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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 11 TOKYO 000748 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 03/19/08 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Interview with U.S. Ambassador to Japan J. Thomas Schieffer: 
Simple possession of child pornography contributes to victimizing 
more children; Current law tantamount to allowing child abuse 
(Yomiuri) 
 
(2) Interview with Under Secretary Dobriansky: U.S. ready to fulfill 
binding obligation (Hokkaido Shimbun) 
 
(3) Poll on Fukuda cabinet, political parties, gas tax, Aegis 
accident, BOJ nomination (Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Prime minister suffering setback in steering his administration, 
finding both hands tied on appointing BOJ governor, setting road 
funds: Criticism also coming from ruling camp (Nikkei) 
 
(5) CEFP affirms acceleration of EPA talks; Negotiations with EU 
also called for (Nikkei) 
 
(6) U.S. has failed to pay noise compensation for four years; 
Government's weak-kneed response clear (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(7) Okinawa police arrest two American minors on suspicion of 
stealing 5,400 yen from taxi (Okinawa Times) 
 
(8) Japan decides basic plan on marine surveys within EEZ (Asahi) 
 
(9) Where is nonpartisan league Sentaku going? (Mainichi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Interview with U.S. Ambassador to Japan J. Thomas Schieffer: 
Simple possession of child pornography contributes to victimizing 
more children; Current law tantamount to allowing child abuse 
 
YOMIURI (Page 16) (Full) 
March 19, 2008 
 
United States Ambassador to Japan J. Thomas Schieffer, who met with 
Justice Minister Hatoyama on March 11 in order to urge Japan to ban 
the simple possession of child pornography, has given an interview 
to the Yomiuri. In it, Schieffer stressed: "I'd like you to face up 
to the tragedies that are happening to children." 
 
Q: What is your view about child pornography? 
 
A: "Child pornography is a serious problem common to the entire 
world. Japan has no statute banning the simple possession of child 
pornography. This is tantamount to allowing the people who sexually 
abuse children a license to abuse." 
 
Q: What effect do you think it has on children? 
 
A: "Unlike adults, children are not able to give their consent to 
sexual activities. Children who were photographed for child 
pornography not only suffer the physical damage of sexual abuse but 
they also suffer psychological damage stemming from their 
self-respect being hurt, something that will continue with them into 
the future. Fears that their images may be repeatedly watched by 
someone could change children's lives." 
 
 
TOKYO 00000748  002 OF 011 
 
 
Q: Do you think there are any connections with the broad use of the 
Internet? 
 
A: "What is obvious is the fact that child pornography is 
circulating like an epidemic disease. It is an international issue. 
Speaking about paranoid ideas like sexually abusing children to 
others may be a shameful act, but doing so on the Internet without 
showing one's appearance and doing so in anonymity is a different 
story. The problem is that when abusers communicate with each other, 
they may start to feel they are part of a community, and that what 
they do is normal." 
 
Q: What is your message to the Japanese public? 
 
A: "Once images related to the sexual exploitation of children are 
released, there is no end to it. This leads to further crimes and 
has an incalculable effect on the next generation of children. I'd 
like the people of Japan to think about what can be done to save the 
children." 
 
Nara Prefecture establishes prefectural rules on child porno, with 
two cases subject to them so far 
 
Of the cases of alleged violations of the Law for Punishing Acts 
Related to Child Prostitution and Child Pornography, the number of 
arrests related to child porno has been on the rise from 177 in 2004 
to 470 in 2005 and 616 in 2006, the National Police Agency say. 
 
Nara Prefecture established prefectural regulations on protection of 
children from criminal damage in response to the case of kidnapping 
and murder of a young girl in November 2004 and put them into force 
in 2005. The regulations have the provisions on prohibiting and 
punishing the simple possession of child pornography involving 
children aged below 13 for the first time across the country. Two 
cases so far have been made subject to the regulations. 
 
According to the Nara Prefectural Police, the first of the two cases 
came up in the process of investigating a charge of violation of the 
law. The second case was uncovered when the police were 
investigating a man who had been following a young girl around. The 
police found the man in question possessed child pornography. 
 
The prefectural police's Livelihood and Safety Department's 
investigator Ryoji Nitaki said: "If we are informed or get 
information that there is someone who possesses child pornography, 
it is the prefectural police's responsibility to prove that that 
person's possession of such is in violation of the regulations. The 
police can't blindly search for the material or arrest that 
person." 
 
When asked about what effects there would be by a provision banning 
and punishing the simple possession of child pornography once the 
law is amended, the investigator emphasized: "The provision would 
force someone who already possesses child porno to discard it." 
 
(2) Interview with Under Secretary Dobriansky: U.S. ready to fulfill 
binding obligation 
 
Hokkaido Shimbun (Page 3) (Full) 
March 17, 2008 
 
A key point in coping with climate change is how to reduce 
 
TOKYO 00000748  003 OF 011 
 
 
greenhouse gas emissions. The Hokkaido Shimbun interviewed U.S. 
Under Secretary Paula J. Dobriansky, who represented the U.S. 
government in the latest G-20 ministerial dialogue held in Chiba. 
 
The U.S. is ready to fulfill a binding international obligation set 
under a global agreement signed by major economies. Requirements 
will naturally be different according to country, depending on each 
nation's circumstance and capability, but the pledges made by major 
economic powers should be common in principle. 
 
In the Heiligendamm Summit last year, Japan, the European Union 
(EU), and Canada promised to halve global greenhouse gas emissions 
by 2050. Keeping this commitment in mind, President Bush stated: "I 
am interested in what kind of long-term targets will be worked 
out." 
 
The idea of setting mid-term targets was taken up in the latest 
Major Emitter Meeting (MEM) and has also been eagerly discussed in 
the U.S. Targets for countries will be set probably with 
consideration given to such factors as each nation's energy 
security, economic development, and environment management. 
 
Over Japan's proposal for a sector-specific approach, different 
countries have different views. We welcome that proactive 
discussions have been conducted on the issue. In the next round of 
MEM in April, the full session on the first day will be devoted to 
discussing this issue. 
 
We would like to hold a MEM summit meeting around when the Lake Toya 
is held in Hokkaido and produce a summit declaration. 
 
(3) Poll on Fukuda cabinet, political parties, gas tax, Aegis 
accident, BOJ nomination 
 
YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 18, 2008 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage. Parentheses denote the results of a 
survey taken in February.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Fukuda cabinet? 
 
Yes 33.9 (38.7) 
No 54.0 (50.8) 
Other answers (O/A) 2.6 (2.8) 
No answer (N/A) 9.5 (7.7) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the foregoing question) Pick 
up to two reasons for your disapproval of the Fukuda cabinet. 
 
I can't appreciate its political stance 47.8 (47.9) 
It's unstable 26.8 (27.6) 
The prime minister is untrustworthy 23.4 (27.8) 
Nothing can be expected of its economic policy 37.9 (37.0) 
Nothing can be expected of its foreign policy 8.6 (7.8) 
Because it's a coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New 
Komeito 8.8 (10.6) 
Because the prime minister is from the LDP 4.9 (5.4) 
It's worse than its predecessors 8.1 (6.6) 
O/A+N/A 3.0 (2.4) 
 
 
TOKYO 00000748  004 OF 011 
 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? Pick only one. 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 33.1 (32.6) 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 17.6 (20.0) 
New Komeito (NK) 2.7 (3.2) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.5 (2.1) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.1 (0.9) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.3 (0.1) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.1 (0.1) 
Other political parties --- (---) 
None 41.9 (40.4) 
N/A 0.7 (0.8) 
 
Q: Do you think it would be better to continue the current 
provisional rate of taxation on gasoline for roads after the Special 
Taxation Measures Law expires at the end of March? 
 
Yes 27.0 
No 64.2 
N/A 8.8 
 
Q: The ruling coalition is going to pass a bill to continue the 
current rate of provisional taxation on gasoline while the 
opposition camp is opposed to that. Do you think the ruling and 
opposition parties should compromise and agree to revise the bill? 
 
Yes 63.3 
No 28.5 
N/A 8.2 
 
Q: Do you think the government dealt appropriately with the recent 
collision of a Maritime Self-Defense Force Aegis destroyer with a 
fishing boat that has left the fishing boat's two crewmen missing? 
 
Yes 18.9 
No 74.1 
N/A 7.0 
 
Q: Do you appreciate the DPJ's response over a nominee for the post 
of Bank of Japan governor? 
 
Appreciate very much 4.4 
Appreciate somewhat 21.0 
Don't appreciate very much 37.7 
Don't appreciate at all 21.7 
N/A 15.2 
 
Q: What kind of government would you like to see now? Pick only 
one. 
 
The current LDP-Komeito coalition government 22.1 
A DPJ-led coalition government of opposition parties 16.1 
The LDP's single-party government 7.2 
The DPJ's single-party government 4.9 
A coalition government centering on the LDP and the DPJ 20.7 
A government under a new framework of political parties after 
realigning the ruling and opposition parties 15.3 
O/A 0.4 
N/A 13.2 
 
Polling methodology 
Date of survey: Mar. 15-16. 
 
TOKYO 00000748  005 OF 011 
 
 
Subjects of survey: 3,000 persons chosen from among all eligible 
voters throughout the country (at 250 locations on a stratified 
two-stage random sampling basis). 
Method of implementation: Door-to-door visits for face-to-face 
interviews. 
Number of valid respondents: 1,786 persons (59.5 PERCENT ). 
 
(4) Prime minister suffering setback in steering his administration, 
finding both hands tied on appointing BOJ governor, setting road 
funds: Criticism also coming from ruling camp 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 19, 2008 
 
The vacancy in the post of Bank of Japan (BOJ) governor following 
tortuous debate that went down to the wire is a major defeat for 
Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda. He nominated a person who had served as 
vice finance minister, while being fully aware of the deep-seated 
opposition coming from the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or 
Minshuto). His proposal once again failed to secure Diet approval, 
as expected. With his efforts to revise the bill related to the 
provisional rate on the gasoline tax also going nowhere, voices of 
concern about his weakening political base are growing stronger. 
 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Secretary General Bunmei Ibuki at the 
party's Executive Council meeting held on March 18 right after the 
government resubmitted its selection of a candidate for governor of 
the central bank indicated his determination to do his utmost to 
avoid the post from becoming vacant. He noted, "I would like you to 
deal with the situation properly in order to prevent a vacuum from 
occurring." However, one member of the LDP leadership after the 
meeting expressed his disgruntlement with Ibuki, saying, "Many 
participants complained about Ibuki, wondering what the secretary 
general is doing about the problem." 
 
There are indications that the prime minister once considered a 
business leader instead of a former bureaucrat as a candidate for 
BOJ governor to replace the candidacy of former Deputy Governor 
Toshiro Muto. But in the end, Fukuda selected a former vice finance 
minister. Since he reached that decision by extending the March 17 
deadline that the ruling camp had set in order to avoid the post 
from becoming vacant, his disappointment is obvious. One senior 
Upper House member even said, "If the post becomes vacant with the 
Upper House voting down the prime minister's (second) proposal, it 
will be the end of the Fukuda cabinet." 
 
There are many pressing issues for the administration to deal with 
by the end of March. In particular, there is the need to pass bills 
related to special-purpose road construction revenues, including the 
maintaining of the provisional gas tax. 
 
The prime minister once again called on the DPJ to respond to talks 
to revise the road construction revenue bills at an Upper House 
Budget Committee meeting, saying: "I would like to revise the bills 
wherever necessary. I want the opposition camp to consider our 
intention, even if only slightly." DPJ member Tatsuo Hirano 
responded in a cool-headed manner: "The matter cannot be settled in 
exchange for shortening the period of the application of the 
provisional rate from the 10 years as originally proposed. What is 
at issue is not that." 
 
Road policy-related LDP members remain cautious about a drastic 
 
TOKYO 00000748  006 OF 011 
 
 
revision of the bills. General Council Chairman Toshihiro Nikai 
checked the move: "Just obtaining understanding from the opposition 
camp will not settle the issue. The decision must not be made 
lightly." 
 
The opposition camp is determined to confront the government in the 
Diet. They have pursued the responsibility of Welfare Minister 
Yoichi Masuzoe, following the revelation that it is now impossible 
to identify approximately 20.25 million pension premium contribution 
records. They are also strengthening criticism of the administration 
over the Aegis destroyer's collision with a trawler. Ruling party 
members are increasingly alarmed about the move with former 
Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa noting, "The DPJ is trying to 
 
SIPDIS 
bring about a dissolution of the Lower House and a snap election, by 
causing a panic." 
 
With the prime minister's lack of leadership in mind, some ruling 
party members said, "There are no special measures we can take." One 
official who has served in one of the three executive posts 
yesterday evening openly said, "Those who do not want to be part of 
this administration will presumably increase." 
 
(5) CEFP affirms acceleration of EPA talks; Negotiations with EU 
also called for 
 
NIKKEI (Page 5) (Full) 
March 19, 2008 
 
The government's Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy (CEFP) in a 
meeting yesterday affirmed a policy course to accelerate economic 
partnership agreement (EPA) talks with other countries. To be 
prepared for such negotiations, the panel underlined the need to 
improve the structure of the agricultural sector that would be 
exposed to products from other countries. In the session, 
private-sector members also called for negotiations with the 
European Union (EU), while the foreign minister and agriculture 
minister voiced cautious views. A roadmap for talks will be 
discussed in future talks. 
 
The EPA is intended to forge comprehensive cooperative relations 
regarding investment rules and intellectual property protection 
after eliminating tariffs in principle. 
 
With the deadlock in the Doha Round of multilateral trade talks 
under the World Trade Organization (WTO) aiming at multilateral 
trade liberalization, Japan has decided to push ahead with bilateral 
EPA negotiations. 
 
Japan has signed agreements with eight countries already, including 
Thailand and the Philippines, where Japanese automakers have 
invested. In yesterday's meeting, private-sector members proposed 
promoting talks with Australia and aiming to enter into negotiations 
with the EU. They also highlighted the need to enhance 
competitiveness in exports of automobiles and other products where 
Japanese makers excel in. 
 
In response, Agriculture Minister Masatoshi Wakabayashi said: "In 
the ongoing talks, we are urging Australia to keep tariffs on wheat, 
beef and other products in place. The talks are at a difficult 
stage." In response to a private-sector member's proposal for 
crafting an EPA roadmap up to the year 2010, Foreign Minister 
Koumura said, "It might affect the talks with Australia." Given 
 
TOKYO 00000748  007 OF 011 
 
 
Japan's defensive stand in agriculture, the foreign minister 
indicated that the government should proceed with negotiations 
cautiously. 
 
Japan's progress on EPAs 
 
Countries whose EPAs with Japan have gone into effect Singapore, 
Mexico, Malaysia, Chile, Thailand 
Countries that have signed EPAs with Japan Philippines, Brunei, 
Indonesia 
Countries that have reached broad agreements with Japan Association 
of Southeast Asian Nations 
Countries negotiating with Japan Vietnam, Gulf Cooperation Council 
(Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and other countries), South Korea, India, 
Australia, Switzerland 
 
(6) U.S. has failed to pay noise compensation for four years; 
Government's weak-kneed response clear 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 3) (Full) 
March 19, 2008 
 
Tokyo 
 
Foreign Minister Masahiko Koumura indicated in a House of 
Representatives plenary session yesterday that the United States has 
yet to pay its share of compensation determined in noise lawsuits 
filed against U.S. bases across Japan, including Kadena Air Base. 
Koumura said: "The governments of Japan and the United States hold 
different positions, and the matter has yet to reach a settlement." 
The compensation totals 22.2 billion yen. Koumura was responding to 
a question from Kantoku Teruya of the Social Democratic Party. 
 
It came to light in May 2004 that the United States had not paid the 
compensation. Since then, the government has been grilled many times 
at the Diet. The United States' failure to pay the compensation over 
the last four years has again exposed the weak-kneed response of the 
Japanese government. 
 
To a question asking how much the United States should pay, Koumura 
said, "Answering that question at this point in time is difficult," 
indicating that the two countries have yet to reach an agreement. 
The United States' share is set at 75 PERCENT  of the total under 
the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement. Based on this figure, the 
United States is required to pay 16.65 billion yen. 
 
Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba also revealed that 545.9 billion yen 
in Japan's host nation support for stationing U.S. forces in Japan 
(sympathy budget) was spent on building 11,295 housing units 
(including those under construction) on U.S. bases across Japan 
between fiscal 1979 and 2007. This comes to 42.79 million yen per 
unit. 
 
(7) Okinawa police arrest two American minors on suspicion of 
stealing 5,400 yen from taxi 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 25) (Full) 
March 19, 2008 
 
Okinawa police arrested by March 18 two American minors on suspicion 
of robbing a box containing cash of the taxi they were in. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000748  008 OF 011 
 
 
The arrested are a 16-year-old male high school student of Yaeshima, 
Okinawa City, and a 15-year-old unemployed boy with no fixed 
address. 
 
According to investigators, the two boys brought the taxi they were 
in to a halt on a road at Tobaru in the city at around 10:45 p.m. 
March 16 and stole a box (worth approximately 1,000 yen) containing 
5,400 yen from the vehicle. 
 
Upon receiving a report from the taxi driver, police officers rushed 
to the scene and questioned the high school student near the spot 
and arrested him an hour later. Although the other boy was on the 
run, police determined his whereabouts based on information obtained 
from his friends and arrested him at around 10:40 p.m. March 18. 
 
(8) Japan decides basic plan on marine surveys within EEZ 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
March 4, 2008 
 
At a cabinet meeting yesterday, the government adopted a basic plan 
on ocean surveys, the purpose of which is for all relevant 
government ministries and agencies to work on measures in a 
cross-sectional manner. The plan includes a suggestion to place 
restrictions on scientific surveys by foreign countries within 
Japan's exclusive economic zone (EEZ). This plan was created in 
accordance with the Basic Act on Ocean Policy, which took effect in 
last April. The plan will be reviewed in five years. 
 
In connection with oceanographic activities within the EEZ, the plan 
points out: "Japan has a problem with other countries because both 
sides insist certain sea areas are within their territories." The 
plan notes: "In order to secure our country's interests, Japan needs 
to strengthen the monitoring and controlling systems in order to 
exercise its jurisdiction over exploration and development in an 
appropriate manner." 
 
In addition, the plan includes (1) bringing into commercial use 
within 10 years methane hydrate, from which natural gas is 
produced,; (2) doubling the number of vessels carrying the Japanese 
flag in five years; and (3) centralizing marine information 
collected from independent administrative agencies at one place. 
 
(9) Where is nonpartisan league Sentaku going? 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Full) 
Evening, March 17, 2008 
 
Former Mie prefectural governor Masayasu Kitagawa and other 
like-minded knowledgeable persons established the National League to 
Clean up (or Set Choices for) Japan in View of Local Communities and 
Consumers," which calls itself "Sentaku." It is said that the group 
aims to evolve and develop politics based on policy manifestos in 
cooperation with another suprapartisan group called "Parliamentary 
League Sentaku, but ... 
 
Interview with Kenji Eda, Lower House member: Change policy course 
toward new party movement 
 
When I heard about the plan of creating a new nonpartisan league 
called "Sentaku" late last year, I placed my hopes on the new group. 
I share the group's policy goal of decentralizing the government's 
 
TOKYO 00000748  009 OF 011 
 
 
authority and its stance of giving consideration to ordinary 
citizens. If like-minded local government heads and lawmakers 
jointly make efforts to implement specific measures, it would grow 
into a significantly large movement. 
 
But looking at the group's lineup, I felt disappointed. The group 
has too many members, including both proponents of decentralization 
and forces resisting it. The group is indisputably a mixture of all 
kinds of people, as if reflecting the current state of political 
parties. I guess it will be difficult to unify views, and I wonder 
if satisfactory results will ever be produced there. Some of the 
lawmakers who have joined the group also say what I have just said. 
 
For instance, public opinion is divided over the 
highway-construction taxes. I wonder why the group, which has put 
forth the policy of giving priority to the interests of regions and 
ordinary citizens, does not issue an emergency statement stressing 
something like this: "The government should decide to open tax 
revenues for general use, reallocate the revenues to local 
governments, and then enable the local governments to construct 
highways on their own judgment." Mr. Kitagawa suggests ending 
"democracy that entrusts everything (to the central government)." He 
stresses the need to "hand the government's authority over to local 
governments" and to "eliminate the centralized administrative 
system." But he remains unable to do so, because he has gathered too 
many people with quite different views. For instance, the group 
includes as an executive Miyazaki Governor Hideo Higashikokubaru, 
who insists that the provisional highway-related tax rates should be 
maintained. 
 
The current political turmoil has been caused not by the state of 
the reversal of strengths between the ruling and opposition camps in 
the Diet but by a lack of unity in political parties. In the Liberal 
Democratic Party and the Democratic Party of Japan, there are too 
many members who have diverging views about security, 
decentralization, and other issues. That's why I am calling for a 
reorganization of the political world. 
 
If the Sentaku group served to touch off such a reorganization, I 
would join it. But the group has fallen into a trap set by itself, 
saying that "the group does not intend to carry out a new party 
movement or to reorganize the political world," indicating that it 
premises its activities to the end on the existing framework of 
political parties. 
 
I understand why the group drew in Higashikokubaru, who has been 
attracting great media attention. That is because his membership 
will make people interested in the group. But I think Mr. Kitagawa 
may be now bewildered because the public is now looking in an 
unexpected direction. 
 
The public harbors great dissatisfaction with the situation in the 
Diet, where deliberations remain stalled as the ruling and 
opposition camps struggle for power. At such a time, if a group like 
Sentaku were to work out policies divorced from the political center 
in Nagata-cho and then spring into action with the support of a 
lawmakers from all parties who agree with them, the impact would be 
enormous. Pro-reform local government heads and intellectuals also 
should support their moves. I hear, though, that the parliamentary 
group will first address the task of reforming the Diet and the 
bureaucracy, probably stemming from the judgment that such would be 
most acceptable. But the panel would be digressing from its main 
 
TOKYO 00000748  010 OF 011 
 
 
raison d'etre. 
 
Although forming a sumo ring is necessary, what the political 
community needs now are wrestlers. Mr. Kitagawa, with his knowledge 
and experience, should take the risk and become a wrestler, since he 
was the one who established Sentaku. It would be difficult to reform 
the current two-party system and party politics using only such 
means as campaigning with manifestos. That is because existing 
political parties are hodge-podges of different views. I hope the 
group will make a policy switch to reorganize the political world 
under the slogan of giving priority to the interests of local 
communities and consumers 
 
Interview with Yasushi Kudo, president of Genron NPO: Send a clearer 
message 
 
Many people seem to be feeling that the Sentaku group's policy 
stance is not easy to understand, probably because the group has yet 
to reveal its clear stance. 
 
Mr. Kitagawa proposes reorganizing the political world from the 
viewpoint of ordinary citizens or consumers, as well as promoting an 
election campaign based on policy manifestos. Mr. Kitagawa is a 
leader whom I respect. But he has shifted his standing location to 
the government and has formed the Sentaku, keeping in mind the 
possibility that it will serve as an absorber after political 
reorganization, but Mr. Kitagawa has yet to present to the people 
the principles of his group as a political one and its goals to 
attain. He has said that the group, without aiming to become a new 
party or pursing political reorganization, will become a pressure 
group for manifestos. 
 
I agree to his aim of having Japanese political parties draw up 
proper manifestos. Since we have evaluated each party's manifesto 
and have announced our evaluations over the past five years, we 
welcome his move. But all participants from political circles in the 
Parliamentary League Sentaku belong to any of the existing political 
parties. I wonder why they need to join the group. They should 
improve their parties' manifestos through intraparty reform. 
 
Since the existing political parties are not very good, it is 
understandable for them to want to form a third political trend, 
that is, a new political party, in the near future. But they remain 
unable to reveal this true intention and so move to just collect 
other politicians who belong to any of the existing political 
parties. Seeing this, I feel there is a limit to the group that 
draws in only politicians. Many lawmakers have sensed that the 
political world might soon be reorganized, so some joined the group 
that includes a famous governor, but they are not serious about the 
tasks on the agenda. Since the people can see through such a 
smokescreen, the group is finding it difficult to send a clear 
message to the voters. 
 
I fully understand why such a move has started on the political 
stage. In a questionnaire conducted by the Genron NPO to gauge 
public views of the first 100 days of the Fukuda administration, 
45.4 PERCENT  replied that they did not have high hopes for the 
existing political parties, more than 10 points higher than those 
with positive replies. The British magazine Economist reported that 
the responsibility of the current stagnation in Japan rests with 
politicians. But a number of people have already begun to realize, 
too, that the ongoing political paralysis is harming the future of 
 
TOKYO 00000748  011 OF 011 
 
 
Japan. People are concerned about their future, but the ruling and 
opposition blocs are merely engaged in a struggle for power in the 
Diet, including the current dispute over naming new candidates for 
the top seats at the Bank of Japan. They cannot sense how the public 
are feeling. The reason why an environment for a change of 
government has not been created is probably because both camps have 
devoted themselves to a self-righteous struggle, instead of 
competing with each other for the sake of the nation's future. 
 
In past political reform, a change of government under the two-party 
system was ideal. Although the stage for that ideal drama has 
already been set, why is there no obvious point of contention and 
why is the Diet left in a state of disorder? The answer might be 
that politicians do not move toward the voters and that the voters 
are also hardly aware of the system of democratic governing. 
 
We should not easily pin our hopes on political moves or criticize 
them. Unless voters are aware that they have created such politics 
and are therefore responsible for the way politicians and the 
government function, Japan's politics will never change, and 
political innovation will never occur. 
 
SCHIEFFER