VZCZCXRO7805
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #0400/01 0450809
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 140809Z FEB 08
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 1745
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 8485
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 6092
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 9761
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 4679
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 6695
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1671
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 7739
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 8355

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 TOKYO 000400 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/14/08 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Pref. assembly to pass resolution in protest of U.S. 
serviceman's rape (Okinawa Times) 
 
(2) Editorial: Must avoid having the USFJ realignment being affected 
by Okinawa schoolgirl rape incident (Sankei) 
 
(3) Editorial: Schoolgirl raped in Okinawa -- Another despicable act 
by an American soldier (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(4) Editorial: Why another incident in Okinawa? (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Aso approaching DPJ with eye on becoming prime minister after 
Fukuda (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(6) LDP eager to enact permanent law, while New Komeito and DPJ less 
enthusiastic (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(7) Ishiba's vision to integrate MOD and SDF personnel and unify 
three staff offices into one creates stir (Asahi) 
 
(8) What is Fukuda administration's environmental diplomacy? (Part 
1): Environmental policy in view of relations with NGOs (Asahi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Pref. assembly to pass resolution in protest of U.S. 
serviceman's rape 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 1) (Full) 
February 14, 2008 
 
In the wake of an Okinawa-based U.S. Marine's rape of a junior high 
school girl, the Okinawa prefectural assembly's special committee on 
U.S. military bases, chaired by Seiichi Oyakawa, passed a resolution 
unanimously in protest of the incident. The resolution calls the 
incident is "an extremely atrocious crime that tramples on human 
dignity," adding that it is "a mean act that can never be forgiven." 
The resolution calls for the U.S. forces and others to take every 
possible measure in order to prevent such an incident from 
recurring. In the committee meeting, an official from the Okinawa 
prefectural police revealed that U.S. military personnel have been 
involved in a total of 14 rape cases (including attempted ones) 
since 1995. The resolution of protest will be brought up to a 
plenary sitting of the prefectural assembly today and is expected to 
be unanimously passed. 
 
In the committee meeting, an official from Okinawa Prefecture's 
Military Base Affairs Division explained that the total number of 
off-base registered housing units for rent to U.S. forces was 6,098 
as of September last year, including 5,107 contracted houses. In 
addition, the official also revealed that the prefectural government 
remains unable to grasp the number of persons living in these 
houses. 
 
In this connection, Sogi Kayo, a member of the special committee 
from the Japanese Communist Party, pointed out that Japan remains 
unable to grasp the number of U.S. servicemen living in off-base 
housing because U.S. military personnel are not subject to resident 
registration with local government offices. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000400  002 OF 010 
 
 
Akira Uehara, chief of the Okinawa governor's office, noted that it 
would be difficult to have U.S. military personnel living in 
off-base housing register their residency. "But," Uehara added, "I'd 
like to consult with other organizations about whether that is 
possible." 
 
Another member of the special committee, Masaharu Kina, who is with 
the Okinawa Socialist Masses Party (OSMP), challenged the fact that 
Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima did not lodge a protest but instead took the 
form of making a request to U.S. military officials when they called 
at the prefectural government office. "The governor should have 
distanced himself more from them," Kina said. Uehara explained, "The 
governor expressed his regret, but this of course connotes a 
protest." 
 
In addition, Uehara also stated that the Japanese and U.S. 
governments responded "very quickly" to the incident. "I think that 
they are strongly aware of how serious the incident is," he said. 
 
The resolution demands three points: 1) offering apologies to the 
victim and family as well as making full compensation; 2) taking 
effective and specific steps for the thoroughgoing prevention of a 
recurrence; and 3) reducing the U.S. military presence further. 
 
Representatives from the prefectural assembly will present the 
resolution to Japanese and U.S. government organizations in Okinawa 
Prefecture tomorrow and to Japanese and U.S. government 
organizations in Tokyo on Feb. 18-19. 
 
(2) Editorial: Must avoid having the USFJ realignment being affected 
by Okinawa schoolgirl rape incident 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
February 13, 2008 
 
Something that should never have occurred has happened again.  A 
U.S. Marine Corps staff sergeant stationed in Okinawa has been 
arrested on suspicion of raping a school girl. The incident has 
deeply damaged the feelings of Okinawa's residents, who have long 
sought elimination of crimes committed by U.S. servicemen. Both 
Japan and the U.S. should strictly investigate the case and do their 
utmost to prevent a recurrence. They should try to settle the case 
with great sincerity so that it will not become politicized. 
 
The rape of a girl in 1995 became complicated over how to deal with 
the accused under the Japan-U.S. Status-of-Forces Agreement (SOFA). 
The incident became politicized, shaking the bilateral alliance. The 
Japan-U.S. Special Action Committee (SACO) on Okinawa, signed an 
agreement that included the return of Futenma Air Station to Japan. 
Ten years later, a realignment of U.S. forces in Japan has begun as 
a follow on to that agreement. The incident this time has occurred 
at such a time. 
 
The major goal of SACO and the U.S. forces realignment plan, as 
agreed on in 2006, is to strengthen the deterrence capabilities of 
the Japan-U.S. alliance and to reduce Okinawa's base burden. In 
particular, 75 PERCENT  of U.S. bases are concentrated in Okinawa. 
Needless to say, the physical and psychological burdens of U.S. 
military bases include crimes committed by U.S. servicemen. 
 
Such being the case, a situation in which anti-U.S. base sentiment 
escalates to an extent of disrupting progress of the realignment of 
 
TOKYO 00000400  003 OF 010 
 
 
U.S. forces in Japan must be prevented by all means. That is the key 
challenge facing the politics of Japan and the U.S. That is because 
it would be the reverse of our intention, if efforts to implement 
the realignment plan aimed at reducing base burden suffer a 
setback. 
 
Such a situation would serve as a negative factor affecting the 
bilateral alliance and could threaten the peace and safety of people 
in Okinawa. Foreign Minister Koumura on Feb. 12 expressed concern, 
"It is likely that the incident will affect Japan-U.S. relations." 
He made that comment with such a possibility in mind. 
 
Delicate consideration to the sentiment of people in Okinawa and 
cool-headed administrative judgment are indispensable in order to 
facilitate the realignment plan, while obtaining understanding of 
local people. There is no excuse for the heinous crime that befell 
the girl. It is only natural that Governor Hirokazu Nakaima has 
filed a strong protest. 
 
Both Japanese and U.S. authorities must throw light on the case and 
press ahead with strict procedures, while responding directly to the 
prefectural residents' anger. It will also be necessary to draft new 
measures in close cooperation with the local community so that their 
calls for prevention of a recurrence will not wind up being nothing 
more than hollow phrases. 
 
Crimes committed by U.S. servicemen are not just Okinawa's problem. 
All local governments involved in the realignment of U.S. forces in 
Japan are watching whether the case can be settled in a manner that 
satisfies local resident. We want the Japanese government not to 
forget that. 
 
(3) Editorial: Schoolgirl raped in Okinawa -- Another despicable act 
by an American soldier 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 5) (Full) 
February 13, 2008 
 
Another incident of U.S. soldier raping a schoolgirl has occurred in 
Okinawa, creating even greater public concerns. If the incident had 
occurred one day earlier, a different outcome would likely have come 
about in the Iwakuni mayoral election in Yamaguchi Prefecture. We 
have heard over and over promises to do the utmost to prevent a 
recurrence of such incidents. The government must make serious 
efforts now to eliminate such crimes. 
 
The alleged rape incident took place on the night of Feb. 10, the 
same day that a candidate supportive of the planned relocation of 
U.S. carrier-based aircraft to Iwakuni won the Iwakuni mayoral 
election. A U.S. Marine Corps staff sergeant at Camp Courtney in 
Uruma, Okinawa Prefecture, accosted three girls on a local street 
and drove one of the three to his home. When the girl began crying, 
the suspect put her into his car and raped her there. Later, police 
in Okinawa Prefecture arrested the Marine on the charge of raping 
the girl. The suspect has denied the allegation. 
 
Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima said angrily: "It is a grave 
incident that infringes on women's human rights." A wave of anger is 
spreading across the nation. The Japan-U.S. alliance is supposed to 
protect the peace and safety of the people and should not be a cause 
for creating a situation that creates fear among the public. Still, 
we repeatedly hear news of vulgar acts by U.S. soldiers. 
 
TOKYO 00000400  004 OF 010 
 
 
 
In 1995, a 12-year-old girl was raped by three U.S. servicemen in 
Okinawa. This incident sent a shock wave across the nation. Set off 
by this incident, the governments of Japan and the U.S. agreed on a 
plan to return Futenma Air Station to Japan and to improve the 
operation of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement. Despite such 
agreements, there is no end to crimes involving U.S. servicemen. 
 
Whenever an incident occurs, the government asks the U.S. side to 
enforce tighter discipline and to take steps to prevent a recurrence 
of similar crimes. But this kind of incident has once more occurred. 
The two governments seem hardly aware that the series of incidents 
could affect the very foundation of the bilateral alliance. 
 
The latest incident also may have some effect on the issue of 
relocating Futenma Air Station to Nago City. The Nago municipal 
government has finally agreed to start an environment impact 
assessment in preparation for constructing runways. In response to 
this development, the government has decided to provide the 
municipal government with subsidies linked to accepting the 
realignment of U.S. forces in Japan. As it stands, the relocation 
issue was about to emerge from a state of deadlock and move forward. 
But the incident will inevitably make residents react even more 
fiercely to constructing a new U.S. military facility in their city. 
The incident is also likely to seriously affect all local 
governments housing U.S. military bases. 
 
The government should take a resolute attitude in negotiating with 
the U.S. government on the matter and hold talks with local 
residents in a sincere manner, instead of resorting to the usual 
method of exerting influence with money. Prime Minister Fukuda said: 
"This is a very serious problem. I want you to make utmost efforts 
to clear up the facts about the incident." In many cases in the 
past, the prime minister has treated such matters as if they had 
nothing to do with him. 
 
It is now time to study the possibility of reviewing the Japan-U.S. 
Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). This agreement contains a number 
of conditions disadvantageous to Japan. For instance, there is a 
clause specifying that the custody of an accused member of the U.S. 
armed forces or a civilian component, if the individual is in the 
hands of the U.S., shall remain in U.S. military custody until 
indicted by Japanese authorities. Since the operation of SOFA was 
improved, the U.S. side has responded to Japan's requests more 
flexibly, but the U.S. still has discretionary power. 
 
Japan should take a firm stance in dealing with the latest incident, 
keeping the possibility of revising the SOFA in mind. Taking such a 
stance might be a shortcut to eliminating crimes by U.S. soldiers. 
The government must quickly come up with specific countermeasures to 
put an end to the chain of tragedies. 
 
(4) Editorial: Why another incident in Okinawa? 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
February 13, 2008 
 
One immoral person's act can seriously undermine the relationship 
between one country and another. The alleged rape of a junior high 
schoolgirl in Okinawa by a 38-year-old U.S. Marine Corps staff 
sergeant is exactly that kind of case. It has rekindled memories of 
the 1995 gang rape of a 12-year-old schoolgirl by three U.S. 
 
TOKYO 00000400  005 OF 010 
 
 
servicemen (also in OkIGQQIG&j:Wqskf(event a recurrence of similar problems. 
 
However, another rape has occurred. Is this because people had 
forgotten about the incident that occurred 13 years ago? If there is 
something that is lacking in education, the U.S. military will need 
to harshly deal with not only the suspect but also those involved 
with the education of servicemen. 
 
An agreement reached at the Japan-U.S. Special Action Committee on 
Okinawa (SACO) after the 1995 rape incident included the return to 
Okinawa of land now used for the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station, a symbol of Okinawa's burden of hosting U.S. military 
bases. But the agreement has not been translated into action as the 
construction of the alternative facility for Futenma Air Station has 
been delayed. 
 
Tokyo and Washington agreed in May 2006 to complete the construction 
of the replacement facility and relocate 8,000 U.S. Marine Corps' 
personnel to Guam by 2014. If the agreement is implemented even in 
stages, the burden of U.S. military bases carried by Okinawa will be 
reduced. 
 
The incident this time could become an obstacle to implementing that 
agreement. Okinawa residents regard the construction of the 
alternative facility for Futenma Air Station as a new base. Some 
argue against relocating the base in Okinawa. It is only natural 
that the argument against the relocation plan will be strengthened. 
 
The U.S. government, however, considers the relocation of Marine 
Corps' personnel from Okinawa to Guam and the construction of the 
replacement facility for Futenma Air Station as requisites for the 
realignment of U.S. forces in Japan. If the construction of the 
replacement facility is delayed, the relocation of U.S. Marines to 
Guam will also be delayed. As a result, Okinawa will continue to 
shoulder the current burden of U.S. military bases as is. 
 
What is important for the Japanese and U.S. governments are: 1) to 
vow to come up with preventive measures that are convincing and 
provide relief to the residents of Okinawa; 2) to implement the 
measures; and 3) to make it specifically understood that the 
implementation of the Japan-U.S. agreement would reduce Okinawa's 
 
TOKYO 00000400  006 OF 010 
 
 
burden. If the recent rape incident thwarts the implementation of 
the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, the timetable for Okinawa's 
burden to be lightened will be delayed. 
 
Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda should immediately go to Okinawa. 
 
(5) Aso approaching DPJ with eye on becoming prime minister after 
Fukuda 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
February 13, 2008 
 
Hiroshi Shinkai 
 
The ruling Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) former Secretary General 
Taro Aso has been approaching the major opposition Democratic Party 
of Japan (DPJ). Aso, who thinks highly of himself as a most likely 
successor to Prime Minister Fukuda, appears to be making 
preparations to deal with the lopsided Diet, in which the ruling 
bloc controls the Lower House and the Upper House is under the 
opposition's control. 
 
On Feb. 5, Aso held a preparatory meeting for the supraparty 
Federation of Diet Members for Promoting e-Local Government. Aso is 
expected to assume the post of chair of the group with DPJ Secretary 
General Yukio Hatoyama expected to assume the post of deputy chair. 
On Feb. 9, Aso delivered a speech on pension policy, in which he 
suggested shifting from the current system to finance basic pension 
from collected premiums to a system to finance basic pension 
entirely from tax revenue. The DPJ, too, has proposed the same 
system as Aso's 
 
Some analyze Aso's move as wooing the DPJ, but Aso laughs off such 
analysis, saying, "They are off the point." But one LDP lawmaker who 
is involved in that federation frankly revealed that the purpose of 
establishing it is to build a good relationship with the DPJ. The 
lawmaker said, "It is better for Aso to have various kinds of 
personal networks with various groups, given the divided Diet." Aso, 
due to his strong conservative nature, has not until now established 
good relations with the DPJ. But with an eye on the next LDP 
presidential election, Aso has now judged it is better to overcome 
as many weak points he has as possible. 
 
In the LDP, however, some frown on Aso's move with one senior member 
saying, "It's outrageous for him to behave as he does now at a time 
when the LDP is having a showdown with the DPJ." Even in his 
faction, a mid-level lawmaker expressed concern about Aso's move to 
hurriedly build a relationship with the DPJ, noting, "He needs to 
sort out whom he should contact." 
 
(6) LDP eager to enact permanent law, while New Komeito and DPJ less 
enthusiastic 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
February 14, 2008 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party's taskforce on a permanent law 
governing the overseas dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces held its 
inaugural meeting at party headquarters yesterday. In the session, 
the chair, former LDP Vice President Taku Yamasaki, revealed a plan 
to submit a bill to the current Diet session for deliberations with 
the aim of enacting a permanent law at an early time. Meanwhile, the 
 
TOKYO 00000400  007 OF 010 
 
 
LDP's coalition partner, New Komeito, is reluctant to enact such 
legislation, and the major opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ 
or Minshuto) is also taking a wait-and-see attitude, despite the 
LDP's expectations for its cooperation. The LDP's eagerness for 
enacting the bill stands out alone. 
 
At the meeting, Yamasaki underlined the need for an early enactment 
of a permanent law, saying: "Unless a permanent law is enacted, 
Japan might not be able to deal with some situations." 
 
Yamasaki's eagerness for speedy legislation is attributable to the 
fact that the current Antiterrorism Special Measures Law, the legal 
basis for the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling operation in 
the Indian Ocean, expires in January 2009. 
 
The LDP's thinking is that in order to avoid the MSDF's refueling 
mission being suspended for the second time under the divided Diet 
in which the opposition bloc controls the House of Councillors, the 
country needs a legal system allowing the government to dispatch the 
SDF on overseas missions as necessary. 
 
The envisaged permanent law must be enacted during the next 
extraordinary Diet session in the fall before the Antiterrorism 
Special Measures Law expires in January. Given slim chances for 
sufficient deliberation time in the extra Diet, a bill must be 
submitted during the current session for discussion to some extent. 
 
The LDP sounded out the New Komeito on establishing a joint project 
team as early as Feb. 27. The New Komeito, which has discussed the 
matter at a pace of once or twice a week since January, is likely to 
respond to the LDP's call for beginning discussions in the ruling 
camp. 
 
Discussions on a permanent law will inevitably escalate into debates 
on new options, including making changes to the constitutional 
interpretation in order to, for instance, expand the scope of cases 
in which the dispatched SDF personnel are allowed to use weapons. 
For this reason, the New Komeito is cautious about enacting a 
permanent law at an early date. 
 
The LDP, which wants to obtain the DPJ's cooperation starting with 
discussions on the envisaged permanent law, is paying close 
attention to moves by the largest opposition party, which has many 
lawmakers with positive views about enacting permanent legislation. 
 
LDP member and former Defense Agency chief Gen Nakatani on the phone 
yesterday proposed to DPJ shadow cabinet foreign minister Yoshio 
Hachiro that the two parties discuss a permanent law. Hachiro 
declined the proposal, saying: "We will not discuss it at this point 
when the ruling bloc's view is not clear." 
 
The situation is that the DPJ, having opposed the refueling 
operation all along under the antiterrorism law, cannot easily begin 
talks with the LDP, which eyes permanent legislation for continuing 
the refueling operation. 
 
(7) Ishiba's vision to integrate MOD and SDF personnel and unify 
three staff offices into one creates stir 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Abridged slightly) 
February 13, 2008 
 
 
TOKYO 00000400  008 OF 010 
 
 
Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba's organizational restructuring 
vision to integrate the non-uniformed officers at the Ministry of 
Defense (internal bureaus) and uniformed personnel (Self-Defense 
Forces) is creating a stir. MOD bureaucrats worry about losing their 
predominance, while SDF officers fear that the integration will 
leave seeds of conflicts between the Ground, Maritime, and Air 
Self-Defense Forces. Ishiba plans to launch later this month a 
project team composed of MOD bureaucrats and SDF officers to push 
ahead with the realignment. 
 
At a meeting of the council to reform MOD under the leadership of 
the Prime Minister's Office (Kantei), Ishiba proposed integrating 
the internal bureaus and SDF into three departments each responsible 
for (1) building up defense capabilities, (2) employment, and (3) 
accountability for the Diet and the general public. Ishiba 
underlined the need to review the system in which non-uniformed 
officers have been allowed to take the leadership in determining 
budgets and decision-making. 
 
MOD bureaucrats' predominance goes back to 1950 when Home Ministry 
bureaucrats were allowed to play a central role in establishing the 
National Police Reserve (predecessor of the SDF) under the current 
Constitution from bitter lessons learned from the military's bloated 
power in the prewar period. 
 
The Defense Agency and SDF were established in 1954. Since then, 
non-uniformed officers have been responsible for assisting the 
defense chief. The unwritten rule of not appointing SDF officers as 
senior MOD officials is still alive today. 
 
Ishiba's vision comes from this view: Civilian control is a system 
in which elected civilian politicians control the SDF organization, 
including non-uniformed and uniformed officers; it is different from 
non-uniformed officers' predominance. 
 
MOD officials are alarmed at the Ishiba vision, as seen in one 
official's comment: "If uniformed officers' authority is 
strengthened, the trend would become stronger that amateur, 
non-uniformed officers should not meddle in troop operations." 
 
Ishiba also envisages integrating the Ground, Maritime, and Air 
Staff Offices into one, along with the internal bureaus. 
 
A senior MOD official took this view about Ishiba's plan: "If one 
individual monopolizes the authority of the chiefs of the three 
forces, he would not be able to make appropriate decisions because 
he does not have know-how on matters concerning other forces. Troop 
morale might also decline depending on which one of the three forces 
becomes the top officer." 
 
For the integrated operations of the Ground, Maritime and Air 
Self-Defense Forces, each force is shifting their operational 
functions to the Joint Staff, launched in 2006. A Liberal Democratic 
Party lawmaker with ties to defense interests said coldly: "(The 
defense minister) should consider integrated operations of the three 
forces ahead of organizational restructuring." 
 
(8) What is Fukuda administration's environmental diplomacy? (Part 
1): Environmental policy in view of relations with NGOs 
 
ASAHI (Page 17) (Abridged) 
February 7, 2008 
 
TOKYO 00000400  009 OF 010 
 
 
 
The Asahi Shimbun held a fifth panel discussion of its "Council to 
Discuss Asahi Shimbun's News Reports" at its head office in Tokyo on 
Jan. 28. The main theme of the discussion was the Asahi's "news 
reports on Japanese diplomacy and international issues." The way the 
daily deals with the environmental issues was also discussed. 
 
Moderator: Katsuji Yoshida, chief of the Secretariat at the Council 
to Discuss Asahi Shimbun's News Reports 
 
-- In coming May, Japan will host the Tokyo International Conference 
on African Development (TICAD) in Yokohama City and after that, the 
Group of Eight Summit in Lake Toya, Hokkaido in July (G8 Toyako 
Summit). With those diplomatic events lying ahead, how do you rate 
the Asahi's news reports on Japan's diplomatic agenda? 
 
Michiya Kumaoka, member of the council: At an annual meeting in 
January of the World Economic Conference in Davos, Switzerland, 
Prime Minister Fukuda demonstrated his determination to lead the 
work of setting new country-selective greenhouse gas emission 
reduction targets to be applied to years beyond 2013. But this 
daily's "Jiji Kokkoku" (Hot topic) column dated Jan. 27 gave the 
impression that Fukuda did so out of his political judgment that a 
success of the G8 Toyako Summit could give a boost to his 
administration. 
 
I want the Asahi to delve more into how the prime minister will lead 
the work of setting country-selective emission reduction targets, 
which he proposed despite opposition from business leaders and the 
Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) at home. 
 
The Asahi also reported that the major opposition Democratic Party 
of Japan (DPJ) is trying to work together with environment-oriented 
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in policy-making. When it comes 
to NGOs' and civic groups' participation in policy-planning or 
policy-making, Japan is said to be behind the United States and 
European countries, but various groups, stimulated by the upcoming 
G8 Toyako Summit, are sponsoring forums, working on the government, 
the ruling and opposition parties and other strata of the society, 
and increasing their influence. I think the Asahi needs to report on 
their moves, as well. 
 
On the environmental issues, "Eco wars," a New Year's series, was a 
good project. What was most impressive in the series was that the 
Darfur conflict in Sudan, Africa, was analyzed in the context of not 
only ethnic and religious disputes but also the deteriorating 
environment and the spread of desertification. As the causes of the 
conflict, the article pointed out that the conflict is a struggle 
for leadership over who will manage natural resources against the 
backdrop of the destruction of nature. 
 
A scramble for natural resources has two aspects: (1) one is related 
to resources, such as rare metals and oil and (2) the other is more 
fundamental and is related to basic resources like soil, water 
sources, fishing grounds, and forestry. I expect the Asahi to carry 
news reports in light of these two aspects. 
 
When it comes to Africa, we Japanese tend to have a gloomy image of 
the continent as filled with conflicts and poverty. Indeed, 
conflicts and poverty exist there, but there are people and regions 
that have overcome such difficulties and established a vibrant 
community. The Asahi dealt with those aspects of Africa in its 
 
TOKYO 00000400  010 OF 010 
 
 
series "Changing Africa." 
 
Japan has trimmed its official development assistance 40 PERCENT 
for the past decade. I expect the Asahi to report on the 
effectiveness of and adequacy for Japan's aid policy and ODA, 
including other countries' evaluation of Japan's aid policy and 
ODA. 
 
Hayami Ichikawa, editor on foreign and international affairs: We 
have decided to focus our reporting in the area of diplomacy on (1) 
Japan-China relations, (2) the United States and Aria, (3) the North 
Korea issues, (4) each country's ulterior motives as to the 
environment, and (5) Africa, and (6) development and international 
cooperation. Of these, we will attach importance especially to the 
environment and Africa. 
 
When we write news reports on the African issues, we try to somehow 
link them to Japan or the Japanese society, for we want to 
familiarize our readership with Africa. 
 
Seiki Nemoto, editor for political affairs: The Fukuda 
administration's environmental diplomacy has been affected by 
political judgment as you pointed out. The government and the ruling 
bloc are wavering in their discussions. Prime Minister Fukuda 
mentioned he will set country-selective greenhouse emission 
reduction targets, but a tug of war is likely to continue between 
Fukuda and groups opposing his proposal. 
 
Michiya Kumaoka: is director of the Japan International Volunteer 
Center (JIVC) and former president of the JIVC; born in 1947 and 
advisor to the Japan office of the United Nations High Commissioner 
for Refugees and guest professor at the University of Tokyo Graduate 
School. 
 
SCHIEFFER