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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 16 TOKYO 000255 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/31/08 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) "Dissolution of Lower House in April" totally avoided with 
withdrawal of stopgap bill (Asahi) 
 
(2) Difference underscored in interpretation of "a vote on budget 
bills within fiscal year" between ruling camp, DPJ (Asahi) 
 
(3) Conduct probing discussion on propriety of road-tax system 
(Asahi) 
 
(4) Maher: "Opposing training is odd" (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(5) No change in Futenma plan: Maher (Okinawa Times) 
 
(6) Independence of Okinawa and coexistence with it: Progress of 
relocation of Futenma functions; Continuation of sincere dialogue 
urged (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(7) Editorial: Iwakuni mayoral election to question government's 
base administration (Mainichi) 
 
(8) Cabinet Office's experts council to hold its first meeting: Can 
investment in Japan be boosted? Its ratio to GDP remains one-tenth 
of that of Germany, France, barred by people's sense of alarm 
(Sankei) 
 
(9) Views split on restrictions on foreign investment in airports 
(Asahi) 
 
(10) Dialogue (2nd installment): Outlook for 2008-Cutting the world 
(Sankei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) "Dissolution of Lower House in April" totally avoided with 
withdrawal of stopgap bill 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Abridged) 
January 31, 2008 
 
Prime Minister Fukuda and major opposition Democratic Party of Japan 
(DPJ) President Ozawa avoided a decisive showdown at the eleventh 
hour. Minutes before a planned vote at a Lower House plenary session 
yesterday on a stopgap bill aimed at extending the deadline for the 
provisional tax rate for gasoline, the ruling and opposition parties 
reached agreement on handling the bill. Ozawa has given up on his 
strategy of using the tactic of forcing the lowering of the gasoline 
price in order to drive the Fukuda administration into dissolving 
the Lower House for a snap general election. Instead, Ozawa intends 
to now watch for the opportunity to turn the tables. Meanwhile, 
Fukuda, having pursued the possibility of having "talks" with 
(Ozawa) until the last minute and thus avoiding a possible 
dissolution of the Lower House in April, did not rule out the 
possibility of forming a grand coalition with the DPJ. Forming a 
grand coalition is still seen as the ultimate breakthrough to 
resolve the current divided Diet. 
 
DPJ give policy priority over resistance 
 
"We thought that we had to take whatever measures were to prevent 
passage of (the stopgap bill)." DPJ Secretary General Yukio Hatoyama 
 
TOKYO 00000255  002 OF 016 
 
 
made this comment yesterday when he was asked by reporters about the 
reason why his party made a move to handle the situation. 
 
Some in the DPJ leadership were optimistic until the last minute 
that the ruling parties, perhaps fearing the public's criticism of 
their violating the Diet's right to deliberation, would not force a 
vote on a stopgap bill. In fact, Ozawa told a press briefing 
yesterday: "If some of good judgment exists in the government and 
the ruling bloc, the act of forcing a vote will not be taken." 
 
When the ruling bloc introduced a stopgap bill in the Diet on the 
night of Jan. 29, the DPJ was deeply wrapped in a sense of crisis. 
For the party, it is difficult to obstruct the passage of the bill 
in the Lower House, where the ruling bloc holds a two-third majority 
of seats. At noon yesterday, Ozawa suddenly met with Hatoyama and 
other party leaders, and they decided to accept mediation proposed 
by the Lower House speaker and the Upper House president. 
 
The mediation included the passage saying "reaching a conclusion to 
a certain level by the end of this fiscal year," inclusion of which 
the ruling bloc strongly called for. As of Jan. 29, the DPJ argued 
that it "can't accept any condition with a time limit, for such a 
condition means to oust it from the right to deliberate" as its Diet 
Affairs Committee Chair Kenji Yamaoka put it. But the DPJ gave 
priority to an agreement with the ruling parties and accepted the 
mediation. Ozawa's strategy was to drive the Fukuda administration 
to dissolve the Lower House in April for a snap general election 
with a gasoline price cut as a leverage, but this strategy has now 
been sealed. 
 
The mediation also included the item that revisions would be made in 
the legislation to what has been agreed on among parties. The DPJ 
intends to urge the ruling parties to incorporate tax revenues for 
road projects into general revenues and scrap the provisional tax 
rate. 
 
Deputy President Naoto Kan asserted at a meeting yesterday of the 
party's lawmakers: "My understanding is that the gong signaling the 
start of a match has formally been sounded. By holding thorough 
debate, we will not fail to scrap the provisional tax rate, which 
means a big tax break. In so doing, we expect the public to conclude 
that the DPJ needs to take the helm." 
 
Fukuda leaves possibility of forming a grand coalition 
 
Late yesterday Fukuda, apparently relieved, told reporters: "This is 
the result of tenacious negotiations between concerned officials 
from the ruling and opposition parties. That's good, indeed." He 
added: "It's necessary to have in-depth discussion. I've 
consistently maintained doing so is necessary. I've not asserted 
anything other than that." 
 
Fukuda envisions a possible dissolution of the Lower House for a 
snap general election sometime after the Group of Eight Summit in 
Lake Toya, Hokkaido, (G8 Toyako Summit) in July. So his real feeling 
is not to bring about any definite showdown with the DPJ, because 
such could lead to an early dissolution of the Lower House. In fact, 
a senior LDP member noted: "If both sides insisted on their 
respective assertions, it was highly likely that the Lower House 
would be dissolved for a snap general election." 
 
Fukuda also appeared reluctant to rule out the possibility of 
 
TOKYO 00000255  003 OF 016 
 
 
forming a grand alliance with the DPJ by forcing a vote on "a 
throat-cutting bill for the opposition parties," a senior member of 
the junior coalition partner New Komeito explained. 
 
For Fukuda, losing the chance to establish a coalition government 
with the DPJ is tantamount to giving up a strong tool for managing 
the political situation. It also means that he can switch from the 
hard-line stance of repeatedly having to take second vote on Upper 
House rejected bills. If that happens, it could help bring down 
further the already sluggish approval ratings for his cabinet and 
could drive him into corner before he decides to dissolve the Lower 
House after the G8 Toyako Summit. 
 
When he was told by a ruling bloc lawmaker that "if a stopgap bill 
is submitted to the Diet, an idea of forming a grand coalition with 
the DPJ would be totally impossible," reportedly Fukuda appeared 
hesitated to (submit such a bill). 
 
Details of the medication by the heads of both chambers of the Diet 
 
¶1. In examining a total budget bill and an annual revenue bill, 
in-depth discussion, including holding public hearings and 
question-and-answer sessions involving unsworn witnesses, should be 
held, and both sides should reach a certain degree of conclusion 
before the end of this fiscal year. 
¶2. Revisions will be made in the legislation on what is agreed on 
among parties through Diet debate. 
¶3. Regarding the above (1) and (2), if a clear consensus is reached 
between the ruling and opposition parties with the heads of both 
chambers of the Diet present, what is called a safety net (or 
bridging) bill will be withdrawn. 
 
Note: Reaching a certain degree of conclusion before the end of this 
fiscal year means to follow the past practices for deliberations on 
a budget bill and an annual revenue bill in both chambers of the 
Diet (according to Lower House Speaker Kono's oral explanations. 
 
First step to break impasse in divided Diet 
 
Commentary 
 
How to best use the divided Diet? The divided Diet was described in 
a negative manner, but now the Diet has made a step forward to break 
the impasse in the lopsided Diet. 
 
The bridging bill introduced by the ruling bloc is seen as an 
outlandish measure to cleverly use a constitutional provision. The 
bill is aimed at silencing the Upper House on the strength of a 
two-third majority of seats in the Lower House. It could lead to 
arguing that the Upper House is of no use. 
 
Recently, after a bill was rejected by the Upper House, a 
second-vote on the bill was taken for the first time in 57 years in 
the lower House. At the time, Lower House Speaker Yohei Kono 
revealed, "This is an act that is insulting to the Upper House." 
Perhaps for this experience, Kono was tenacious in negotiations. We 
appreciate that each party accepted the mediation and had the 
stopgap bill withdrawn. 
 
This outlandish measure has set the stage for concessions in the 
Diet. The mediation includes this passage saying, "Alternations will 
be made in the legislature to what is agreed on in deliberations." 
 
TOKYO 00000255  004 OF 016 
 
 
This may be a good opportunity to break the impasse in the current 
lopsided Diet, instead of being forced to make choice between two, a 
clash and a grand coalition. 
 
"How well to use the divide Diet to promote politics is a 
challenge," said Upper House Speaker Satsuki Eda at a press briefing 
when he, along with Kono, proposed the mediation. The ruling and 
opposition parties are both being tested for their capabilities as 
to whether they can produce fruit through debate after avoiding a 
clash. 
 
(2) Difference underscored in interpretation of "a vote on budget 
bills within fiscal year" between ruling camp, DPJ 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
January 31, 2008 
 
In negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties yesterday, 
the ruling side set forth as an absolute condition for withdrawing 
the stopgap bills for extending the provisional gasoline tax rates 
the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) guarantee that a vote on 
budget-related bills will be taken within this fiscal year without 
fail. Until yesterday morning, the DPJ requested that the parts 
pertaining to the provision tax rates should be separated from the 
bills, and on "a vote within this fiscal year," the main opposition 
party did not make the promise, using only this expression: "Both 
sides will make utmost efforts to reach a certain conclusion." 
 
A compromise proposal by the House of Representatives speaker, 
agreed on between both sides, noted: "A certain conclusion will be 
reached by the end of this fiscal year." Regarding its 
interpretation, Lower House Speaker Yohei Kono said: "It means that 
we will follow custom." House of Councillors President Satsuki Eda 
also said at a press conference: "That probably means that (a 
decision) will be made." The ruling side interprets that a vote by 
the end of March has been guaranteed. But DPJ Secretary General 
Yukio Hatoyama told reporters: "We have not promised to end the 
entire process by the end of this fiscal year," underscoring a 
difference in both sides' interpretations. 
 
(3) Conduct probing discussion on propriety of road-tax system 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
January 31, 2008 
 
The ruling and opposition camps agreed yesterday to thoroughly 
deliberate on a bill designed to extend the current provisional 
higher gasoline tax rate. Following this, both sides will start 
discussing the propriety of the road tax system - whereby revenues 
from certain taxes are exclusively set aside for road construction - 
as well as on whether the system is necessary in the future. Both 
camps should conduct thorough discussion, focusing on these 
questions by the end of March, until when both sides pledged to 
reach a conclusion. 
 
1) Judgment on propriety of use of tax revenues for limited purpose 
to be made by end of March 
 
House of Representatives Speaker Yohei Kono held a press conference 
last evening after the ruling bloc agreed on his compromise proposal 
and decided to withdraw stopgap bills to extend the high 
road-related tax rates. Asked if the provisional tax rates will be 
 
TOKYO 00000255  005 OF 016 
 
 
maintained for another decade in accordance with the government's 
plan, Kono replied: "Please ask each political party about it. I 
think their committees concerned will make efforts." 
 
The compromise proposal specified that the relevant bills will be 
revised if political parties agree. But the ruling and opposition 
parties remain far apart over the issue, particularly, on whether to 
maintain the current system under which tax revenues of 5.4 trillion 
yen collected by both the central and local governments are used 
exclusively for road-building projects. 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) insists that the role of the 
system has come to an end. Gasoline tax revenues began to be used 
only for road-construction projects back in 1954. Kakuei Tanaka, who 
was then a lawmaker and later became prime minister, made the 
proposal, explaining that road construction is urgently needed to 
reconstruct the nation's postwar economy. He succeeded in 
introducing the tax-road system over the opposition of the Finance 
Ministry. 
 
In a meeting of the Lower House Budget Committee on Jan. 28, DPJ 
Deputy President Naoto Kan stressed: "I wonder why road-construction 
projects alone have to be still financed by special tax revenues 54 
years after (the system was introduced)." In response, Prime 
Minister Fukuda said: "In the case of roads, there apparently is a 
definite relationship between the benefits offered to and the 
burdens borne by auto users." 
 
2) 10-year road-construction plan 
 
Critics may begin to call for reviewing the mid-term plan on road 
construction (covering the decade from fiscal 2008) that dictates 
how the earmarked funds for road projects should be used. The plan - 
adopted by the government and the ruling parties last December - 
features the construction of 14,000-kilometer-covering high-standard 
highways proposed in the 4th National Development Plan in 1987. 
There is a case in which 2,900-kilometer highways were constructed 
under the Koizumi administration, incurring criticism from the 
opposition camp. 
 
New Komeito Secretary General also began to suggest: "It might be 
natural to review (the mid-term plan)." The ruling partner has 
already called on the opposition bloc to establish a joint 
consultative panel for both camps to discuss the road tax system and 
the mid-term plan. The Liberal Democratic Party road-policy clique 
in the Diet is still eager to promote road construction as before. 
Under such a situation, it will not be easy to coordinate different 
views. 
 
3) Consideration to environment 
 
Views from the viewpoint of environmental protection are also likely 
to come up. 
 
The government and the ruling parties have reiterated that a drop in 
the gasoline tax rate will boost gasoline consumption and eventually 
allow the international community to be skeptical of Japan's 
eagerness for protecting the environment. Even so, traffic will 
increase if highways are extended. Their assertion contains 
contradictions. 
 
Will the gap between the ruling and opposition camps be bridged? 
 
TOKYO 00000255  006 OF 016 
 
 
Lower House Steering Committee Chairman Takashi Sasagawa commented: 
"Both sides might agree on a plan to allow tax revenues for road 
construction to be used also to finance environment-protection 
measures." 
 
(4) Maher: "Opposing training is odd" 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
January 31, 2008 
 
The Ground Self-Defense Force will now start its joint use in March 
of Camp Hansen, a U.S. military base in Okinawa Prefecture. In this 
regard, Kevin Maher, U.S. consul general in Okinawa, raised a 
question about local opposition to the GSDF's joint use of the base. 
"I wonder why they are opposed to the Japanese Self-Defense Forces' 
joint use and training within the area of a U.S. military facility 
in Japanese territory," Maher said, adding: "This is for the defense 
of Japan and should be welcome. Joint training will also benefit 
both countries. We would like to push it." With this, Maher 
underscored its significance. Meanwhile, the U.S. federal court in 
San Francisco has ordered the U.S. Department of Defense to report 
potential environmental effects that the planned construction of an 
alternative facility for Futenma airfield in Okinawa will have on 
the dugong. "I'm sure we will be able to carry out the plan (to 
construct an alternative facility for Futenma airfield) as 
scheduled," he said. 
 
Concerning the planned construction of an alternative facility for 
Futenma airfield, Maher said, "The assessment (of the potential 
impact on the Futenma relocation site's environs) is also going on 
(in its procedures)." In this connection, he noted that the governor 
of Okinawa Prefecture has now made two comments and that the Defense 
Ministry has also given more information. According to Maher, the 
Japanese government is scheduled to hold the first bidding in early 
February for the work of dismantling facilities existing at Camp 
Schwab where Futenma airfield will be relocated. "The plan is well 
underway," he added. 
 
Meanwhile, Maher warned the Japanese government against its flexible 
stance shown in response to Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima's call for 
moving the Futenma alternative's planned construction site to an 
offshore area. "They (Japanese government) are reportedly saying the 
relocation site should be somewhat moved out at sea," he noted. 
"But," he added, "the agreed plan should be carried out." 
 
In addition, Maher touched on the U.S. military's recently announced 
plan to ship its storage of materials containing polychlorinated 
biphenyl (PCB) from U.S. military facilities in Okinawa to the 
United States in February. He said, "I can't say that's all for now, 
but we would like to process them in the United States as soon as 
possible." He also said that the joint use of Camp Hansen would 
start in March. "We hope this will help improve the capability and 
deterrence of our bilateral alliance," he said. 
 
(5) No change in Futenma plan: Maher 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full) 
January 31, 2008 
 
Kevin Maher, U.S. consul general in Okinawa, met the press yesterday 
and reiterated that the plan to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps' 
Futenma Air Station should be carried out in accordance with the 
 
TOKYO 00000255  007 OF 016 
 
 
agreement reached between Japan and the United States. Okinawa's 
prefectural and municipal governments have asked the Japanese 
government to move the planned construction site of a new airfield 
to an offshore location. "If the runway is further moved out to sea, 
there will be more landfill," Maher noted. "Based on common sense," 
he added, "it's inconceivable that the impact on the environment 
will lessen." With this, he indicated a negative view of allowing 
revisions to the Futenma relocation plan after an environmental 
assessment of the relocation site. He also stressed that the work of 
relocating Futenma airfield is well underway, including 
environmental impact assessment procedures. 
 
Meanwhile, the U.S. federal court in San Francisco has ordered the 
Department of Defense to submit documents describing the potential 
impact of Futenma relocation on dugongs. In this regard, Maher 
pointed out that Japan and the United States considered the 
project's environmental effects on the dugong in the process of 
bilateral consultations. "I'm sure that we can carry out the plan as 
scheduled," he said. With this, he indicated that there would be no 
alterations to the schedule of Futenma relocation. 
 
The U.S. military will now share Camp Hansen with the Ground 
Self-Defense Force, beginning in March. Maher welcomed this as 
"significant." "Joint use from now on and joint training thereafter 
will benefit both countries," he added. 
 
(6) Independence of Okinawa and coexistence with it: Progress of 
relocation of Futenma functions; Continuation of sincere dialogue 
urged 
 
RYUKYU SHINPO (Page 5) (Abridged slightly) 
January 31, 2008 
 
It will have been 11 years next month since I became involved in 
Okinawa affairs. I was assigned as the first state minister for 
Okinawa in February 1997. Then, I was assigned as an ambassador to 
Malaysia and retired that position as my last assignment. It now has 
been nine years since I moved to Okinawa after my retirement. 
 
I recall the duties I was assigned by then Prime Minister Ryutaro 
Hashimoto before I left for my new post in Okinawa 11 years ago. 
First, I was told to do my utmost to settle the U.S. forces' base 
issue. I was also told to eliminate gaps in the views of Okinawa and 
the mainland over various issues as much as possible. 
 
Looking back on the past decade, unfortunately it can hardly be said 
that major progress has been achieved in any issues, despite efforts 
by persons involved in the past, although there are some 
improvements observable. There are even issues that have worsened. 
 
The root cause of the problem is how human populations with 
different histories and cultures can jointly deal with new 
challenges by understanding each other's problems. Indeed, saying 
something is one thing, doing it is another. In particular, ethnic 
disputes throughout the world after the end of the Cold War and 
tragedies stemming from cultural frictions are in a shambles. 
 
On the other hand, there are cases in which danger of ethnic or 
cultural confrontation has been avoided with thoroughgoing 
approaches. One of such cases is seen in Malaysia, to which I was 
assigned, after serving in Okinawa. People with different languages 
and religions are making effort there to build a new country, 
 
TOKYO 00000255  008 OF 016 
 
 
overcoming religious, cultural and historical differences. 
 
"Yamatonchu" (people on the mainland) and "Uchinanchu" (people of 
Okinawa), who have shared history since the second half of the 19th 
century, have a common challenge of how to secure peace and 
stability in Northeast Asia and the world. There are some 
indispensable elements in order to meet this challenge. First, an 
honest and sincere dialogue must be continued. It was unfortunate 
that explanations on the realignment of the U.S. forces stationed in 
Japan (USFJ) given by the U.S. Consul General in Okinawa have been 
more accurate than those provided by the Japanese government over 
the past several years. Talks on the Futenma functions relocation 
issue appear to have gotten on track following the inauguration of 
the Fukuda cabinet. It is too early to be optimistic, but I am 
hopeful. 
 
Ehime Prefecture, from which I come from, plans to hold an 
exhibition in June this year to introduce the history of ground 
battles in Okinawa, its military base issues and tourists spots as 
well as its performance art and products, with cooperation by 
sources related to the Okinawa Cultural Hall. The plan also includes 
exchanges of young people. Okinawa Prefecture appears to have 
received similar requests from other prefectures. If one such an 
event is held in one prefecture every year, it would take 46 more 
years to hold such an event in all prefectures. Achieving this goal 
is my New Year's resolution. This is not at all Hatsuyume or the 
first dream of the new year. 
 
Hideki Harashima: First state minister for Okinawa. 
 
(7) Editorial: Iwakuni mayoral election to question government's 
base administration 
 
MAINICHI (Page 5) (Full) 
January 31, 2008 
 
A small city with a population of 150,000 is going to make its third 
decision on the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan (USFJ). 
 
Iwakuni City in Yamaguchi Prefecture will announce on Feb. 3 the 
start of official campaign for the mayoral election scheduled for 
Feb. 10. The major campaign issue is whether the city will accept 
the government's plan to transfer carrier-borne aircraft to the U.S. 
Marine Corps Air Station Iwakuni from the U.S. Naval Air Facility 
Atsugi in Kanagawa Prefecture. 
 
The central government compiled an interim report on the realignment 
of USFJ in October 2005 without coordinating views with local 
municipalities. The interim report included the construction of 
replacement facility for the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station, 
the realignment of Camp Zama, and the transfer of 59 carrier-borne 
aircraft from Atsugi to Iwakuni. 
 
The contents of the interim report were confirmed in a final report 
made in May 2006. The governments of Japan and the United States 
agreed to complete by 2014 the USFJ realignment plan. After the 
issuance of the final report, the Japanese government appears to 
have become less enthusiastic about USFJ realignment. 
 
The government had to make more efforts after the agreement was 
reached with Washington rather than before the agreement. We learn 
that from Iwakuni's current situation, which was split between the 
 
TOKYO 00000255  009 OF 016 
 
 
group favoring the government's plan and the other being against 
it. 
 
Former Mayor Katsusuke Ihara, who has opposed the realignment plan, 
resigned late last year over a conflict with the municipal assembly, 
many of whom go along with the government's plan. He then made a 
choice of running again for the mayoral election to seek the 
judgment of the people. 
 
The group in favor of the government's plan has backed former Lower 
House member Yoshihiko Fukuda. Fukuda's resignation was approved on 
Jan. 22. 
 
In 1999 when first elected as Iwakuni mayor, Ihara stated that the 
city would accept the transfer of refueling aircraft from the 
Futenma Air Station to a base in the city, but he refused to accept 
the transfer of carrier-born aircraft to the city for the reason 
that the city's burden would be excessive. In a referendum held in 
March 2006, those who disapproved the government's plan accounted 
for 89 PERCENT . Ihara was reelected as mayor in April 2006. 
Therefore, Iwakuni City has already shown twice its refusal of the 
government's plan. 
 
The central government decided to subsidize the costs for 
construction of a new city hall because Iwakuni accepted the 
transfer of refueling aircraft to a base in the city. It then 
provided 300 million yen in fiscal 2005 and 1.1 billion yen in 
fiscal 2006 to Iwakuni. 
 
The government, however, has now suspended 3.5 billion yen, which 
was supposed to be subsidized in fiscal 2007, although it had 
decided to do so in December 2006. 
 
The subsidies for the construction of a new city hall were decided 
before the plan to transfer of carrier-born aircraft came up. The 
government is using strong-armed measures to draw out a commitment 
from Iwakuni by putting pressure on it financially. It goes without 
saying that the Defense Ministry is responsible primarily for making 
the issue worse. 
 
The major purpose of the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan was to 
reduce Okinawa's burden of U.S. military bases. It is true that the 
government cannot accomplish its goal if it respects only the wishes 
of municipalities to which U.S. military facilities are relocated. 
Therefore, it is necessary for the government to hold thorough 
discussion with these local governments. What will be on the hot 
seat in the Iwakuni mayoral election is the central government's 
base administration. 
 
(8) Cabinet Office's experts council to hold its first meeting: Can 
investment in Japan be boosted? Its ratio to GDP remains one-tenth 
of that of Germany, France, barred by people's sense of alarm 
 
SANKEI (Page 10) (Full) 
January 31, 2008 
 
The Cabinet Office's Experts Council on Investment in Japan (chaired 
by Chiba University of Commerce President Haruo Shimada) to consider 
measures to promote inward foreign direct investment in Japan held 
its first meeting in Tokyo yesterday. The panel aims at attracting 
foreign investors as a last card to revitalize the Japanese economy, 
which is expected to slow due to progress of the declining birthrate 
 
TOKYO 00000255  010 OF 016 
 
 
and the aging population. However, whether it will be able to come 
up with effective measures is unclear, because a sense of alarm 
about the idea of foreign companies setting up shop in Japan remains 
deep-seated among domestic companies and the public. 
 
State Minister for Economic and Fiscal Policy Hiroko Ota during the 
meeting called for a change in thinking, noting, "It may be an 
illusion to think that foreign companies want to enter the Japanese 
market." 
 
The outstanding balance of inward foreign investment in Japan stands 
at 15.4 trillion yen as of the end of September 2007, showing a 
marked increase from the 6.6 trillion yen recorded at the end of 
¶2001. The government in 2003 mapped out the inward foreign direct 
investment in Japan promotion program with the aim of doubling the 
rate of inward foreign direct investment to gross domestic product 
(GDP). It has given high scores to the program as having produced a 
certain level of results in expanding investment through the 
enactment of the Company Law and the introduction of the triangular 
merger system. 
 
The ratio of the outstanding balance of inward foreign direct 
investment in Japan to GDP stands at the 2 PERCENT  level, which is 
way behind South Korea's 8.8 PERCENT , Germany's 25.1 PERCENT  and 
France's 33.2 PERCENT . 
 
Chairman Shimada during a press conference after the meeting 
underscored the need to promote inward foreign direct investment in 
Japan, saying, "The growth is a bit slow under the present program. 
It is necessary to further promote investment in Japan." 
Participants in the meeting analyzed factors that hampering 
investment, such as regulations, the M&A mechanism, and problems 
with the tax system. The panel wants to make specific proposals that 
would lead to a substantive expansion of investment in a final 
report, which it plans to issue in April. 
 
Domestic companies' resistance to M&A's by foreign companies is 
deep-rooted, as can be seen in Bulldog Sauce's response to a U.S. 
investment fund's takeover bid. With the Supreme Court's decision 
that Bulldog's takeover defensive measures were valid as the 
occasion, "Japan passing," or the trend of foreign investors 
avoiding making direct investments in Japan, is spreading. Regarding 
the tax system, too, there are growing calls for a corporate tax 
break, but such a request remains unrealized. 
 
To what extent those impediments can be eliminated holds the key to 
the panel's discussion. To begin with, it appears necessary to 
change the mindset of those Japanese who are against foreign 
penetration of the Japanese market. Promoting investment would seem 
to be a difficult task. 
 
(9) Views split on restrictions on foreign investment in airports 
 
ASAHI (Page 11) (Abridged) 
January 31, 2008 
 
The question of maintaining the restrictions on foreign investment 
in major facilities at Narita and Haneda Airports has cropped up 
over ways to achieve increased investment in Japan, a key element in 
the government's growth strategy. The Ministry of Land, 
Infrastructure, and Transport (MLIT) eyes a cabinet decision on a 
related bill next week. Criticism is simmering in the Liberal 
 
TOKYO 00000255  011 OF 016 
 
 
Democratic Party saying that keeping restrictions in place goes 
against the government's goal of increased investment in Japan. The 
Cabinet Office hosted yesterday the inaugural meeting of the experts 
council on investment in Japan, chaired by Chiba University of 
Commerce President Haruo Shimada, to study ways to increase 
investment in Japan. Attention is focused on how foreign investors 
will react to the new restrictions. 
 
An LDP Land, Infrastructure and Transport Division meeting was held 
on Jan. 29 at party headquarters. In the session, former Chief 
Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa Shiozaki criticized the MLIT-drafted bill 
revising the airport development law, saying: "Restrictions on 
foreign investment in airport facilities will send the wrong message 
at a time like this when we are trying to attract foreign capital." 
The bill is designed to curb foreigners' stakes in companies running 
main facilities at Narita and Haneda Airports to less than one-third 
on a voting right basis. 
 
Only Hiroshige Seko supported Shiozaki. The two are a minority in 
the party. Many LDP lawmakers applauded when a senior MLIT official 
explained: "There have been many cases in which airports in other 
countries were purchased by investment funds, so we need to take 
countermeasures." 
 
National assets 
 
MLIT had initially considered regulating foreign investment on the 
assumption that Haneda Airport would be listed. An Australian fund's 
acquisition last summer of a nearly 20 PERCENT  stake in JAL 
Building at Haneda resulted in MLIT's decision to expand the scope 
of foreign investments subject to restrictions. Another MLIT 
official explained: "International hub airports are national assets. 
It is undesirable for foreign capital to control them. Haneda 
Airport is a vital metropolitan airport." 
 
Such policy first drew objections from some private-sector members 
on the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy. One member said at a 
Jan. 17 meeting: "Keeping international hub airports under some 
restrictions is understandable. Still, the government should 
consider restrictions without discrimination between domestic and 
foreign capital." 
 
The Council for Regulatory Reform is also considering submitting an 
opinion paper opposing restrictions on foreign investment. Council 
member Ushio Chujo, a Keio University professor noted: "Not all 
foreign capitals are ill-intended. Restrictions must be placed on 
acts (that must not be done)." 
 
Economic and Fiscal Policy Minister Hiroko Ota attended yesterday's 
investment expert council meeting, in which she said: "The premise 
that foreign enterprises want to enter the Japanese economy might be 
an illusion." 
 
The council, established at Ota's proposal, is tasked to discuss 
impediments to foreign investment in Japan. The panel is scheduled 
to hold three to four plenary sessions and sub-panel meetings as 
necessary to produce a report in April that will go into the basic 
policy guidelines to be out in June. 
 
The Japan Investment Council, a cabinet-level panel chaired by the 
prime minister, was abolished at the end of last year. Expert 
council chair Shimada said enthusiastically, "Our panel, whose 
 
TOKYO 00000255  012 OF 016 
 
 
results will go directly into the basic policy guidelines, is more 
effective than the dissolved Japan Investment Council." Regulatory 
and tax reforms are expected to draw fierce objections. After the 
meeting, Shimada said: "The attitude blindly disliking foreign 
capital must be changed." 
 
Market also concerned 
 
The balance of direct investment in Japan stood at 2.5 PERCENT  to 
the country's GDP, which was far lower than the United States' 13.5 
PERCENT  and Britain's 47.3 PERCENT , according to 2006 UNCTAD 
(United Nations Conference on Trade and Development) statistics. 
With slow economic growth projected due to a shrinking population, 
the government is aiming to double foreign investment in Japan as 
the leverage to achieve economic growth. At the same time, 
regulatory and tax reform proposals are expected to draw heavy fire 
from political and industrial circles. 
 
Insiders of the market, where the benchmark Nikkei Stock Average has 
plunged on heavy selling by foreign investors, are also concerned 
about the future. Norihiro Fujito of Mitsubishi UFJ Securities Co., 
warned: "Although 'promoting investment in Japan' sound easy on 
ears, investors watch only the bottom line." 
 
Some observers support heavy restrictions on foreign investment in 
airport facilities from the viewpoint of security. Hitotsubashi 
University Professor Hirotaka Yamauchi commented: "Ownership of 
airports is also discussed in foreign countries from the perspective 
of national interests. For security reasons, the government must be 
involved to a certain extent in airports that also serve as 
distribution bases." 
 
Prime Minister Fukuda in his policy speech on Jan. 18 pledged to 
double foreign investment in Japan by making the investment system 
more transparent. Since then, he has apparently taken a wait-and-see 
attitude. A Cabinet Office source noted: "MLIT is trying to reach a 
decision in a short period of time. It must discuss the matter 
thoroughly, while hearing a wide range of opinions." 
 
(10) Dialogue (2nd installment): Outlook for 2008-Cutting the world 
 
SANKEI (Page 12&13) (Full) 
January 24, 2008 
 
The following is the second and last section of a dialogue between 
Yukio Okamoto, a consultant on international affairs, and Masaru 
Sato, a writer and a Foreign Ministry official currently suspended 
under indictment. (Moderator: Akio Takahata, a senior writer for the 
Sankei Shimbun) 
 
-- Last year, there was also an uproar over a grand coalition of the 
ruling and opposition parties. 
 
Sato: In my understanding, if and when there is something serious 
like a war or a major disaster and when the two sides cannot face 
off, then they will get together for a limited period of time. 
That's the way a grand coalition is, isn't it? If the LDP (Liberal 
Democratic Party) and the DPJ (Democratic Party of Japan or 
Minshuto) form a grand coalition, their lawmakers, including New 
Komeito's lawmakers, will account for more than 90 PERCENT  of the 
Diet. That's really like creating a wartime cabinet. If they cannot 
do so now, I wonder if they can do so when there is a really big 
 
TOKYO 00000255  013 OF 016 
 
 
crisis. Japan watchers cannot understand why they thought of doing 
such a thing. They say, "Japan cannot be analyzed by the usual 
international political methodology. We probably need an 
anthropological approach." 
 
Okamoto: Ha ha ha. 
 
Sato: That would really stir up our patriotic spirit. I said, "Wait. 
Is that a study of a primitive society?" 
 
Okamoto: That's right. They need a special anthropology for Japan. I 
remember that Newsweek magazine in 2002 carried a cover story, which 
said Japan would become the Switzerland of Asia. That article was 
titled, "Japan, the happy-go-lucky." The article said Japan is rich, 
comfortable, "and irrelevant." It meant to say, "We don't care about 
Japan any more. You guys can now live in easy retirement like 
Switzerland." At that time, Japan's economy was down and out. Now, 
we're going to see the same pattern. 
 
Sato: I'm afraid that Japan may really become irrelevant. Opinion 
leaders must have a sense of crisis about that. We're no longer 
human beings for international political scientists; we're now human 
beings for cultural anthropologists. 
 
Okamoto: Last fall, China held the 17th National People's Congress 
of the Chinese Communist Party and they went through a change of 
generation. When I saw that (on TV), I thought to myself that China 
was a terrific country. The Japanese media reported on something 
about the Shanghai group or Ceng Qinghong's retirement. However, the 
change of generation feature was most impressive. President Hu 
Jintao is from the fourth generation of revolutionists. In 1992, he 
for the first time became a member of the Standing Committee of the 
Political Bureau (of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist 
Party). He was about 49 at that time. In the party convention of 
2002, Jiang Zemin and all other leaders from the third generation 
retired. There was a change of generation to Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, 
and other leaders who are from the fourth generation. This time, Xi 
Jinping and Li Keqiang joined. They are from the fifth generation. 
When we see the trend in the past, these two persons will become the 
party's general secretary and premier. In 2012, the fourth 
generation will retire. And then, the fifth generation will replace 
the fourth generation. One or two will come in from the sixth 
generation. People in this sixth generation are terrific. They 
graduated from top-notch universities in China. They studied at 
universities in Europe or the United States. They have a Ph. D. or a 
master's degree, and they are also good at English. They have an 
adept understanding and deep knowledge of market mechanisms. Their 
thinking is Westernized and sophisticated. 
 
-- That sounds quite different from the change of generation in 
Japan's political world... 
 
Okamoto: Generations with strong messages toward the world will 
begin to lead China in 2012. In 2017, five years from now, China 
will totally be under the sixth generation's leadership. The change 
of generation is steadily going on. However, Japan is still going 
back and forth. When young people stand up, somebody will try to get 
in their way. In the end, they will have to give up. 
 
Sato: I entirely agree. They are only human, so, of course, there 
are struggles for power along with changes of generation. I think 
Jiang Zemin is the one who thought out the formula of creating a 
 
TOKYO 00000255  014 OF 016 
 
 
function beyond the power struggles and getting on that track. By 
the way, what I noted in the party convention this time is that they 
have changed the rules. Even in the days of Deng Xiaoping, they 
could not change the rules. This time, they revised the rules and 
incorporated a view of scientific growth in the form of replacing 
Marxism-Leninism and Maoism. The view of scientific growth was first 
advocated in 2003. In the days of Jiang Zemin, it was thoroughly 
discussed in China. It was also studied in the Chinese Academy of 
Social Sciences. 
 
Okamoto: In the past, both Maoism and Deng Xiaoping theory came in 
after their retirement. This time, the view of scientific growth 
came in when Hu Jintao is still in power. 
 
Sato: That's right. The view of scientific growth is like North 
Korea's juche (self-reliance) philosophy. They say that the people 
are everything and they must get back their identities. They have 
considerably cited the juche doctrine. In addition, they have also 
cited such ideas like the theory of evolution. In a word, they have 
a kind of social Darwinism. In the growing world, there are people 
that will survive and there are people that will not survive. They 
say China has no problem because its people will survive and China 
can evolve itself. That's their social Darwinism. They have cited 
this idea for the party's doctrine. I think that kind of China will 
have more friction with its neighbors. 
 
-- What is social Darwinism? 
 
Sato: It came from Herbert Spencer. It is the idea that (Charles) 
Darwin's theory on the origin of species-or the survival of the 
fittest-can be applied to human society. Qualified people will win 
and survive. The law of the jungle is inevitable. I mean that the 
strong prey upon the weak. China is on the side of the strong, so 
they say there's no need to worry about China. Roughly speaking, 
it's close to Nazism's racism. Everybody is not aware of this. 
 
-- Japan has upheld "kyosei (??)" (in the meaning of "symbiosis" or 
"living together") for its relations with China. 
 
Sato: That word doesn't sound good. It phonetically sounds like two 
other words ("??" and "??") which mean "forcing" and "correcting." 
These two words make me feel that I'm forced to do something or I'm 
corrected by someone. Such a nuance will remain in my depth 
psychology. That's why. Sounds mean so much to politics. 
 
Okamoto: That's interesting. 
 
Sato: Lenin was sensitive to the sounds (of words). Lenin called his 
group "Bolshevik" (majority). "Bolshe" is a Russian word, and they 
use this word when they ask for "a little more alcohol" or "a little 
more service." The word "soviet" means a conference. But there are 
many other words for a conference. They chose "soviet." That's 
because the word "soviet" sounds like "tsvet" (shining) and 
"sovisch" (conscience). Lenin always chose good-sounding words to 
account for themselves. I think it's very insensitive to choose the 
word "kyosei." There was something like this before. That was 
"genmei (??) shimashita" (strictly ordered). 
 
Okamoto: Foreign Minister Makiko Tanaka (at that time) was "strictly 
ordered" by the Chinese foreign minister (to stop Prime Minister 
Junichiro Koizumi from paying homage at Yasukuni Shrine). 
 
 
TOKYO 00000255  015 OF 016 
 
 
Sato: Yes. I don't know if this "genmei" means that he only 'said' 
(in the meaning of "??") to her or if he 'strictly ordered' her. We 
must be careful about homophones, or they will be misunderstood. A 
speech writer or someone close (to Prime Minister Fukuda) should 
have advised him (Fukuda), in this way: "Mr. Prime Minister, the 
word 'kyosei' (meaning "symbiosis" or "living together") sounds like 
that in the word 'kyosei shuyojo' (concentration camp). It would be 
better to consider another word." 
 
Okamoto: That's the kind of scientific growth. By the way, the view 
of scientific growth is an antithesis to Jiang Zemin's theory of 
"three representations," isn't it? His theory of three 
representations is that the Communist Party represents the 
wide-ranging interests of all people. This "all people" includes not 
only the working class but also the capitalist class, doesn't it? 
 
Sato: Yes, of course. 
 
Okamoto: If that is the case, they already treated people in 
state-owned and private businesses as first-class citizens when they 
revised their country's constitution in 2002. They admitted that 
it's good for individuals to make money. Next, they admitted that 
it's also good for the government to make money. Under the theory of 
three representations, the Communist Party began to make money. That 
caused corruption and widened disparity. 
 
-- Is the view of scientific growth a theory to rectify that? 
 
Okamoto: They cannot deny it suddenly and completely. That's why. 
They are now free to make money in their own ways. Even so, there is 
something they can do, and there is also something they must not do. 
They are now trying to select these do's and don'ts for a harmonized 
society. That's their view of scientific growth, isn't it? In that 
sense, this is social Darwinism. But that does not lead to moral 
values. China is a communist country. They can only say they will 
try to harmonize their country or they will try to correct 
disparities. That's why China is still weak. However, the question 
is what will come as a new thesis after communism. They may skip 
this stage, and when the sixth generation's pragmatism comes, I 
think they would make a soft landing. China will not go under. 
China's capacity will become bigger, and there will be progress in 
the change of generation. In this move, China would manage well to 
solve the problem, I think. 
 
Sato: There is one more interesting thing to note. Unlike before, 
none of China's leaders has been shot to death or confined after 
they gave up staying in power. This makes the political elite of 
that country feel easy, I think. 
 
-- In the sixth generation, do you think China will have leaders 
like 'IT nuts' with no morality? 
 
Okamoto: There may be some people like that. In China, however, 
excellent people will climb the ladder of success. China is a 
society of meritocracy. 
 
Sato: In that sense, do you think China is similar to America? 
 
Okamoto: America is not a government of meritocracy. American values 
are diversified. In the United States, excellent human resources 
will go to various places. America is a country under a federal 
system. That's why. On the other hand, China is a very centralized 
 
TOKYO 00000255  016 OF 016 
 
 
government. Excellent people all over China will go to the top. In 
China, there are young guys taking the highroad to success. They 
have a steadfast view of their country, and they also have their own 
policies. They are also in the sixth generation. 
 
Sato: One other thing is China's total manpower. That is 10 times 
larger than Japan's manpower. This is also a big factor, for sure. 
 
Okamoto: Certainly. I agree that China is also amazing. But you 
know, Mr. Sato, the country I would like to take up is America. Just 
until recently, I thought to myself that the United States' 
population was 260 million. Japan has a population of 120 million, 
so it's about 1 to 2. However, the United States now has more than 
300 million people. In 2050, the United States' population will 
reach 420 million. At that time, Japan's population will be 94 
million. This is 1 to 4.5. In the 1980s, Japan was praised sky-high 
like "Japan as No. 1." If there is such a gap with that enormous 
country, Japan will be a far cry from that. Japan has no choice but 
to follow the United States for its desperate survival. By the way, 
what do you think about India, Mr. Sato? 
 
Sato: India has yet to become civil society. India remains unable to 
break away from its caste system. The IT business is growing in 
India, but I think there is a limit to that growth given that 
country's social structure. They will not think about expansion. 
India will not become a big player. That's my impression. 
 
Okamoto: India's population is now 1.1 billion, indeed. That 
country's IT industrial population is 2 million. However, I think 
India has a big potential. They call India the world's biggest 
democracy, and India adopted democratic institutions from early on. 
Countries democratized later on ruled their people with an iron 
fist. Those countries did political Darwinism. After that, they 
democratized themselves. India was democratized without going 
through that process. In India, there are several hundred castes. 
Depending on how to count, there are several thousand castes. 
 
Sato: That's right. If there is someone who was born to those who 
must not marry, that is another caste. 
 
Okamoto: And, there are political parties that represent the 
interests of specific people. That will come up to the central 
government without being coordinated. Their ruling coalition is made 
up of as many as 17 political parties. Otherwise, they cannot get a 
majority. Each political party has veto. 
 
Sato: In that case, they cannot make any important decision. 
 
Okamoto: Their (decision-making) speed is very slow. However, the 
growth rate of India was 9.8 PERCENT  in 2006. So I wonder what 
India will grow to be. But they cannot decide. 
 
Sato: Geopolitically, India must not cave in to Islamic 
fundamentalism. That's important. And, there is one more thing. 
There is also a country like India that will not get greedy to 
dominate the world. That's also important, I think. 
 
SCHIEFFER