015 
 
 
countries. 
 
It is important to make efforts to find effective means to force the 
North into abandoning its nuclear programs, while endeavoring to 
bridge the gaps. The significance of the trilateral talks lies 
there. 
 
The amount of extracted plutonium is the biggest point of contention 
in declaring nuclear programs. The United States' estimate of 50 
kilograms clashes with the North's assertion of 30 kilograms. 
 
In early May, North Korea submitted to the United States voluminous 
records of operations of its nuclear facilities. Can they underpin 
the North's claim? They must be verified by experts. 
 
There are only eight months left until the Bush administration 
leaves office. Some in the administration want to swiftly finish the 
nuclear declaration process to move on to the next level with the 
aim of accomplishing an historical achievement. But others think 
that an ambiguous settlement would leave serious problems for the 
future. 
 
Geopolitically, Japan is more exposed to the North Korean nuclear 
threat than the United States and South Korea. There is every reason 
to demand a complete and current declaration from a security 
viewpoint. 
 
The North has demanded it be taken off the U.S. list of nations 
sponsoring terrorism in return for its nuclear declaration. 
Delisting is important diplomatic leverage for Japan, the United 
States, and South Korea. It must be used in a manner that is most 
effective. 
 
In the latest bilateral talks, Japan underscored the as long as 
there is no progress on the abduction issue, the North's request for 
delisting should be dealt with cautiously. The United States and 
South Korea reportedly expressed their understanding. 
 
Even if the North promises a reinvestigation into the whereabouts of 
the abduction victims, that alone would not be enough to be called 
"progress." It is essential to attain substantial "progress" leading 
to repatriation of victims and uncovering of the facts. 
 
(11) Editorial: Time to make decision to totally ban cluster bombs 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) 
May 20, 2008 
 
The "Oslo Process" Dublin conference on cluster bombs that can 
indiscriminately kill and wound civilians has started. We hope for 
an agreement to ban cluster bombs altogether. This is the time for 
the Japanese government to decide to totally abolish its stock of 
cluster bombs. 
 
The Dublin conference runs through May 30 in Ireland's capital. The 
focus is on whether to decide to totally or partially ban cluster 
bombs. 
 
Conferences of signatories to the Convention on Certain Conventional 
Weapons (CCW) have been discussing restrictions on the use of 
cluster bombs since 2001. The talks have stalled because the United 
States, China, and Russia that possess large numbers of cluster 
 
TOKYO 00001398  015 OF 015 
 
 
bombs planned not to be forced into a total ban. A conclusion has 
yet to be reached. 
 
Dissatisfied, Norway and other countries have been pushing ahead 
with the Oslo Process since February 2007 with the aim of concluding 
a treaty in 2008. The Oslo Process does not include the United 
States, China, and Russia. Many European countries are in favor of a 
total ban, whereas Britain, Germany, and France are advocating a 
partial ban. 
 
Cluster bombs are air-dropped munitions that are designed to scatter 
smaller bomblets over wide areas to cause damage to ground troops 
and others. 
 
Cluster bombs have been used in conflicts in such countries as Iraq, 
Afghanistan, the former Yugoslavia (Serbia), and Lebanon. The 
conflicts are over, but there have been many reports of civilians 
who were killed or injured by unexploded bomblets. 
 
Branislav Kapetanovic, a former Serbian soldier, lost both hands and 
feet when a bomblet exploded when he was going to destroy it (in 
2000). He has been calling for the abolition of brutal weapons, 
saying: "One cluster bomb can destroy two, three soccer grounds. 
Over 95 PERCENT  of victims would be civilians. (Cluster bombs) are 
monster weapons." 
 
Let us recall the Convention on the Prohibition of Antipersonnel 
Mines. It prohibits using, stockpiling, producing and transferring 
antipersonnel mines. Because of this convention, the United States 
finds it effectively impossible to use antipersonnel mines. It is 
also possible to totally prohibit cluster bombs. We would like to 
see the participating countries put their wisdom together at the 
Dublin conference. 
 
Japan's basic position is that cluster bombs are necessary for 
security reasons, aligning itself with Britain, Germany, and France. 
Japan's consideration for the United States, which does not want to 
see a treaty banning cluster bombs, is obvious. 
 
The people and government of Japan have long called for the complete 
abolition of nuclear weapons; they are still making efforts to that 
end. They should also strive for the complete abolition of cluster 
bombs. 
 
Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda should demonstrate a resolute stance to 
the international community. 
 
SCHIEFFER