VZCZCXYZ0006
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHIN #0618/01 1260955
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 050955Z MAY 08
FM AIT TAIPEI
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 8851
INFO RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 8229
RUEHHK/AMCONSUL HONG KONG 9474

UNCLAS AIT TAIPEI 000618 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT FOR INR/R/MR, EAP/TC, EAP/PA, EAP/PD - NIDA EMMONS 
DEPARTMENT PASS AIT/WASHINGTON 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OPRC KMDR KPAO TW
SUBJECT: MEDIA REACTION: U.S.-CHINA-TAIWAN RELATIONS 
 
Summary:  Taiwan's major Chinese-language dailies focused news 
coverage May 3-5 on the investigation into Taiwan's Papua New Guinea 
fund scandal and on the New York Yankees' victory over the Seattle 
Mariners with Taiwan pitcher Wang Chien-ming winning his sixth game 
of the season.  In terms of editorials and commentaries, an op-ed in 
the pro-independence "Liberty Times" criticized the incoming Ma 
Ying-jeou administration's policy of cross-Strait relations 
outweighing foreign affairs and the impact on relations between 
Taiwan and the United States.  Another op-ed in the "Liberty Times" 
said the argument that cross-Strait peace can be achieved by 
cooperation in economic and trade relations between Taiwan and China 
is not necessarily consistent with the United States' Asia-Pacific 
security policy.  End summary 
 
A) "Cross-Strait [Relations] Outweighs Foreign Affairs, Four Big 
Mistakes" 
 
Lai I-chung, the Principal Deputy Director of the Department of 
International Affairs of the DPP, opined in the pro-independence 
"Liberty Times" [circulation: 720,000] (5/5): 
 
"... for countries with which [Taiwan] has no diplomatic relations, 
such as the United States, Japan, Europe, and India, the argument 
that cross-Strait [relations] outweigh foreign affairs will lead 
these countries to follow a logical line, which is to put their 
relations with Taiwan under their relations with China.  It means 
that [whether their] relations with China are on good or bad terms 
will determine [their] relations with Taiwan.  This will not only 
obstruct Taiwan's bilateral relations with these countries, but it 
also goes against Taiwan's attempt to persuade these non-ally 
countries to take a strategy parallel to their relations with China 
when they deal with Taiwan.  [Ed. Note:  "Ally" in the Taiwan 
political context refers to a country that has full diplomatic 
relations with Taiwan, such as Honduras or Swaziland, as opposed to 
a country that would actually defend Taiwan in a crisis.] 
 
"In the report "A Twenty-First-Century Agenda for the U.S.-Taiwan 
Partnership" released in February, Randall Schriver and Daniel 
Blumenthal urged that Washington not subsume its relations with 
Taiwan under its relations with China.  At the moment, however, 
Taiwan [President-elect Ma Ying-jeou's incoming administration] 
proposes a policy that [Taiwan's] relations with China should be in 
a higher position than its diplomatic relationship with countries 
such as the United States and Japan.  This is not only retrograde 
with the advocacy of the China policy reformists in the United 
States, but it is also against Taiwan's practice in the past, which 
was to parallel its policy in cross-Strait [relations] and foreign 
affairs.  This will cause a very serious impact on Taiwan's policy 
in foreign affairs. ..." 
 
B) "The Conflict and Cooperation in the Cross-Strait Triangle" 
 
Soong Hseik-wen, the director of the Graduate Institute of Strategy 
and International Affairs at Taiwan's National Chung Cheng 
University, and Wang Jyh-perng, a student at the institute, opined 
in the pro-independence "Liberty Times" [circulation: 720,000] 
(5/5): 
 
"How the triangular relations among the United States, China and 
Taiwan will develop after May 20 [inauguration day] is the most 
attention-getting issue recently.  For example, the mitigation of 
the political atmosphere across the Strait might provide some 
positive inducements for economic, trade and culture exchanges. 
However, these [positive inducements] will not necessarily 'spill 
over' to policies such as security in the Taiwan Strait, arms sales 
from the United States to Taiwan, and the United States' 
Asia-Pacific security. ... 
 
"In fact, the atmosphere and expectation of 'the argument that 
economic and trade exchange leads to peace' [across the Taiwan 
Strait] has a competitive and cooperative relation with the United 
States 'grand strategy' in Asia.  This [grand strategy] has a 
deep-level relationship with the [issue of] security in Asia-Pacific 
resulting from the rise of China and the international balance of 
power [Lit:  the allocation of international power.]  In light of 
this, China obviously takes a 'rising' strategy which focuses on 
'peace' and 'gradual advance.'  For example, the 'China 
Modernization Report 2008' released this January [by the Chinese 
Academy of Sciences] came up with a strategy [called] 'a dove of 
peace,' whose purpose is to promote its diplomatic strategy of a 
peaceful rise.  However, [China] still actively develops efficient 
capabilities to deny access to the region. 
 
"According to a Chinese military report, during the Siew-Hu meeting 
at the Boao Forum [the meeting between Taiwan's Vice President-elect 
Vincent Siew and Chinese President Hu Jintao], Hu also reviewed the 
South Sea Fleet of China's navy and urged them 'to focus on 
preparation for military conflict and to reinforce the comprehensive 
establishment [of China's] military forces.'  Regarding the United 
 
States' [decision to] send two aircraft carrier battle groups to 
patrol the Taiwan Strait region, whether [the U.S.] is worried about 
internal developments in Taiwan or taking preventive measures to be 
alert of abnormal behavior by China or moves from Beijing because of 
the impact of the Tibet issue on the Olympic Games, neither the 
United States nor China has explicitly revealed the true reason. 
..." 
 
YOUNG