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FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
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RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9347

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 06 TOKYO 001020 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/14/08 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) April 27 Lower House Yamaguchi by-election may dictate fates of 
LDP and DPJ presidents; DPJ to pursue roads, pension and medical 
care, while LDP to focus on local revitalization (Mainichi) 
 
(2) Many in ruling coalition call for "Lower House supremacy" on 
appointment requiring Diet approval such as BOJ governor (Tokyo 
Shimbun) 
 
(3) Ginowan concerned about delay in Futenma site use (Okinawa 
Times) 
 
(4) Ginowan mayor strongly calls for Futenma airfield's overseas 
relocation (Okinawa Times) 
 
(5) SDF trained as often as 81 times in 2005-2007 at U.S. military 
bases in Okinawa (Asahi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) April 27 Lower House Yamaguchi by-election may dictate fates of 
LDP and DPJ presidents; DPJ to pursue roads, pension and medical 
care, while LDP to focus on local revitalization 
 
MAINICHI (Top play and Page 2) (Abridged) 
April 13, 2008 
 
The official campaign for the by-election of the House of 
Representatives Yamaguchi No. 2 constituency will kick off on April 
15 for the voting on April 27. It is the first national election 
since the Fukuda administration was launched. On April 29, just two 
days after the by-election, the ruling coalition will be able to 
take an override vote on a bill amending the Special Taxation 
Measures Law to revive the provisional tax rates on gasoline and 
other items. The outcome of the election is likely to have a major 
impact on the ongoing battle between the ruling and opposition camps 
over gasoline prices and could also affect the fates of Prime 
Minister Yasuo Fukuda and Democratic Party of Japan President Ichiro 
Ozawa. 
 
Despite his poor physical condition, Ozawa visited vote-rich Iwakuni 
City on April 11. Taking a firsthand look at the severe situation 
for the DPJ candidate, Ozawa reprimanded some campaign officials. He 
did not offer a smile either when he met with executives of the 
Rengo (Japanese Trade Union Confederation) Yamaguchi chapter, which 
supports the DPJ. 
 
In the 2005 Lower House election, the DPJ's Hideo Hiraoka was 
defeated in the Yamaguchi No. 2 constituency but was salvaged by the 
proportional representation segment. Hiraoka has higher name 
recognition than the Liberal Democratic Party's prospective 
candidate, Shigetaro Yamamoto. Ozawa is irritated with the situation 
where Yamamoto's footsteps are being heard just behind Hiraoka, who 
should be running far ahead of his LDP rival. 
 
In the campaign, the DPJ is determined to focus on roads, pension, 
and medical services for the aged, while the LDP is set to pledge 
local revitalization. The differences in the approaches of the two 
parties are reflected in the campaign posters of the two candidates. 
The DPJ's poster shows Yamaoka standing besides Ozawa, while the 
LDP's poster features Yamamoto flanked by nine local heads of the 
 
TOKYO 00001020  002 OF 006 
 
 
ten municipalities comprising the Yamaguchi No. 2 constituency. 
 
Hiraoka showed up at an annual cherry blossom festival, held on 
April 6 in Tabuse Town. Tabuse is the hometown of former Prime 
Ministers Nobusuke Kishi and Eisaku Sato and is the LDP's 
stronghold. Finding a spot in the festival venue, Hiraoka played up 
his view to the cherry blossom viewers, saying: "Roads are not 
unimportant, but pension and medical services cost money. The blood 
money of tax payers must be spent effectively." 
 
In an effort to gain support, Hiraoka also strolled around the 
festival venue where LDP House of Councilors member Nobuo Kishi was 
delivering a speech as a guest on the special stage in the 
distance. 
 
Meanwhile, the LDP conducted earlier this month an opinion poll in 
the Yamaguchi No. 2 constituency to find out policies of interest to 
voters. In the survey, 22  PERCENT  of respondents pointed out 
pension, followed by local revitalization at 15 PERCENT . Only 8 
PERCENT  of respondents pointed to the gasoline issue. The LDP found 
the results encouraging. 
 
Until his announcement of his candidacy on March 5, Yamamoto served 
as Cabinet Secretariat local revitalization chief secretary. Seeing 
the results of the survey, the LDP immediately decided to play up 
local revitalization in the campaign. 
 
On the night of April 8, Yamamoto held a small town meeting in 
Iwakuni's Oze district. Before some 30 people, Yamamoto made an 
impassioned speech for about 30 minutes, saying, "Local 
revitalization centers on creation of jobs." Yamamoto did not touch 
on the gasoline issue that night. 
 
Defeat means slim chance for overriding vote for Fukuda and pall on 
September presidential election for Ozawa 
 
National Highway Route 2 running through Iwakuni is lined with 
posters of the DPJ's Hiraoka shaking hands with Ozawa and of 
Yamamoto flanked by LDP Upper House members Yoshimasa Hayashi and 
Nobuo Kishi from Yamaguchi and Yoshihiko Fukuda, who won the Iwakuni 
mayoral race on February 10. Posters with Prime Minister Yasuo 
Fukuda, who should serve as the "poster boy," are no where in 
sight. 
 
An LDP headquarters worker in charge of the Yamamoto camp complained 
by citing the 2005 "postal election," saying: "Back then, we simply 
needed to tell people that we were the LDP, and votes followed 
automatically. Today, the cabinet's support ratings are plummeting, 
and we find it difficult to play up the LDP led by Prime Minister 
Fukuda." 
 
LDP Election Strategy Council Deputy Chairman Yoshihide Suga visited 
Yamaguchi on March 5, the day Yamamoto announced his candidacy, and 
met with LDP prefectural chapter secretary general Tadao Hasegawa. 
Suga said to Hasegawa, "Posters of Mr. Yamamoto with local heads 
would be better than with the prime minister." Responding positively 
to Suga's suggestion, Hasegawa had his chapter prepare Yamamoto's 
posters with nine local leaders via prefectural assembly members. 
 
Will the prime minister still visit Yamaguchi to stump for Yamamoto 
once the campaign kicks off on April 15? 
 
 
TOKYO 00001020  003 OF 006 
 
 
Even if the LDP does not make the question of the provisional 
gasoline tax a campaign issue, the appropriateness of reviving the 
provisional taxes is expected to take on a national referendum-like 
imprint in the upcoming Yamaguchi race, which is a national 
election. 
 
The LDP's defeat in the Yamaguchi race would make it difficult for 
the ruling coalition to take an overriding vote on the bill amending 
the Special Taxation Measures Law to maintain the provisional tax 
rates. 
 
Re-adoption of the legislation in the face of objections from the 
opposition camp is likely to prompt the opposition bloc to submit a 
censure motion against the prime minister, thereby raising tensions 
in the Diet. A failure to readopt the legislation would further 
reduce the prime minister's grip on the government and might even 
result in a dump Fukuda move. 
 
At the same time, the DPJ's defeat would take a toll on its 
offensive at the Diet, spelling trouble for Ozawa's foothold in the 
party, which is already weak due to a failed attempt last year to 
form a grand coalition, his abrupt announcement to resign as party 
president, the party's defeat in the latest Osaka gubernatorial 
race, and the approval of candidates for the Bank of Japan's top 
posts that has left hard feelings in the party. 
 
A senior DPJ lawmaker said, "In order for Mr. Ozawa to maintain his 
grip on power within the party, a landslide victory is necessary." 
The upcoming Yamaguchi race would be a test for the 
"Ozawa-is-strong-in-elections myth" and would also affect the 
September DPJ presidential race. 
 
JCP votes now in focus 
 
The Japanese Communist Party has given up fielding its own candidate 
for the Yamaguchi by-election. 
 
The step is in line with the party's policy course to narrow down 
its number of candidates to less than 300 for the next Lower House 
general election. 
 
In the 2005 Lower House election, the LDP's Yoshihiko Fukuda, who is 
currently Iwakuni mayor, defeated the DPJ's Hiraoka by a margin of 
600 votes, while the DPJ candidate garnered 13,499 votes. 
 
In the upcoming race, attention is focused on where the JCP votes 
will go. 
 
(2) Many in ruling coalition call for "Lower House supremacy" on 
appointment requiring Diet approval such as BOJ governor 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
April 13, 2008 
 
The view is gaining ground in the ruling parties that a new rule 
should be installed that would give legal supremacy to decisions of 
the House of Representatives regarding personnel appointments now 
requiring approval of the two Diet chambers, such as the appointment 
of governor of the Bank of Japan. 
 
Even if the House of Councillors rejects a bill that the Lower House 
once adopted, the Lower House can override the Upper House by a 
 
TOKYO 00001020  004 OF 006 
 
 
two-thirds majority vote. When the Lower and Upper House make 
different decisions on a state budget, the Lower House decision has 
priority. 
 
However, the appointment of BOJ governor and other personnel 
appointments require approval of both chambers of the Diet. 
 
Recently the government's four nominations for the BOJ governor and 
deputy governors were all rejected by the Upper House. As such, one 
of the deputy governor slots remains vacant. 
 
Masashi Waki, chief vice chairman of the Liberal Democratic Party 
Diet Affairs Committee in the Upper House said: "It is abnormal that 
the Upper House has excessive appointment authority. Since there is 
no way to stop it, the current system must be changed." 
 
LDP Policy Research Council Chairman Sadakazu Tanigaki, in a speech 
on April 12 in Okazaki City, Aichi Prefecture, referred to the 
political turmoil over the appointment of BOJ governor: 
 
"I wonder whether it is all right to leave the Bank of Japan Law as 
is. The cabinet has the final authority to appoint. If the supremacy 
of the Lower House on which the cabinet is based in not taken into 
consideration, the same thing will happen over and over again." 
 
On April 9, the ruling camp, according to a source connected with 
Diet affairs, set up "a study council on what to do about obtaining 
agreements on personnel appointments. The ruling camp launched a 
study on whether it is possible to add a provision giving the Lower 
House supremacy in the same way that it has in passing the budget 
and bills. 
 
However, it is certain that the opposition bloc will strongly react 
if the ruling coalition submits to the Diet a bill revising the BOJ 
Law that includes a provision giving supremacy to the Lower House. 
There is no possibility of such a bill passing the Diet. The 
submission of such a bill is difficult, however. 
 
Despite that the ruling camp has launched the study. The aim appears 
to be seeking to constrain the main opposition Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) so that the DPJ will not use its veto 
repeatedly. 
 
(3) Ginowan concerned about delay in Futenma site use 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full) 
April 12, 2008 
 
Ginowan City is in a hurry to prospect buried cultural properties at 
Futenma airfield because of a 'lesson' in the past. The 
archaeological study of cultural properties has greatly affected 
plans to utilize the sites of U.S. military bases after their return 
into local hands. Ginowan City has yet to study 70 PERCENT  of the 
airfield's area to be studied, and important cultural properties 
could be discovered there. The city is therefore concerned about a 
substantial delay in its plan to utilize the airfield. It has now 
been 12 years since the Japan-U.S. Special Action Committee on 
Okinawa (SACO) agreed on Futenma reversion. However, the government 
has never shown even a schedule for Futenma reversion. As it stands, 
Ginowan can do nothing. 
 
The use of a military base site after its reversion has three major 
 
TOKYO 00001020  005 OF 006 
 
 
problems: 1) landowners' consensus building; 2) cultural properties; 
and 3) soil pollution. In the past, archaeological studies at the 
sites of U.S. military bases could be carried only after their 
reversion. If a cultural property was discovered at the site of a 
vacated base, a local government had to work out its land use plan 
from scratch. 
 
For example, Makiminato Housing Area, now returned into local hands, 
is in a new downtown area of Naha City. After its reversion, 
large-scale ancient burial mounds were discovered there. In Chatan 
Town, a northern area of Camp Kuwae (Camp Lester) has been returned 
from the U.S. military. In that area, a historic site was 
discovered. Both Naha and Chatan made alterations in their 
respective land use plans. 
 
Based on the examples of sites returned in other municipalities, 
Ginowan City is planning to carry out a study of Futenma airfield 
before its reversion in anticipation of a delay in its land 
utilization. The Law for the Protection of Cultural Properties does 
not allow any on-site survey of cultural properties without land 
development. However, Futenma airfield, which will be returned to 
Ginowan City, is as large as 482 hectares. The Cultural Affairs 
Agency has exceptionally approved Ginowan City's plan to carry out 
an archaeological survey at Futenma airfield. 
 
The U.S. military has given permission to Ginowan City for an 
on-site survey of Futenma airfield. However, the runway and other 
portions currently in use cannot be surveyed until its reversion. 
"If we don't know when the airfield will be returned, it's difficult 
to work out a plan to reuse the land," a municipal official for land 
use said. The Japanese and U.S. governments are therefore being 
called to immediately specify when they will return the airfield. 
 
(4) Ginowan mayor strongly calls for Futenma airfield's overseas 
relocation 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Abridged) 
April 12, 2008 
 
GINOWAN-It has now been 12 years since the Japan-U.S. Special Action 
Committee on Okinawa (SACO) agreed on the reversion of Futenma 
airfield. Ginowan City's Mayor Yoichi Iha, meeting the press 
yesterday, released a statement calling strongly for the Japanese 
and U.S. governments to move Futenma airfield to an overseas 
location. Iha said. "The city's people are scared of aircraft roars 
and are afraid of aircraft crashes. In order to resolve such a 
situation, I will do my utmost to have Futenma airfield closed down 
and returned." 
 
Concerning traffic patterns studied for helicopters to avoid flights 
over urban areas, Iha pointed to U.S. military choppers' repeated 
training flights over urban areas even after an agreement was 
reached between Japan and the United States in 2007. Iha added: 
"According to the U.S. military's masterplan, there must not be any 
obstacles within the clear zone. However, there are public 
facilities and houses, such as Futenma Second Elementary School. 
This situation cannot be left as is." 
 
(5) SDF trained as often as 81 times in 2005-2007 at U.S. military 
bases in Okinawa 
 
AKAHATA (Page 2) (Abridged) 
 
TOKYO 00001020  006 OF 006 
 
 
April 11, 2008 
 
The Self-Defense Forces carried out 81 training programs at U.S. 
military bases in Okinawa during the three fiscal years, 2005 
through 2007. Such "training programs" are de facto Japan-U.S. joint 
bilateral training exercises. It shows that Japan and the United 
States have been integrating their military forces in Okinawa, as 
well. 
 
This is the first time that such training has been revealed in terms 
of their frequency. This was discovered from documented data 
submitted by the Defense Ministry to Seiken Akamine, a House of 
Representatives member of the Japanese Communist Party. 
 
According to the data, the SDF conducted such training 31 times in 
fiscal 2005, 18 times in fiscal 2006, and 32 times in fiscal 2007. 
In their breakdown, the Ground Self-Defense Force conducted a total 
of 28 training programs during the three fiscal years, the Maritime 
Self-Defense Force at 5, and the Air Self-Defense Force at 48. 
 
Those SDF training programs were mostly carried out at the U.S. 
Marine Corps' Camp Hansen and the U.S. Air Force's Kadena Air Base. 
The two bases are to be shared with the SDF, based on an 
intergovernmental agreement between Japan and the United States on 
the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan. 
 
GSDF participants were trained to get a knowledge of "the U.S. 
Marine Corps' organizations and functionalities." In addition, they 
were also trained to fight in actual warfare through such training 
programs as "landing operations," "martial arts," and "frontline 
medical evacuation (MEDEVAC) for casualties." On Nov. 14, 2006, they 
were also trained for how to deal with improvised explosive devices 
(IED). 
 
The SDF's participation in those training programs was reported in 
the Asagumo, a newspaper published mainly for the Defense Ministry. 
According to its Nov. 30, 2006 issue, 42 participants from the GSDF 
1st Combined Brigade, which is based at the GSDF's Naha garrison, 
received training from U.S. Marines who are back from Iraq, using 
IED's actually brought from Iraq. 
 
SCHIEFFER